Deng Xiaoping

Chinese Spies: From Chairman Mao to Xi Jinping

by Roger Faligot  · 30 Jun 2019  · 615pp  · 187,426 words

Preface Introduction: Old Red Spies Never Die PART ONE 1. The Battle for Shanghai 2. Mao’s Secret Service 3. The Spies’ Cultural Revolution 4. Deng Xiaoping’s Deep-Water Fish 5. 55 Days At Tiananmen 6. Operation Autumn Orchid, Hong Kong PART TWO 7. Jiang Zemin’s Global Intelligence 8. China

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. Zhou surrounded himself with faithful Hakka comrades, also gifted in clandestine activity, and became close to a young man called Nie Rongzhen who, like Deng Xiaoping, hailed from Sichuan. He had studied with Deng at the University of Grenoble and then at Charleroi in Belgium, where he fell under the influence

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some kind of allegiance to the longstanding Elders Brothers Society (Gelaohui), whose members included Zhu De, the other military leader of the Long March, and Deng Xiaoping’s own father. “In other words,” explains the Korean historian Park Sang-soo, a specialist in rural secret societies, “if the backbone of the

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Dongxing, and theorists like Chen Boda and Zhang Qunqiao—all to the detriment of the more moderate faction around Liu Shaoqi—the “Chinese Khrushchev”—and Deng Xiaoping. Antonkin received instructions from his TASS supervisors ordering him to write articles about how the Chinese people were “hostile to Mao”. Like his KGB

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the other institutions disrupted by the Cultural Revolution. Luo Ruiqing was its first sacrificial victim. In the winter of 1966, three “revisionist” leaders, Liu Shaoqi, Deng Xiaoping and Yang Shangkun, were arrested and subjected to a barrage of intense criticism and humiliating self-criticism in mass meetings where collective hysteria prevailed over

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all preserved entire sections of the system. Zhou guaranteed the decent treatment of some jailed functionaries. This was the case for some political figures, including Deng Xiaoping, and for some intelligence agents. The collapse of the Diaochabu After the death of Kang Sheng’s rival Li Kenong in 1961, Kong Yuan,

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with the North Korean Kim Il-sung, about whose early life we know almost nothing. In 1977, a covert organization called 637 Headquarters, which backed Deng Xiaoping, circulated an illicit and devastating document entitled Fire on Hua Guofeng. This mini-biography recounted how Hua Yu, the new president’s mother, had

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8341, the army’s political security unit. State security forces, with the support of the army under Marshal Ye’s leadership, were poised to bring Deng Xiaoping to power.44 However, Hua Guofeng’s and Wang Dongxing’s reign in Zhongnanhai, government headquarters, continued. Having gained power in mid-October, they

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agent, equipped with one defective satellite radio. Coupled with the routing of the PLA on the Vietnamese border, this was a serious setback. Nonetheless, Deng Xiaoping continued to support the Khmer Rouge for another ten years as it fought the new government installed by Hanoi. Details of Diaochabu operations in Cambodia

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launch. He would soon begin the Four Modernizations programme, and usher in a massive intelligence agency appropriate for this newly awakened China: the Guoanbu. 4 DENG XIAOPING’S DEEP-WATER FISH The last emperor of China, Pu Yi, was completely swamped in his oversized uniform. This was the ultimate humiliation for the

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service—and indeed all the other services dependent on the party, foreign ministry and army—towards economic, scientific and technological research. With these three moves, Deng Xiaoping “revolutionized” Chinese intelligence. The Chinese KGB On 6 June 1983, Prime Minister Zhao Ziyang announced the establishment of a new Ministry of State Security, or

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he was “a Kuomintang spy”. MOFERT’s international sector—as well as that of its successor, MOFTEC—offered important cover for roaming Guoanbu agents, as Deng Xiaoping had suggested.12 All this training appears to have been rather necessary, because—according to several intelligence and security specialists who were fighting the new

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public disclosure of this obvious failure by its own counterintelligence service. This was during Ronald Reagan’s presidency, when the CIA had an agreement with Deng Xiaoping’s intelligence services to jointly intercept Soviet communications, and both countries were involved in joint operations supporting the Mujahedin in Afghanistan against the Soviet military

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taken by China’s “deep-water fish”—deep-cover or sleeper agents—if the intelligence they gathered, even when duly cross-checked, did not help Deng Xiaoping, Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang to make decisions? Deng gave a former diplomat, Huan Xiang, the job of establishing the International Studies Research Center

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cities. The unintended consequence of those protests had been the fall of the reformist general secretary, Hu Yaobang, who had been forced to resign. Deng Xiaoping against Mikhail Gorbachev On 16 April 1989, Hu suffered a heart attack and died. The following day, thousands of students gathered in Tiananmen Square to

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GRU were known. A month of peaceful demonstrations had already gone by. From senior members of the party up to the top brass, with Deng Xiaoping at the helm, the Chinese leadership had underestimated the rise of Gorbachev, a reformer whose policy of perestroika was clearly influencing the younger Chinese generation

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on 19 May. But their positive disposition towards the students could not last forever. As head of the intelligence services, Qiao was directly accountable to Deng Xiaoping and the Politburo Standing Committee, of which he was now third in command. Guoanbu correspondents in foreign postings, as well as his own children

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have seen Qiao Shi, the coordinator of the security services, vacillating and trying to negotiate with the students alongside Zhao Ziyang, before eventually rallying to Deng Xiaoping’s position. On 5 May, students from the Institute of International Relations (Guoji Guanxi Xueyuan), where analysts and spies are trained by director and Guoanbu

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the police academy in Hong Kong, was expelled for spying. Based in Canton, for the next twenty years he continued his surveillance work and advised Deng Xiaoping. To complicate matters further, all over Hong Kong, conflicts were breaking out between different communist factions in the region, which thousands of Chinese people fleeing

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& Investment Corporation (CITIC), founded in Beijing in 1979 by the Shanghai-born “red capitalist” Rong Yiren, also vice-president of the PRC. It was Deng Xiaoping himself who had given Rong the responsibility of setting up the CITIC, a capitalist business group in communist China, directly answerable to the State Council

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of Asia Satellite Telecommunications Ltd, which managed communication satellites in the region. Among the CITIC’s senior executives were several Red Princes, including Deng Zhifang, Deng Xiaoping’s second son, who also owned several real estate companies, a growing sector in both Hong Kong and the PRC. Wang Jun, president of

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1930s. Alongside Ding and Nie were other prominent directors: Zhang Pin, son of former defence minister Zhang Aiping, and Deng Nan, the youngest daughter of Deng Xiaoping. Clearly, the most successful Red Princes were those linked to the military-industrial lobby, which played an important role in weapons and technology proliferation. They

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and the supervision of the special services During this period, General Secretary and President Jiang Zemin was continuing down the path first mapped out by Deng Xiaoping, seeking to develop intelligence and analytical structures that would, for the first time, permit the PRC to compete on a level with the Americans.

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the influence of the CCP. This debate was made more challenging in the early 1990s, when the leadership established something of a personality cult around Deng Xiaoping and his achievements, using him as a cover to advance their own agenda. Developments in Poland had further coloured Zhongnanhai opinion against the relative reformist

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Qiao. Everything Deng Xiaoping obsessively feared was contained in a single word: Solidarnos sc c. After all the upheaval in the USSR and China, the Solidarity movement was Deng

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Jiang Zemin attached great importance to the Central Security Bureau and its regiments, reorganized after Tiananmen under the leadership of Yang Dezhong, who had been Deng Xiaoping’s bodyguard, and You Xigui, his personal minder from Shanghai, who ended up being promoted to general. You’s constant presence at Jiang’s

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in the Yasin region, while logistics operations were overseen by the Air Force general Zhang Tingfa. An ideological problem had overshadowed Beijing’s support, but Deng Xiaoping and his team were pragmatic. They would have preferred not to abandon Afghanistan’s pro-China communist organizations, such as Shoaleye Djawid (Eternal Flame) or

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(PAP). While the CMC controlled the strategic axes of defence, the government was also directly behind several industrial organizations. Set up in 1982 by Deng Xiaoping and directed by his daughter, the science and technology research organization COSTIND had become more of a civil body since 1998, as it no longer

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institutes. They all came under the umbrella of the State Council-controlled International Studies Research Centre (ISRC/Guoji Wenti Yanjiu Zhongxin), also dreamt up by Deng Xiaoping. In March 1986, Deng had launched Programme 863, whose purpose was to raise the necessary funds for these projects. After ten years, with the

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, drug monopolies and new means to protect the environment, to take just a few examples. Indeed, the services rely on the guiding principles decreed by Deng Xiaoping in 1978, the “16 characters” policy, which specifically requires the mixing of “civil” and “military” in order to “erase the borders between state operations

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approach. These warnings corresponded to the ramping up of economic intelligence in the Deng–Jiang era. A brief history of economic intelligence It was under Deng Xiaoping, in the early 1990s, that economic intelligence began to boom. This has led to a popular belief that such Chinese intelligence was born in

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of MOFERT’s international sector—and that of its successor, MOFTEC—various roaming Guoanbu operatives directly involved in espionage operations were offered covers, as per Deng Xiaoping’s ideas. Madame Chen was seconded into this area, thanks to a former Diaochabu technician, Wei Jinfei, who was advisor to the minister of

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behind economic intervention abroad. There had also been a lengthy presentation of the major reforms in this area, covering every detail: the instigating role of Deng Xiaoping; the launch of major information technology programmes under Jiang Zemin; and the “theory of the three harmonies” conceived by President Hu Jintao (2003–13),

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particularly in language skills, before they were sent on mission. This was a field in which she excelled, having once worked as an interpreter for Deng Xiaoping. As we saw with the 1989 Tiananmen movement, after which refugee dissidents in France came under close surveillance, several Chinese press correspondents were believed to

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become increasingly frequent since the Chinese overtook the Russians in espionage in the first decade of this century. China on the counterattack In the 1990s, Deng Xiaoping, Yang Shangkun (who had been accused of placing listening devices in Mao’s offices during the Cultural Revolution) and Jiang Zemin pushed for the establishment

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scratch. As early as the 1930s, when Zhou Enlai was leading the secret war in Shanghai against Kuomintang nationalists, his former comrade from Paris, Deng Xiaoping, was overseeing the establishment of technical units in communist bases in southern China. Their friend Nie Rongzhen, who had been in charge of liaison between

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2006 the PLA feted the memory of this first communications school, that of its predecessor, the Chinese Workers and Peasants Red Army. In March 1933, Deng Xiaoping chose its location, Pingshangang, in Ruijin province. Nowadays, young SIGINT technicians and apprentice PLA radio operators come to pay homage at this historic site.

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blow emerged an unexpected “friendly” intelligence collaboration. As early as April 1979, US intelligence services received the green light from Jimmy Carter to negotiate with Deng Xiaoping on possible collaboration in this area. The Anglo-American interception base was closed and its workers redeployed elsewhere. Admiral Stansfield Turner, head of the CIA

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Xinjiang. Another 15% were related to Chinese leaders and their families (including security chiefs Zeng Qinghong and Luo Gan, as well as historical figures like Deng Xiaoping, Mao Zedong and his wife Jiang Qing); 15% to do with politics and corruption, with the word “democracy” considered just as subversive as “dictatorship”,

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internet users, tracked down militant Tibetans, and spied on foreign businesspeople, whose numbers had been steadily increasing since China opened up to international trade under Deng Xiaoping. Geng’s challenge was to ruthlessly apply the rules of an increasingly hegemonic twenty-first-century CCP, at the same time as continuing to pursue

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development for this new China on the move. In Sudan, for example, people remember seeing Zhou himself working on CNPC oil wells. During the Deng Xiaoping era in the 1980s, Zhou Yongkang switched to political management, both as minister of planning and natural resources, and as party secretary in Sichuan province

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from CCP Central Office Secretariat, “Minutes of the May 17 Politburo Standing Committee meeting”, document supplied to Party Central Office Secretariat by the Office of Deng Xiaoping, quoted in Andrew Nathan and Perry Link (eds), The Tiananmen Papers, New York, Little, Brown and Company, 2001. This book is an astonishing documentation

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Succession in China: Leadership, Institutions, Beliefs, Santa Monica CA, Rand Corporation, 1992. According to Nicholas Eftimiades (Chinese Intelligence Operations, Annapolis MD, Naval Institute Press, 1994), Deng Xiaoping did succeed in establishing a liaison with the regional centres of PLA2, military intelligence. 16. Transcript available at http://folk.ntnu.no/tronda/kk-f

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Western diplomats, who, unlike the Soviets, were obliged to take refuge in diplomatic residences. 21. Libération, 7 June 1989. Sabatier published a remarkable biography of Deng Xiaoping (Le dernier dragon [The Last Dragon], Paris, J.C. Lattès, 1990), in which he goes into great detail about the Tiananmen massacre. 22. Xiaobing

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Chubanshe, 2006. NOTE ON SOURCES Since publishing my first article on this subject over thirty-five years ago—a piece in Le Monde diplomatique about Deng Xiaoping’s establishment of the Guoanbu—I have written hundreds more such articles. With my co-author Rémi Kauffer, I published the first biography of

Strange Rebels: 1979 and the Birth of the 21st Century

by Christian Caryl  · 30 Oct 2012  · 780pp  · 168,782 words

was under way at the same time in the world’s most populous country. At the end of 1978, the septuagenarian Chinese Communist Party leader Deng Xiaoping heaved himself into the top job, and in the months that followed he and his comrades introduced a series of economic reforms that ultimately changed

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was a grain of truth to these accusations. The protagonists of 1979 were, in their own ways, participants in a great backlash against revolutionary overreach. Deng Xiaoping rejected the excesses of Mao’s Cultural Revolution in favor of pragmatic economic development—a move that, despite Deng’s disclaimers, entailed a gradual restoration

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that many of the Conservative Party comrades-in-arms who accompanied her into government in 1979 questioned just how “conservative” she really was. As for Deng Xiaoping, he insisted on maintaining the institutional supremacy of the Communist Party even as he charted a course away from central planning and toward state capitalism

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leadership; in the wake of the great famine, some of his high-ranking colleagues—most notably Liu Shaoqi, chairman of the People’s Republic, and Deng Xiaoping, CCP general secretary—had modified some of Mao’s most foolhardy reforms, thus ameliorating the crisis. This was something that Mao was not prepared to

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depended on him, was unclear. There was no way for them to know how long the situation would last. The old man’s name was Deng Xiaoping. Over the previous decade, his life had described a bewildering trajectory. By the middle of the 1960s, he had attained a lofty position as general

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unleashed a media campaign, warning, a bit too loudly, against the misuse of Tangshan relief efforts by their number-one political foe: “Be alert to Deng Xiaoping’s criminal attempt to exploit earthquake phobia to suppress revolution,” ran one of the slogans. The Gang allegedly took the campaign one surreal step further

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within the CCP leadership and bringing the Cultural Revolution to an end. A few months after that, Hua welcomed Deng back into active political life. Deng Xiaoping was finally back for good, and he would remain in power long enough to send his country in a completely different direction. It was not

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. We should be wary of biographies that rely excessively on social determinism. People are not only the products of their surroundings. Other Chinese men of Deng Xiaoping’s generation emerged from environments comparable to his, but that didn’t necessarily turn them into leaders of the Chinese Communist Party. Unlike Khomeini, most

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their high-ranking comrades who had been purged in the years before Mao’s death. The most prominent survivor of this group, of course, was Deng Xiaoping. Hua was aware of the potential challenge and moved quickly to forestall it. In March 1977, he admonished delegates at a key party meeting: “

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legacy of the Great Leap Forward was still tangible. In the early 1960s, in the wake of the titanic famine caused by the Great Leap, Deng Xiaoping and his then-mentor, Liu Shaoqi, had tried to stimulate agricultural productivity by allowing some peasants to return to the prerevolutionary practice of family farming

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All of them offered ritual praise to Hua Guofeng, but they knew whom they really had to thank for their political resurrection. These people were Deng Xiaoping’s past. Like them he had emerged from the ruins of the old imperial order to pledge himself to the Communist ideal, one that had

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potential of the nine-hundreth anniversary of the martyrdom of a saint. The thirtieth anniversary of the Communist takeover in China was shrewdly exploited by Deng Xiaoping and his colleagues to reinforce the sense of a new beginning. The forty-day Islamic mourning cycle proved a crucial dynamic for the revolution in

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inevitable, perhaps, that we focus on leaders when we examine grand political and economic transitions. But they are not the only actors in these dramas. Deng Xiaoping and his colleagues triumphed precisely because they unleashed the creativity and the entrepreneurial urges of millions of Chinese. Many of them—shocking though it might

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so rich?’ one young woman asked me in the Peace Café, confessing that she was transfixed by what she had seen on Chinese TV when Deng Xiaoping visited the United States.”6 Schell had visited China during the waning years of the Cultural Revolution and recalled how hard ordinary people were prepared

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opened in that spring of 1979 proved a big success. Three years later, by now an affluent Guangzhou entrepreneur, he received the privilege of meeting Deng Xiaoping at a social event for Guangdong Province luminaries. The fact that a local businessman was deemed worthy of such a gathering said a great deal

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socialism from Britain.”26 Bolivian president Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada cited Thatcher—along with the rise of the East Asian tigers and the reforms of Deng Xiaoping—as the precedent for the program of market-oriented reform that began in 1985.27 In Brazil in the 1990s, President Fernando Henrique Cardoso embarked

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suppressed at the same time. The chairman of the Central Military Commission, the man who issued the command for the crackdown, was none other than Deng Xiaoping. In 1977 those who yearned for an end to Maoist turmoil had greeted Deng’s return to power by hanging up small bottles over Beijing

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countries where the elites were not prepared to relinquish their privileged political status.19 In this respect, it seems safe to say that it was Deng Xiaoping, the man who devoted his life to the ideals of Communism, who has done more than any other individual to ensure its demise as an

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while yet, the exhibition implies, but the future no longer belongs to it. Walk around the corner, though, and you come across a remarkable sight: Deng Xiaoping and Margaret Thatcher are having a chat. The two life-size wax figures—Thatcher’s hair a bit too red—sit in armchairs against a

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were roughly contemporaneous with the first flowering of Solidarity. But it is also true that the Polish example combined two factors that the party of Deng Xiaoping continues to follow with particular alertness. One is labor activism. The party tracks every strike and independent labor movement with extraordinary care, and it responds

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a surprise that the Chinese Communist Party has taken measures to fill the resulting “meaning gap.” In the wake of the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre, Deng Xiaoping and his comrades tried to compensate for the loss of faith in Marxist-Leninist dogma by playing up patriotism and pride in the glories of

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which disembodied utopias cannot easily compete. Similarly, a look at the events of 1979 leads us to appreciate the myriad forms that counterrevolutions can assume. Deng Xiaoping changed China’s course through stealth and subtlety. Khomeini and the Afghans chose the path of violent uprising, the sudden transformative release of pent-up

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John Paul II, Baqer Moin on Ayatollah Khomeini, Ali Rahnema on Ali Shariati, John Campbell and Hugo Young on Margaret Thatcher, and Ezra Vogel on Deng Xiaoping. I owe particular thanks to the men and women who allowed themselves to be interviewed about their own experiences: Akbar Ayazi, Adam Boniecki, Bao Pu

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Schoenhals, 10. CHAPTER 2: DRAGON YEAR 1. Heaven Cracks, Earth Shakes: The Tangshan Earthquake and the Death of Mao’s China, James Palmer, 160. 2. Deng Xiaoping and the Cultural Revolution: A Daughter Recalls the Critical Years, Deng Rong, 428. 3. The name originally came from Mao, who had coined it when

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29. 8. Ibid. 9. Ibid., 32. 10. Ibid., 60. 11. Deng did not coin the phrase. It is actually an old Sichuanese proverb. 12. The Deng Xiaoping Era: An Inquiry into the Fate of Chinese Socialism, 1978–1994, Maurice Meisner, 82. 13. “Deng’s Legacy,” MacNeil Lehrer Report (Online News Hour), February

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Ali Shariati, Ali Rahnema, 226. 9. Ibid., 325–326. CHAPTER 10: TRUTH FROM FACTS 1. Deng Xiaoping Shakes the World, Yu Guangyuan, 21. 2. Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China, Ezra F. Vogel, 193. 3. Ezra Vogel, Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China, 103–109. 4. “The 1979 Truth Criterion Controversy,” Michael Schoenhals. The

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Chinese Quarterly, no. 126 (June 1991). 5. The Deng Xiaoping Era: An Inquiry into the Fate of Chinese Socialism, 1978–1994, Maurice Meisner, 91. 6. Ibid. 7. The China Reader: The Reform Era, edited by

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Change,” David Butler, Holger Jensen, and Lars-Erik Nelson. 10. Coming Alive!, Garside, 220–221. 11. Ibid., 219. 12. Ibid., 221. 13. Ibid., 215. 14. Deng Xiaoping Shakes the World: An Eyewitness Account of China’s Party Work Conference and the Third Plenum (November-December 1978), Yu Guangyuan, 21. 15

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Vogel, 233. 16. Ibid. 17. How the Farmers Changed China: Power of the People, Kate Xiao Zhou, 53–54. 18. Deng Xiaoping Shakes the World, Yu, 52. 19. Ibid., 44, 46. 20. Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China, Vogel, 234. 21. Ibid., 234–235. 22. Hu Yaobang, who made those daring remarks about

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agriculture at the conference, also worked with Yu on the final version of Deng’s speech. 23. Deng Xiaoping Shakes the World, Yu, 13. 24. Ibid., 136. 25. Ibid., 187. 26. Ibid., 132. 27. Ibid., 130, 133. 28. The Soviet Regional Dilemma: Planning,

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People, and Natural Resources, Jan Åke Del-lenbrant, 99. 29. Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China, Vogel, 246. 30. “Communiqué of the Third Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee,” Beijing Review.com.cn, October

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Mathews, Washington Post, February 3, 1979. 5. “The New China,” Deming. 6. Restless Empire: China and the World Since 1750, Odd Arne Westad, 373. 7. Deng Xiaoping: Portrait of a Chinese Statesman, David Shambaugh, 61–62. 8. Coming Alive! China After Mao, Roger Garside, 255. 9. China’s War with Vietnam, 1979

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: Issues, Decisions, and Implications, King C. Chen, 151. 10. The Deng Xiaoping Era: An Inquiry into the Fate of Chinese Socialism, 1978–1994, Maurice Meisner, 109. 11. “The Fifth Modernization,” Wei Jingsheng, 171–172, in The China

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Schell and David Shambaugh. 12. Sowing the Seeds of Democracy in China: Political Reform in the Deng Xiaoping Era, Merle Goldman, 55. 13. Deng Xiaoping Era, Meisner, 109. 14. Ibid., 121. 15. Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping (1975–1982), Deng Xiaoping, 1984. 16. Deng Xiaoping Era, Meisner, 11–12. CHAPTER 14: THE EVANGELIST 1. “Sir Larry Lamb: Obituary,” Telegraph, May

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://china-boom.asiasociety.org/bio/detail/219. 26. Broken Earth, Mosher, 44. 27. Author’s interview with Tom Gorman, Hong Kong, March 10, 2010. 28. Deng Xiaoping Shakes the World: An Eyewitness Account of China’s Party Work Conference and the Third Plenum (November-December 1978), Yu Guangyuan, 204–205. 29. Ibid

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. The Search for Modern China, Jonathan Spence, 715–716. 11. “‘Two Faces’ of Deng Xiaoping,” Bao Tong, Radio Free Asia, December 29, 2008. 12. “June 9 Speech to Martial Law Units,” Deng Xiaoping, http://tsquare.tv/chronology/Deng.html. 13. Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China, Ezra Vogel, 659–660. 14. Ibid. 15. “Deng’

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s Last Campaign,” Roderick MacFarquhar, New York Review of Books, December 17, 1992. 16. Ibid. 17. Ibid. 18. Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China, Vogel, 697. 19. The Global Cold War: Third World Interventions and the Making of Our Times, Odd Arne Westad, 362

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the KGB and his rivals among the mujahideen had repeatedly attempted to kill him during the 1980s.) Of the other leaders treated in this book, Deng Xiaoping, true to his extraordinary talent for survival, probably leads the pack in number of attacks survived; fanatical Maoists, who never forgave him for his heresy

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Education, Harlow, UK, 2000. Broken Earth: The Rural Chinese, Steven W. Mosher. Free Press, New York, 1983. Burying Mao: Chinese Politics in the Age of Deng Xiaoping, Richard Baum. Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ, 1994. Capitalism and Freedom: Fortieth Anniversary Edition, Milton Friedman. University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1962. Capitalism with Chinese

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of Four, with First Translations of Teng Hsiao-Ping’s “Three Poisonous Weeds,” Chi Hsin. Cosmos Books, Hong Kong, 1977. China and the Legacy of Deng Xiaoping: From Communist Revolution to Capitalist Evolution, Michael E. Marti. Brassey’s, Dulles, VA, 2002. China Guidebook: 1980/81 Edition, Arne J. de Keijzer and Frederic

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Defense of Muslim Lands, Sheikh Abdullah Azzam. 2nd ed. Azzam Publications, London, 2002. Deng: A Political Biography, Benjamin Yang. East Gate Books, Armonk, NY, 1998. Deng Xiaoping: Chronicle of an Empire, Ruan Ming, translated and edited by Nancy Liu, Peter Rand, and Lawrence R. Sullivan. Westview Press, Boulder, CO, 1994

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. Deng Xiaoping: My Father, Deng Maomao. Basic Books, New York, 1995. Deng Xiaoping: Portrait of a Chinese Statesman, David Shambaugh. Oxford University Press, New York, 1995. Deng Xiaoping and the Chinese Revolution: A Political Biography, David S. G. Goodman. Routledge, New York

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: Solidarity, Timothy Garton Ash. Yale University Press, New Haven, CT, 2002 (original ed., Jonathan Cape, London, 1983). Politics of Disillusionment: The Chinese Communist Party Under Deng Xiaoping, 1978–1989, His-Sheng Ch’I. M.E. Sharpe, Armonk, NY, 1991. “Popular Versus Elite View of Privatization: The Case of Privatization,” Ian McAllister and

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. W. Norton, New York, 1991. Seasons in the Sun: The Battle for Britain, 1974–1979, Dominic Sandbrook. Allen Lane, London, 2012. Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping (1975–1982), Deng Xiaoping. Foreign Languages Press, Beijing, 1984. Seventies: The Sights, Sounds, and Ideas of a Brilliant Decade, Howard Sounes. Simon & Schuster, London, 2006. The Shah, Abbas

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: Planning, People, and Natural Resources, Jan Åke Dellenbrant. M. E. Sharpe, Armonk, NY, 1986. Sowing the Seeds of Democracy in China: Political Reform in the Deng Xiaoping Era, Merle Goldman. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, 1994. Special Economic Zones and the Economic Transition in China, Wei Ge. World Scientific Publishing, Singapore, 1999

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, 279, 323 Democracy, 39, 47, 109, 114, 126, 140, 150, 176, 177, 178, 325, 334, 337, 346, 359 tribal democracy, 217 Demonstrations. See Protests/demonstrations Deng Xiaoping, 18, 22, 23–24, 25–32, 73, 120–121, 124, 127, 128, 177, 179, 223, 243, 252, 268, 329, 331, 333, 335, 351, 355,

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treatment for shah of Iran in, 231–232 and People’s Republic of China, 169, 170, 171, 172 World Trade Center in, 308 See also Deng Xiaoping: visit to United States Universities, 8, 12, 19, 26, 34, 39, 40, 41, 46, 70, 72, 103–104, 109, 123, 124, 139, 151, 162,

Sparks: China's Underground Historians and Their Battle for the Future

by Ian Johnson  · 26 Sep 2023  · 407pp  · 119,073 words

with Mao’s rule from 1949 to 1976) and the next thirty years of economic and social reforms (from 1978 to 2012, a period when Deng Xiaoping and his handpicked successors ruled). It was not possible, Xi said, to accept one era but also criticize the other. In other words, you couldn

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five hundred yuan,6 or less than one hundred dollars. Part of the reason is that the person in charge of this campaign had been Deng Xiaoping, who became Mao’s successor. Most memoirs were censored, and discussion was largely forbidden. That contrasted with the Cultural Revolution, which was discussed and for

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is one of only three resolutions on the past in the party’s 100 years of history. One came decades later, after Mao died and Deng Xiaoping wanted to assert his power. And one came in 2021 when Xi Jinping wanted to justify his prolonged hold on power. Each of them drew

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Shaanxi province. The elder Xi wasn’t rehabilitated until 1978, his career derailed by history. Mao’s death in 1976 and the coup that brought Deng Xiaoping to power in 1978 required a new resolution on party history. The first resolution had glorified Mao and made him the culmination of everything the

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next two years, various senior leaders visited the Museum of the Chinese Revolution, constantly critiquing Wang’s efforts to toe the party’s fickle line. Deng Xiaoping, for example, was irked that the revamped show had only one photo of Li Dazhao, which he said was “totally unacceptable.”23 That set officials

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, photos of the Long March, paintings of Mao declaring the founding of the People’s Republic, and newer artifacts such as a cowboy hat that Deng Xiaoping wore on a visit to Texas, and a safety vest worn by Hu Jintao when visiting the 2008 Beichuan earthquake. For many Chinese (and certainly

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Cultural Revolution to including most of the 20th century. Wu and Dai’s rule of thumb, however, is that history stops in 1978, the year Deng Xiaoping ascended to power and established the current political system of state-led capitalism and strict political control. That means Remembrance avoids sensitive contemporary issues such

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violence. Xi himself was not implicated in violence; because of his father’s persecution, he was banished to a village in western China. One of Deng Xiaoping’s daughters, however, was one of Song’s classmates, as was a daughter of another former leader, Liu Shaoqi. After a brief flurry of reports

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leader. But all the crimes of the Communist Party come from Mao Zedong, including those committed by Xi Jinping, Jiang Zemin, and Hu Jintao. Also Deng Xiaoping. This is how China’s disasters came about.” 11 Lay Down Your Butcher’s Knife The Xiao River rushes deep and clear out of the

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fact, 37 percent of all local Communist Party members had participated in the killings. Tan was seen as a reliable writer. He had enthusiastically supported Deng Xiaoping’s reform policies. Many people had had difficult backgrounds in the Mao period but were now rehabilitated. Tan was no different. And because the media

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its institutions, including the Dalai Lama, but left issues such as defense and foreign affairs to China. The person in charge of those negotiations was Deng Xiaoping. He had run the party’s southwestern bureau, which negotiated with the Tibetans, and during negotiations with the British he was China’s paramount leader

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://project2049.net/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/P2049_Suettinger_Negotiating-History-CCP_071717.pdf. 17. Oriana Fallaci interview: “Answers to the Italian Journalist Oriana Fallaci,” Deng Xiaoping Collected Works, vol. 2. The original webpage has been taken down. It is archived at https://web.archive.org/web/20220521071225/http://en.people.cn

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/dengxp/vol2/text/b1470.html. 18. Deng on discrediting Mao: Quote from Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping, as per Suettinger. MEMORY: HOW THE RED SUN ROSE 19. Biographical details and quotations: Unless otherwise noted, postscript to How the Red Sun Rose, 707

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in Jurong’s local gazetteer, 125–27 Fang, Lizhi on Chinese amnesia, 135–36, 137 Anti-Rightist Campaign amends never made by the Party, 29 Deng Xiaoping placed in charge of, 29 fiftieth anniversary of, 29–30 Gao Hua’s father targeted during, 112 Hu Yaobang’s exoneration of victims of, 207

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defense of China’s rise in Seeking Truth, 121–22 Document Number Nine issued by, 121, 161 misrepresentation of the past, ix–x See also Deng Xiaoping; Hu Jintao; Mao Zedong; People’s Republic of China; Xi Jinping Confucius and Confucianism exclusion of female voices from, 145 Hundred Flowers Campaign based on

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, Hai Rui Dismissed from Office, 184–85 See also Red Guards Cyberspace Administration of China, 122–23, 254 Dao County. See Hunan province–Dao County Deng Xiaoping Anti-Rightist Campaign implemented by, 29 economic reforms, 11 resolution on party history (1981), 74, 107–11, 123–24 digital technology Ai Xiaoming’s exploitation

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, 72, 184 People’s Republic of China (PRC) inheritance of the Qing’s blown-out borders, 257–59 See also 1989 student demonstrations–Tiananmen massacre; Deng Xiaoping; Hu Jintao; Mao Zedong; Xi Jinping Porter, Bill, 289 Qing dynasty, borderlands acquired during the eighteenth century, 15, 257–59, 269, 270–71 Red Cliff

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, 12, 189–90, 195, 305 Song Yaowu’s essay “The Words I’ve Wanted to Speak for Forty Years,” 201 resolutions on party history, by Deng Xiaoping (1981), 74, 107–11, 123–24 importance of, 108 by Mao (1945), 100–1, 104, 106, 107, 123–24 by Xi Jinping, 123–25 samizdat

Red Flags: Why Xi's China Is in Jeopardy

by George Magnus  · 10 Sep 2018  · 371pp  · 98,534 words

much more for all of us in future. If, as several Chinese thinkers now assert, China stood up under Mao Zedong and got rich under Deng Xiaoping, it is becoming powerful again under Xi Jinping, who articulates that China’s troubled twentieth century now lies firmly in the past as the Communist

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on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era’ was incorporated into the Party’s constitution to sit alongside that of only Mao Zedong, and Deng Xiaoping. The Congress was remarkable for this outcome, and it is important to understand that this allows the pursuit of communism and Marxism to achieve a

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extent some other Asian countries such as Malaysia and Indonesia. China’s relative backwardness at the time was suitably illustrated by the inspirational but ageing Deng Xiaoping, who had been dismissed and then rehabilitated by the Party in earlier years, and who was trying to revive reforms that had been put on

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People’s Republic. We are now at an inflection point. China has changed beyond recognition from the type of economy and country it was under Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin, whose economic reforms did so much to propel their country forward. Xi Jinping has inherited a more prosperous but also much more

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China calls its ‘century of humiliation’ from roughly 1840 to 1949. Chapter 2, From Mao to Modernity, examines the economic achievements and developments under Mao, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin and Zhu Rongji, and then Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao, with a strong focus on the liberalising economic reforms that began under Deng

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always be remembered for his role in visiting upon China the disastrous Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution. Yet relatively soon after he died, Deng Xiaoping came to power, initiating a process of economic and social reform which set China on a path to become what it is today. Deng’s

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and heavy industry, it retarded economic development and reform at a time when other Asian Tiger economies, for example, were developing increasingly rapidly and confidently. Deng Xiaoping would later argue that the Cultural Revolution nearly destroyed the Communist Party as an institution and wrecked its credibility. As the 1970s started, China’s

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China ushered in a period of rapprochement and engagement. Soon after, moreover, Mao rehabilitated a Chinese political official – a victim of the Cultural Revolution – called Deng Xiaoping. The latter’s return to power was short-lived. He fell out of favour again in 1976, but his time was approaching. Failure with few

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the part of new leaders to experiment, and to learn lessons from the rest of the world. Some fourteen years before Mao died, in 1962, Deng Xiaoping had first used a phrase praising better incentives for peasants that has become widely associated with him. He said: ‘It doesn’t matter if the

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1989 in the horrific events at Tiananmen Square. For the next two years, a major power struggle ensued between conservatives and those eager to advance Deng Xiaoping’s agenda. Those in the Party who wanted to use the opportunity to back away from reform succeeded temporarily, but failed to do so in

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avoid stagnation in the future, relatively even if not absolutely. In the past, China’s TFP has occasionally been remarkably strong. The first such period, Deng Xiaoping’s reform and opening up years, was the early 1980s, when it grew by nearly 5 per cent per year and accounted for almost half

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other countries, has always had to assess where the shifting structural and institutional barriers to economic progress lay, and what to do about them. Before Deng Xiaoping came to power, the main obstacle to progress was the absence of any market-based system for resource allocation and production incentives. Under Jiang Zemin

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, or at least stifle its reach. China’s approach to global engagement today is different from that of previous leaders over the last six decades. Deng Xiaoping urged China to keep a low profile, and even after the fall of the Soviet Union in 1989, he still exhorted comrades and compatriots to

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’s backing for a while, and supported revolutionary movements in poor countries, it was more or less an outcast state in the global order. Under Deng Xiaoping, and pretty much until 2012, China was about ‘Reform and Opening Up’, engagement, collective leadership, the establishment of credible state institutions, a mission to leave

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lacks, though, is soft power. It is no small matter that the distinctions between the Party and state, such as they were, that emerged from Deng Xiaoping onwards, are now being eliminated and that a more repressive ideology is planting roots. As the former Australian Prime Minister and long-time China student

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the supposed omnipotence of the leader and the Party. That places Xi’s China in jeopardy. ENDNOTES Introduction 1. There are few better insights into Deng Xiaoping than Deng Xiaoping: Portrait of a Chinese Statesman, ed. David Shambaugh, Oxford University Press, 1995. 2. Henry Kissinger, On China, Penguin Books, 2012, p. 443. 3. The

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-First Century Guide, Cambridge University Press, 2016 Ringen, Stein, The Perfect Dictatorship: China in the 21st Century, Hong Kong University Press, 2016 Shambaugh, David, ed., Deng Xiaoping: Portrait of a Chinese Statesman, Oxford University Press, 1995 Shih, Victor, ‘Financial Instability in China: Possible Pathways and their Likelihood’, Mercator Institute for China Studies

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) effects of one-child policy abandonment (i) fertility and one-child policy (i) labour force trends (i) macroeconomic essence of ageing (i) Dempsey, Martin (i) Deng Xiaoping cat quotation (i) commitment to Communist Party (i) Cultural Revolution comment (i) economic reforms (i), (ii), (iii), (iv) enrichment under (i) inspirational but ageing (i

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(i), (ii) reform authoritative source warns of need for (i), (ii) different meaning from West (i) of economy via rebalancing (i), (ii) as embraced by Deng Xiaoping (i) fiscal, foreign trade and finance (i), (ii) Hukou (i) of ownership (i) state-owned enterprises (i) third plenum announcements (i) in Xi Jinping’s

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China (i) ‘Reform and Opening Up’ (Deng Xiaoping) (i), (ii), (iii) regulations and regulatory authorities (financial) (i), (ii) Reinhart, Carmen (i) Renminbi (i) 2015 mini-devaluation and capital outflows (i), (ii) appreciates (i

Post Wall: Rebuilding the World After 1989

by Kristina Spohr  · 23 Sep 2019  · 1,123pp  · 328,357 words

care about is a good environment for developing ourselves. So long as history eventually proves the superiority of the Chinese socialist system, that’s enough. Deng Xiaoping, 1989 France is our homeland, Europe is our future. François Mitterrand, 1987 Peace is not unity in similarity but unity in diversity, in the comparison

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my book that we cannot understand post-Wall Europe without taking account of what happened in 1989 on the other side of the world. Under Deng Xiaoping, the People’s Republic of China experienced a dramatically different exit from the Cold War – forever synonymous with the bloodshed in Tiananmen Square on 4

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weeks after his election. ‘I’d love to return to China before Deng leaves office entirely. I feel I have a special relationship there.’[51] Deng Xiaoping was the mastermind of China’s policies of ‘reform and opening up’ – the drive after Mao Zedong’s death in 1976 to abandon the autarkic

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to another communist ally: the People’s Republic of China. In June his regime expressed effusive support for Beijing’s use of force. The way Deng Xiaoping’s China had simply crushed the ‘counter-revolutionary unrest’ in Tiananmen Square was in Honecker’s mind an example to the whole bloc and a

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‘hold on to socialism’. After all, ‘we are all communists, our life consists of struggle’ – in ‘politics, ideology and the economy’.[169] The Paramount Leader Deng Xiaoping told Krenz emphatically ‘We defend socialism together – you in the GDR, we in the People’s Republic of China.’[170] Krenz in turn declared: ‘In

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– communications, transport, the media and the military – or arrest opposition leaders such as Yeltsin. They were also reluctant to use brute force in the way Deng Xiaoping had done in June 1989. At root, it seems, the conspirators had been taken in by Gorbachev’s turn to the right. They assumed that

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War proved a major obstacle to forging a new world order in Asia.[67] Similarly, creating détente between Japan and China proved difficult, even though Deng Xiaoping, who himself had fought against Japanese imperialism in China, attached huge importance to improving bilateral relations with Japan. This followed diplomatic normalisation in 1972, which

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to be no ‘non-violent revolution’. Soldiers did shoot into the crowds; tanks rolled down boulevards and into the Square, crushing demonstrators under their tracks. Deng Xiaoping was no Mikhail Gorbachev. He had no compunction about using force to keep communism in power in China. And so 4 June 1989 came to

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Bush’s handling of America’s other great communist adversary: China. The president’s oldest and closest foreign contacts were with the PRC leadership, especially Deng Xiaoping, going back to his days in Beijing as America’s envoy in 1974–5. The regard Deng had for him as a lao pengyou was

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of US–China Relations 1989–2000 Brookings Institution Press 2003; David M. Lampton Same Bed, Different Dreams Univ. of California Press 2002; Ezra F. Vogel Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China Harvard UP 2013; Sergey Radchenko Unwanted Visionaries: The Soviet Failure in Asia at the End of the Cold War Oxford

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Plan: Chinese Economic Reform Cambridge UP 1995 pp. 38–55, 59–96 Back to text 54. On Deng’s reform course, see Ezra F. Vogel Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China Harvard UP 2013 pp. 377–476 Back to text 55. Arne Westad ‘The Great Transformation: China in the Long 1970s

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’ in Niall Ferguson et al. (eds) The Shock of the Global: The 1970s in Perspective Belknap Press 2011 p. 77; see also Vogel Deng Xiaoping pp. 333–48 Back to text 56. United States–People’s Republic of China Agreements Remarks at the Signing Ceremony 17.9.1980 APP. See

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also Dong Wang ‘US–China Trade, 1971–2012’ Asia-Pacific Journal 11, 24 (June 2013) Back to text 57. Meeting with Deng Xiaoping US Embassy Secret – Cable 16.6.1981 pp. 1–5, DNSA collection: China, 1960–1998; Arne Westad Restless Empire pp. 372–80. See also Henry

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. 159. Cf. David L. Shambaugh China’s Communist Party: Atrophy and Adaptation Woodrow Wilson Center Press 2008 pp. 43–5 Back to text 68. See Deng Xiaoping [and Chong-Pin Lin] ‘Deng’s 25 April Speech: “This is not an Ordinary Student Movement but Turmoil”’ World Affairs 152, 3 (Winter 1989–90

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1.12.1988; Engel & Radchenko ‘Beijing and Malta, 1989’ p. 186 Back to text 70. Deng’s younger son quoting his father, in Ezra Vogel Deng Xiaoping p. 423 Back to text 71. Politburo meeting 16.7.1987 ‘Following the trip of the delegation of the Supreme Council to China’, printed in

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problems of the country.’ GHWBPL Memcon of Bush–Li talks 26.2.1989 Beijing p. 10 Back to text 84. Bush met not only with Deng Xiaoping and Yang Shangkun, but also twice with Premier Li Peng and once with Zhao Ziyang, general secretary of the CCP. See GHWBPL Memcon of Bush

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Gorbachev, Deng: Leaders Declare China–Soviet Ties Are Normalised’ LAT 16.5.1989 Back to text 134. Soviet transcript of meeting between Mikhail Gorbachev and Deng Xiaoping (Excerpts), 16.5.1989 DAWC. For a Chinese version of the record of conversation see also DAWC Back to text 135. Ibid. Back to text

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p. 1; US amb. in Beijing to Baker Cable – PRC State Council declares martial law 20.5.1989 p. 1 Back to text 141. Vogel Deng Xiaoping pp. 616–24. See also Adi Ignatius & Julia Leung ‘Beijings Bind’ WSJ 22.5.1989. On Zhao’s ousting and the link between inflationary crisis

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CF01722–007) Am. embassy Beijing to Baker Cable – Subj: Sitrep. No. 18 Central party organs endorse Deng line 27.5.1989 pp. 1–2; Vogel Deng Xiaoping pp. 625–7 Back to text 144. Nicholas D. Kristof ‘Troops Attack and Crush Beijing Protest – Thousands Fight Back, Scores Are Killed, Square Is Cleared

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’ NYT 4.6.1989 Back to text 145. Ibid.; Vogel Deng Xiaoping pp. 625–32; Heather Saul ‘Tiananmen Square: What happened to tank man? What became of the unknown rebel who defied a column of tanks?’ Independent

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. GHWBPL NSC – SitRoom TSCF China (OA/ID CF01722–007) Sec State WashDC to US amb. in Beijing Cable RE: China matters – Letter from President to Deng Xiaoping 27.5.1989 pp. 1–2 Back to text 153. Engel & Radchenko ‘Beijing and Malta, 1989’ p. 195 Back to text 154. James R. Lilley

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China Hands: Nine Decades of Adventure, Espionage, and Diplomacy in Asia Public Affairs 2004 p. 309; Kristof ‘Crackdown in Beijing’ Back to text 155. Vogel Deng Xiaoping pp. 648–52; David M. Lampton Same Bed, Different Dreams Univ. of California Press 2002 pp. 21–2; Engel When the World Seemed New pp

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Back to text 165. Bush All the Best p. 431 Back to text 166. See Richard Baum Burying Mao: Chinese Politics in the Age of Deng Xiaoping Princeton UP 1996 pp. 18–20 Back to text 167. Excerpts from the Conversation between Mikhail Gorbachev and Rajiv Gandhi 15.7.1989 AGF DAWC

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Context of Democratisation’ International Organisation 60, 4 (Fall 2006) pp. 911–33 Back to text 34. On the Eastern European ‘contagion’ reaching China, see Vogel Deng Xiaoping p. 626; James Miles The Legacy of Tiananmen: China in Disarray Univ. of Michigan Press 1996 pp. 42–3; Baum Burying Mao pp. 250, 275

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Back to text 99. ‘Worried Chinese Leadership Says Gorbachev Subverts Communism’ NYT 28.12.1989 Back to text 100. Willy Wo-Lap Lam China After Deng Xiaoping: The Power Struggle in Beijing Since Tiananmen John Wiley & Sons 1995 p. 54; see also Suettinger Beyond Tiananmen pp. 93, 124 Back to text 101

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–60; as Reagan’s vice-president 23–4; reflections on European visit (1989) 100–3; reflections on Moscow and Kiev visits (1991) 439; relationship with Deng Xiaoping 25, 26, 28, 33, 35, 37–9, 60–3, 586; relationship with: Gorbachev 20–3, 39–40, 65, 82–3, 85, 102–3, 133, 190

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Delors Report (1989) 177, 266–7 Dem Rossiya (’Democratic Russia’) movement-cum-party 396 Democratic Alliance (Poland) 103 Demokratie Jetzt 135 Demokratischer Aufbruch 135, 150 Deng Xiaoping: contrast with Gorbachev 583; economic reforms 29–32; and exit from the Cold War 3–4; ideological tensions with Li Peng 571; perceived as enemy

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; awarded Nobel Peace Prize 245–6; battle of letters with Kohl 179–81; challenges of change 106; comment on breakup of Yugoslavia 489; contrast with Deng Xiaoping 583; and crisis in the Baltic States 410–11, 414–15, 417–21; criticised on his foreign policy 211–12; crumbling of support for 402

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, 133, 190, 293–7, 325, 375, 380, 381, 383–4, 410–12, 420–1, 428–9, 431, 434–40, 443, 450–2, 457, 461, 592, Deng Xiaoping 33–5, 37–9, 47–55, Honecker 124–7, Reagan 16–17, 20, 21, 28, 101, 193, 196, with Seoul 535, Yeltsin 341, 383, 397

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; character and description 16, 102; intervention in Grenada (1983) 355, 543; offers financial aid to Poland 87; and peacekeeping in Lebanon (1983) 518; relationships with: Deng Xiaoping 30–1, Gorbachev 16–17, 28, 101, 193, 196, Thatcher 44, 210–11; supplies Saddam with weapons 335; visit to Japan (1983) 545 Red Army

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, 100; at Malta summit (1989) 193-94; background 25–6; and China’s revisionist road 595; comment on changes in Poland 105–6; conversations with Deng Xiaoping and Li Peng (1989) 61–3; and crisis in the Baltic States 420; and Eastern Europe 40; and European security 512; and German membership of

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, 25 February 1989 (Diana Walker/The LIFE Images Collection via Getty Images) Here Protest in Beijing, 17 May 1989 (Catherine Henriette/AFP/Getty Images) Here Deng Xiaoping with Mikhail and Raisa Gorbachev, Beijing, 16 May 1989 (Peter Turnley/Corbis/VCG via Getty Images) Here China crackdown, Beijing, 5 June 1989 (Liu Heung

The Long Game: China's Grand Strategy to Displace American Order

by Rush Doshi  · 24 Jun 2021  · 816pp  · 191,889 words

Communist Party “The Soviets can do something after just one Politburo meeting. Can the Americans do that?”1 —Deng Xiaoping to China’s Politburo, early 1980s In June 1987, China’s de facto leader Deng Xiaoping was in a meeting with Yugoslav officials, and he was worried. China was in the midst of “reform

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Communist Party would grow. Many of the CCP’s early leaders were patriotic youth drawn to what was essentially a restorative nationalist project. Some, like Deng Xiaoping, participated in nationalist events like the May 4th movement and were drawn “to the national effort to rid China of the humiliation it had suffered

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was young, he put up posters advocating that Sun Yat-sen be made China’s president, Kang its premier, and Liang its foreign minister.16 Deng Xiaoping’s own father was reportedly a member of Liang Qichao’s political party, which undoubtedly shaped Deng’s early nationalist worldview.17 Many future communists

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extraordinarily dangerous move to step out from Soviet order and claim the mantle of ideological leadership from Moscow were all motivated by these nationalist impulses. Deng Xiaoping’s reform and opening, and his emphasis on economic and technological advancement, explicitly emulated the language of an earlier generation of self-strengtheners. His successors

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developed from yesterday, and tomorrow is a continuation of today.”28 “The great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation is the great ideal of Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, their comrades, and millions of revolutionary martyrs. . . . Today, the baton of history has reached our hands.”29 The “baton of history” must be carried by

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War, but now I feel disappointed. It seems that one Cold War has come to an end but that two others have already begun.”1 —Deng Xiaoping, 1989 Four decades ago, on the windswept edges of Soviet empire, an improbable partnership was forged. With Beijing’s approval, the United States built and

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thirty-year struggle to displace American power was born. As the socialist world crumbled in the late 1980s and a new order came into being, Deng Xiaoping put forward a “strategic guideline” [战略方针] to reduce the risk of American-led balancing and containment, to blunt American leverage over China, and thereby to secure

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plane landed in the afternoon on July 1, it was hidden behind an old terminal away from prying eyes. The next morning, Scowcroft met with Deng Xiaoping, Li Peng, and other officials, as well as a photographer who happened to be the son of President Yang. Before Scowcroft’s visit, President George

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H. W. Bush had sent an apologetic and solicitous secret letter to Deng Xiaoping on the importance of bilateral ties; now, Scowcroft would carry a similar message in person to reassure China’s paramount leader that despite the tough

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: In November and December 1989, former U.S. Secretary of State and the president’s National Security Advisor Brent Scowcroft visited China successively, and comrade Deng Xiaoping met with them both and put forward a wholesale plan for restoring Sino-U.S. relations. This plan ultimately found its realization in my [Jiang

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, including articles on the website of the Party newspaper People’s Daily, recount the guideline’s history: [Tao Guang Yang Hui] was put forward by Deng Xiaoping during the “special period” of drastic changes in Eastern Europe and the disintegration of the socialist camp there in the late 1980s and early 1990s

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time, China faced questions about “what to do” and “in what direction to go” as well as others that it urgently needed to answer, and Deng Xiaoping put forward a series of important thoughts/ideology and countermeasures.70 Another article on the People’s Daily site says the same, dating the concept

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after Tiananmen: “At the beginning of the end of the Cold War, when China was sanctioned by Western countries, Comrade Deng Xiaoping put forward . . . Tao Guang Yang Hui.”71 Party officials ranging from paramount leaders like Hu Jintao to Politburo Standing Committee members like Liu Huaqing echo

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the concept was intended to encourage Chinese self-restraint at a time when its relative power was low. For example, in a speech summarized in Deng Xiaoping’s official chronicles, Deng declared Tao Guang Yang Hui the central component of his strategic vision for China’s foreign policy and said it was

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Standing Committee in 1991 that reinforced Tao Guang Yang Hui. “Under the current international situation of constant changes, we must stick to carrying out Comrade Deng Xiaoping’s strategic guideline of ‘observe calmly, stabilize our position, cope calmly, hiding capabilities and biding time [Tao Guang Yang Hui], and be good at defending

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we cannot cultivate enemies everywhere.”77 Similarly, a few years later at a smaller gathering of ambassadors, Jiang reiterated these views: “We must implement Comrade Deng Xiaoping’s policy of Tao Guang Yang Hui and never taking leadership—this is without doubt.”78 He further stressed, “we cannot go beyond our reality

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the guideline was rooted in China’s low relative power. At this important historical period at the turn of the century, we must unswervingly implement Deng Xiaoping’s diplomatic thinking . . . first, we should continue to adhere to the “strategic guidelines” [战略方针] of “calmly observe, calmly deal with the situation, never take leadership, and

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Hui, along with “observing calmly, calmly coping with challenges, not leading, making a difference,” Hu reminded his audience, “is a high-level summary of Comrade Deng Xiaoping’s series of important strategic policies for China’s diplomacy after the sudden change of international politics in the late 1980s and early 1990s.”84

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by the late 1980s, a gradual decrease in tension led Chinese leaders to turn their attention more concretely to local wars. In 1985, for instance, Deng Xiaoping officially changed China’s strategic outlook and declared that there was no longer a threat of imminent ground or nuclear war with the Soviet Union

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focus in 1991 and 1992, the term “shashoujian” appeared in discussions at the very highest levels of China’s political system. According to Zhang Zhen, Deng Xiaoping himself reportedly called for the development of shashoujian weapons in this period within the context of “overcoming the advantages of a superior enemy.”45 In

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encirclement: China has pursued a strategy of maintaining amicable relationships with neighbors (mulin youhao, wending zhoubian) to hedge against downturns in Sino-U.S. relations. Deng Xiaoping and his successors understand clearly that, with more than fifteen countries bordering China, an aggressive posture is simply not in China’s interest, no matter

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.”1 —He Xin, former adviser to Jiang Zemin and Li Peng, 1993 On a cold and windy afternoon in January 1979, China’s vice premier Deng Xiaoping landed at Andrews Air Force Base. This was a historic moment. Deng’s visit marked the very first time a leader of the People’s

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of Tiananmen Square, the Gulf War, and the Soviet collapse, the 1980s was a good decade for China’s economy. Beginning in the late 1970s, Deng Xiaoping had moved China away from Maoist autarky and joined the international capitalist trading system, not simply for prosperity but also to achieve security. “If China

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dawn of a new, more global focus, one that contests global order more broadly. China’s new global efforts began with an open break from Deng Xiaoping. An authoritative commentary on Xi’s 2017 National Security Work Forum paraphrased a key portion of Deng’s remarks and suggested they were outdated: “At

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an American delegation. Zhou was one of modern China’s founding fathers, the organizer of the Long March, and the mentor to later reformers like Deng Xiaoping. Upon meeting the American delegation, Zhou called the youngest American member to step forward. He then asked a question. “Do you think China will ever

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hold on power. As Chapter 2 and 3 demonstrated, before the Tiananmen Square Massacre, China saw the United States as a quasi-ally. After it, Deng Xiaoping made clear that China believed that the United States sought the Party’s overthrow. Deng declared that there was now “no doubt that the imperialists

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Huaqing, Zhang Zhen, Zhang Wannian, and Chi Haotian. In addition, the book references valuable leader-level compendiums on military matters that have been published for Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao, and Xi Jinping. Finally, several pseudo-doctrinal publications as well as histories from the Academy of Military Sciences, the National Defense

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March to the Twenty-First Century (New York: Random House, 2013), 263. 6Alexander Pantsov and Stephen I. Levine, Deng Xiaoping: A Revolutionary Life (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015), 56. 7Lucian Pye, “An Introductory Profile: Deng Xiaoping and China’s Political Culture,” The China Quarterly, no. 135 (1993): 432. 8“Resolution of the 19th National

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: The ‘Chinese Dream,’” The Diplomat, February 5, 2013, https://thediplomat.com/2013/02/chinese-dream-draft/. 13Schell and Delury, Wealth and Power, 15. 14Ezra Vogel, Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2011), 17. 15Schell and Delury, Wealth and Power, 263. 16Jonathan Spence, Mao Zedong: A Life (New

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York: Penguin Books, 2006), 9. 17Schell and Delury, Wealth and Power, 262. 18Vogel, Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China, 11–12. 19Jiang himself admits this in his 15th Party Congress address, Jiang Zemin [江泽民], Jiang Zemin Selected Works [江泽民文选], vol. 2

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[第二卷] (Beijing: People’s Press [人民出版社}, 2006), 2. The Party sometimes translates both 振兴 and 复兴 as “rejuvenation.” 20Deng Xiaoping [邓小平], Collection of Deng Xiaoping’s Military Writings [邓小平军事文集], vol. 1 (Beijing: Military Science Press [军事科学出版社], 2004), 83; Zheng Wang, “The Chinese Dream from Mao to Xi,” The Diplomat, September 20, 2013

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[十四大以来重要文献选编], vol. 1 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House [人民出版社], 1996), 1–47. For the 15th Party Congress address, see Jiang Zemin [江泽民], “Hold High the Great Banner of Deng Xiaoping Theory for an All-round Advancement of the Cause of Building Socialism with Chinese Characteristics’ into the 21st Century [高举邓小平理论伟大旗帜，把建设有中国特色社会主义事业全面推向二十一世纪],” in Literature Research Office of the

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Party Congress address and in Jiang Zemin’s 14th Party Congress address, for example. 31This gathering is different from a Party Congress and infrequently held. Deng Xiaoping Selected Works [邓小平文选], 2nd ed., vol. 3 [第三卷] (Beijing: People’s Press [人民出版社], 1993), 143. 32Jiang Zemin [江泽民], Jiang Zemin Selected Works [江泽民文选], vol. 3 [第三卷] (Beijing: People’s Press [人民出版社}, 2006

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full phrase often appears as 冷静观察， 站稳脚跟，沉着应付，韬光养晦， 善于守拙，绝不当头, though it is sometimes modified. Early references to it appear in Deng’s September 1989 comments to central government in Deng Xiaoping Selected Works [邓小平文选], vol. 3 [第三卷], 321. One of his first official uses of “Tao Guang Yang Hui” was in Leng Rong [冷溶] and Wang Zuoling [汪作玲], eds

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., Deng Xiaoping Nianpu [邓小平年谱], vol. 2 (Beijing: China Central Document Press [中央文献出版社], 2006), 1346. The phrase was also cited and attributed to Deng in a major report by former

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to History: The Story of King Goujian in Twentieth-Century China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010). 66Ibid. 67Ibid. 68Ibid. 69“冷静观察，站稳脚跟，沉着应付，韬光养晦，善于守拙，绝不当头.” 70Xiao Feng [肖枫], “Is Comrade Deng Xiaoping’s ‘Tao Guang Yang Hui’ Thinking an ‘Expedient Measure’? [邓小平同志的‘韬光养晦’思想是‘权宜之计’吗?],” Beijing Daily [北京日报], April 6, 2010, http://dangshi.people.com.cn/GB/138903/141370/11297254.html; Zhang

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’s New Thinking on the Tao Guang Yang Hui Strategy,” China: An International Journal 9, no. 2 (September 2011): 197. 75Leng Rong [冷溶] and Wang Zuoling [汪作玲], Deng Xiaoping Nianpu [邓小平年谱], vol. 2, 1346. 76Jiang Zemin [江泽民], “Jiang Zemin Discusses Opposing Peaceful Evolution [江泽民论反和平演变],” http://www.360doc.com/content/09/0203/23/97184_2452974.shtml. I was

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and Tang Shiping, “China’s Regional Strategy,” 54, 56. 37Wang Yizhou [王逸舟], Global Politics and Chinese Diplomacy [全球政治和中国外交], 274. 38Jiang Zemin [江泽民], “Hold High the Great Banner of Deng Xiaoping Theory for an All-Round Advancement of the Cause of Building Socialism with Chinese Characteristics into the 21st Century [高举邓小平理论伟大旗帜，把建设有中国特色社会主义事业全面推向二十一世纪],” 15th Party Congress Political Report (Beijing

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Jiang Education Publishing House [黑龙江教育出版社], 1995), 17. 2For a video recording of the arrival, see “War and Peace in the Nuclear Age; Haves and Have-Nots; Deng Xiaoping Arrives at Andrews AFB,” OpenVault from GBH Archives, July 29, 1979, http://openvault.wgbh.org/catalog/V_7F39E138353E4AB0997C4B85BAB58307. 3“Document 209—Memorandum of Conversation, President

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Episodes in China’s Diplomacy (New York: HarperCollins, 2006), 299. 8Deng Xiaoping, “The International Situation and Economic Problems: March 3, 1990,” in Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping (Beijing: Renmin Press, 1993), 227. Excerpt from a talk with senior CCP members. 9“Communiqué of the 3rd Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee

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“Document 209—Memorandum of Conversation, President’s Meeting with Vice Premier Deng”; Leng Rong [冷溶] and Wang Zuoling [汪作玲], eds., Deng Xiaoping Nianpu [邓小平年谱], vol. 1 (Beijing: China Central Document Press [中央文献出版社], 2006), 498. 13Deng Xiaoping [邓小平], Collection of Deng Xiaoping’s Military Writings [邓小平军事文集], vol. 1 (Beijing: Military Science Press [军事科学出版社], 2004), 498. 14Yangmin Wang, “The Politics of U.S

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Needs an Entirely New Foreign Policy for the Trump Age.” 29Deng Xiaoping Selected Works [邓小平文选], 2nd ed., vol. 3 [第三卷] (Beijing: People’s Press [人民出版社], 1993), 320. 30Ibid., Deng Xiaoping Selected Works [邓小平文选], vol. 3 [第三卷], 324–27. 31For Jiang’s 8th Ambassadorial Conference address, see Jiang Zemin [江泽民],Jiang Zemin Selected Works [江泽民文选], vol. 1 [第一卷] (Beijing: People’s

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, 113–14, 115–16, 124, 128–29, 132 and political building strategies, 228 and US asymmetric strategies, 309, 312–13, 314, 325–26, 328–29 Deng Xiaoping and changing balance of economic power, 160, 161 and China’s global ambitions, 263, 279 and China’s good neighbor policy, 108 and Cold War

How Asia Works

by Joe Studwell  · 1 Jul 2013  · 868pp  · 147,152 words

. In writing names of people and places, I have attempted to use the romanised forms that are most familiar to contemporary English language readers. Hence Deng Xiaoping is rendered in the mainland Chinese pinyin system, whereas Chiang Kai-shek is rendered in the Wade-Giles system favoured in Taiwan. In South Korea

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determinant of that country’s performance. Mao Zedong proselytised a baby boom that was already occurring, telling Chinese people there was strength in numbers. Then Deng Xiaoping and his successors put the brakes on the birth rate, which was already slowing, with an often brutally enforced policy to limit child-bearing. Yet

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population pressure to induce high-rent tenancy and stagnant output. A rather typical landlord of the era was Deng Wenming, father of future Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping, who owned ten hectares in Paifang village in the hinterland of Chongqing in Sichuan province. Deng Wenming lived in a 22-room house on the

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nutrition in China in the 1970s were little better on average than in the 1930s.32 China waited until the revolutionary son of a landlord, Deng Xiaoping, rose to power in 1978 to rediscover what household farming could do for a developing country. By then, two decades of development had been lost

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point is: we must acknowledge that we are backward, that many of our ways of doing things are inappropriate, and that we need to change.’ Deng Xiaoping, on being confirmed as China’s preeminent leader in December 19781 Can the history of east Asian development tell us something useful about the development

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in, and so on.2 Through autarky, China failed to develop a single industrial product with which it could compete internationally. In the era of Deng Xiaoping, China broke out from the two great socialist fallacies. First, household farming was restored. Then, following Deng’s visits to the United States, Japan and

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themselves, supported by a few progressive regional Party leaders, who declared their families to be collective units and made household farming a fait accompli. As Deng Xiaoping admitted in his turgid autobiography: ‘It was the peasants who invented the household contract responsibility system with remuneration linked to output.’8 This was a

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corvée labour, and more. (In China, the bulk of welfare services are managed and funded at the local level.) As the Chinese economy grew under Deng Xiaoping, and then Jiang Zemin, urban bias in national fiscal policy increased greatly. Then, from 2001, China abandoned the bulk of its agricultural protection measures under

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run for the past thirteen years by the same highly rated manager, Chen Yuan, son of Chen Yun, the economist who rescued Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping from their worst policy follies.33 The institution built up its balance sheet by supporting large-scale, high-quality domestic infrastructure projects in the 2000s

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University Press, 1934), p. 74. Part 4 – Where China Fits In 1. Li Xiangqian and Han Gang, ‘Xin faxian Deng Xiaoping yu Hu Yaobang deng sanci tanhua jilu’ (‘Newly Discovered Record of Three of Deng Xiaoping’s Talks with Hu Yaobang and Others’), Bainianchao, n0. 3 (1999): 4–11, reprinted in Xie Chuntao, ed

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., Deng Xiaoping xiezhen (A Portrait of Deng Xiaoping) (Shanghai: Shanghai cishu chubanshe, 2005), p. 192. 2. The hugely polluting cement kilns developed in China are a form of vertical kiln into which ingredients

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. 14 below, which cover China’s seventeen most important agricultural provinces. Some other, less productive provinces have larger average farm sizes. 8. Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping, vol. 3 (1982–1992) (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1993), p. 370. 9. According to UN Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) data for 2009, Chinese

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1989. The premier in 1993 was Li Peng. Zhu Rongji became a vice-premier that year and – largely because Li Peng was not trusted by Deng Xiaoping to run the economy – Zhu took on that role, which normally falls to the premier. In January 1994, Zhu overhauled China’s tax system, redirecting

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the correct approach to economic reform as ‘crossing the river by feeling the stones’ (mozhe shitou guohe). The phrase is frequently and erroneously ascribed to Deng Xiaoping. 34. CDB was a major funder of the Three Gorges hydropower project, the ‘South–North’ water diversion project, and many other big power and road

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). Klaus Deininger and Lyn Squire, ‘New Ways of Looking at Old Issues: Inequality and Growth’, Journal of Development Economics, vol. 57, no. 2 (1998). Deng Xiaoping, Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping, vol. 3 (1982–1992) (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1993). Department of Agrarian Reform, Republic of the Philippines, ‘Philippine Agrarian Reform: Partnerships for

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Cultures at Risk (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2007). Adrian Vickers, A History of Modern Indonesia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005). Ezra F. Vogel, Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 2011). Robert Wade, Governing the Market: Economic Theory and the Role of Government in East Asian

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, 183, 218n28 Malaysia 198 Philippines 193, 321n43 Dee, Dewey 322–3n55 Deininger, Klaus 10, 276–7n12 democracy xxv–xxvi demographics see population Deng Wenming 17 Deng Xiaoping xxii, 17, 21, 221, 224, 226, 228, 241, 331n21 Denmark 61, 81 deregulation 162, 165–6, 173–4, 184, 196–8 Indonesia 212, 216, 217

The Last Kings of Shanghai: The Rival Jewish Dynasties That Helped Create Modern China

by Jonathan Kaufman  · 14 Sep 2020  · 415pp  · 103,801 words

business by his father. Refusing to abandon China after the Communists seized Shanghai, he rebuilt the family fortune in Hong Kong and was embraced by Deng Xiaoping and the Chinese when China emerged from isolation in the 1970s. Horace Kadoorie (1902–1995). Lawrence’s younger brother. Shy where his brother was gregarious

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, as they transformed China. His death paved the way for the return of the Kadoories to Shanghai and the city’s reevaluation of the Sassoons. Deng Xiaoping (1904–1997). The leader of China from 1978 to 1992, he was determined to modernize China. He ordered officials to reach out to Lawrence Kadoorie

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died three years earlier, in his final decade having presided over the chaos and near–civil war of the Cultural Revolution. His successors, led by Deng Xiaoping, had quickly arrested and jailed the radical “Gang of Four” headed by Mao’s widow, Jiang Qing, and her leftist Cultural Revolution followers, many of

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away from Hong Kong, to prevent rogue troops or Red Guards from trying to invade the city. Hong Kong was safe, for now. Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping (left) and Lawrence Kadoorie 10 The Last Taipan As China fell, Hong Kong rose. Every weekday at 8 A.M., two foreign luxury cars swept

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this rubble emerged a diminutive man in his sixties—just a few years younger than Lawrence Kadoorie—already hard of hearing and a chain smoker: Deng Xiaoping. A tough, veteran Communist revolutionary, Deng had climbed to the top of the Chinese leadership after 1949 and then been hardened by a purge in

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before it was erected. Genuine or not, the gravestone showed that someone in the Chinese government, even during the Cultural Revolution, and certainly now under Deng Xiaoping, cared enough to preserve the Kadoorie grave, believing that the connection with the Kadoories was worth preserving as well. Like Lawrence’s order to continue

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Mao’s handpicked successor, Hua Guofeng, who was visiting Europe for the first time. Lawrence was “very well impressed” meeting the titular Chinese leader, though Deng Xiaoping was already maneuvering to replace him. Lawrence found Hua “very well informed as to what is going on in the world” and eager to “preserve

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and help it to grow.” At a private meeting with a senior Chinese leader in Guangdong, Lawrence was told that the entire Chinese leadership, including Deng Xiaoping, was eager to see the project succeed. “It could be the future of Hong Kong we are talking about,” Lawrence told Thatcher. In 1981, formal

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his political case to keep Hong Kong under British control even as he negotiated the terms of the largest foreign investment ever in China. But Deng Xiaoping had other ideas, and so did the British. Deng was flexible about economic reform and eager to have the country do business with Lawrence. But

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, he said, “to remind me that Humpty Dumpty took a great fall.” * * * • • • A MONTH AFTER giving his speech, Lawrence was invited to Beijing to meet Deng Xiaoping. It was only the second time Deng had agreed to meet a foreign businessman. The two men joked about their ages. “Between us there is

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.” Lawrence beamed: “Certainly!” And yet despite Lawrence’s wealth and status, the tremors of China’s rise and reemergence began to buffet him. By 1989, Deng Xiaoping’s post-Mao reforms were stalling. They produced high unemployment, high inflation, conspicuous inequalities, and a demand for political changes. University students began to protest

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,” he wrote to a friend. When the opening of the Daya Bay nuclear plant was postponed a few months for technical reasons, Lawrence wrote to Deng Xiaoping: “Though I regret to say that I am now in a wheelchair due to arthritis, I still hope to see you in Daya Bay at

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parcel, farther down the Bund. It was the old British consulate. Margaret Thatcher had asked for it back in the 1980s when she met with Deng Xiaoping and was rebuffed. Jardine, the Kadoories’ old rival, hoped to build there, and so did the Rockefellers in partnership with the Japanese. Michael swooped in

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, Hong Kong Heritage Project. “Humpty Dumpty took a great fall”: “A Businessman Philosopher,” Forbes, December 19, 1983, 116–17. joked about their ages: Meeting between Deng Xiaoping and Lawrence Kadoorie based on interview and contemporaneous notes of Nai Ling, who was Kadoorie’s interpreter; oral history of Nai Ling, Hong Kong Heritage

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, 251–52, 260, 261, 264, 286 David Sassoon Benevolent Institution, 15 David Sassoon Mechanics Institute, 15–16 Daya Bay, 268, 273, 276–78, 281, 284 Deng Xiaoping, xiii, xv, xx, 256, 260–61, 264, 265, 268, 273, 277–78, 287 Four Modernizations of, 261 Lawrence Kadoorie and, 256, 273, 276–77, 278

Zbig: The Life of Zbigniew Brzezinski, America's Great Power Prophet

by Edward Luce  · 13 May 2025  · 612pp  · 235,188 words

end, a demoralized and exhausted Kissinger said that he had never believed normalization was possible. That was misleading; Kissinger had told China’s new leader, Deng Xiaoping, that he would pursue normalization after the 1976 election, assuming that Ford won. At the same time he vowed to Goldwater that normalization would never

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advisors were in agreement. Going for broke in the Middle East had not been their idea. But both admired Carter for his boldness. * * * Brzezinski convinced Deng Xiaoping of Carter’s tenacity by citing two bills he had just railroaded through Congress against all odds. The first example was the Panama Canal Treaties

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, Holbrooke noticed that there was no language covering US arms sales to Taiwan following the specified one-year moratorium. Woodcock had to hurry back to Deng Xiaoping to get his sign-off on the missing language. The Chinese leader lost his temper but was mollified when Woodcock assured him that any military

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up Carter’s much craved summit with Brezhnev. Brzezinski and Vance had been in a race to see which would happen first: a visit by Deng Xiaoping to the US or Carter’s summit with the Soviet leader. Brzezinski had at several moments in the previous weeks spurred Deng to accelerate the

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carried out. By one of those odd quirks of fate, Ayatollah Khomeini had made his dramatic flight back to Tehran on the same day that Deng Xiaoping left Washington. The ayatollah’s return led to the CIA’s flurried departure from Iran. The agency quickly fled the country. When one door closes

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been greeted by millions as a prophet and savior on his return to Tehran the previous week. Brzezinski had hurriedly left the state dinner with Deng Xiaoping to call William Seawell, chief executive officer of Pan American World Airways, to ensure the ayatollah would not go back on an American plane.8

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five years earlier. The 1978 putsch was far bloodier. Daoud and twenty-seven members of his family, including his grandchildren, were slaughtered. Both Brzezinski and Deng Xiaoping, whom he had first met in China a few weeks earlier, thought the Soviets were behind the coup,102 though the evidence was inconclusive. Either

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the whole country, but you feel that diplomats shouldn’t make any at all,” Carter told Vance.123 Brown got Carter’s permission to give Deng Xiaoping over-the-horizon radar equipment, on the grounds that it was more of an intelligence tool than a military weapon. At a briefing for a

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who had overcome deep inner qualms to make tough calls. He had rewritten the Cold War in America’s favor. Reagan inherited those terms. As Deng Xiaoping had kept pressing, Carter did make up his mind about the USSR. Yet his proudest boast was that no “combat” deaths had occurred on his

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of the USSR’s population; ethnic Chinese accounted for more than 90 percent of China’s. Beijing therefore suffered from no comparable Achilles’ heel. Moreover, Deng Xiaoping, with whom Brzezinski had retained a close relationship, was a maestro of thoughtfully sequenced reform. Deng had first liberalized the rural sector from state control

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of Brzezinski’s more improbable friendships was with Richard Nixon. The disgraced ex-president had not forgotten Brzezinski’s invitation to the state dinner for Deng Xiaoping in 1979. It had been his first step towards rehabilitation since his iniquitous exit almost five years before. It was also the start of a

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minds was on the need to sustain good US relations with China no matter what. Brzezinski went to some lengths to maintain his chemistry with Deng Xiaoping. At Deng’s invitation, the Brzezinski family spent three weeks in China in the summer of 1981, their first long family trip since Brzezinski had

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’s presence in Beijing, the first visit to China by a Soviet leader in decades. “My father thinks that Gorbachev is an idiot,” one of Deng Xiaoping’s sons told an American journalist.96 Brzezinski often characterized Gorbachev’s rule as “all glasnost and no perestroika”; Deng’s, meanwhile, was “all perestroika

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a return call. He was researching a history of China, to be titled On China, and wanted details about Brzezinski’s 1978–79 negotiations with Deng Xiaoping. In the meantime, the Jimmy Carter Presidential Library in Atlanta had given Kissinger what he needed. “My conclusions will be very complimentary so you could

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the rumors. Yet they had a life of their own. In general, Brzezinski had little patience with conspiracy theories. At one of his sessions with Deng Xiaoping, he had corrected the Chinese leader about Czar Peter the Great’s last will and testament, which had laid out Russia’s plans to dominate

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-based Polish Jews, Blair House, July 1977. 21. Brzezinski and Begin playing chess at Camp David, September 9, 1978. 22. Brzezinski meeting China’s leader Deng Xiaoping for the first time, Beijing, May 21, 1978. 23. Brzezinski at the Great Wall of China, with a group of Chinese sailors, May 23, 1978

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. In the foreground facing Brzezinski is Michael Oksenberg, the NSC China advisor. 28. Brzezinski with West German chancellor Helmut Schmidt, Bonn, September 27, 1977. 29. Deng Xiaoping shaking hands with Mark Brzezinski, as Muska watches on. Spring Hill, January 29, 1979. 30. Jimmy Carter and Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev at the signing

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and the End of the American Century (New York: Knopf, 2019), 184. 34. President Jimmy Carter, email interview with author, March 2021. 35. Meeting with Deng Xiaoping, memorandum of conversation, May 25, 1978, Peking, China, box III: 8.5, Brzezinski Papers, LoC. 36. Packer, Our Man, 184. 37. “Making Friends in Peking

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, Russia’s Cold War: From the October Revolution to the Fall of the Wall (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2012), 326. 102. Meeting with Deng Xiaoping, memorandum of conversation, May 25, 1978, Peking, China, box III: 8.5, Brzezinski Papers, LoC. 103. NSA diary, February 12, 1979. 104. Dick Camp, Boots

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, Collapse, 60. 97. Memorandum of Conversation between Brzezinski and the Pope, April 5, 1989, box II: R.252, Brzezinski Papers, LoC. 98. Zbigniew Brzezinski to Deng Xiaoping, enclosed to George H. W. Bush, June 14, 1989, box II: 219.1, Brzezinski Papers, LoC. 99. Memorandum for the record of Zbigniew Brzezinski, conversation

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with George H. W. Bush, June 20, 1989, box II: 219.1, Brzezinski Papers, LoC. 100. Zbigniew Brzezinski to Deng Xiaoping, June 14, 1989, box II: 219.1, Brzezinski Papers, LoC. 101. Memorandum for the record of Zbigniew Brzezinski, conversation with George H. W. Bush, June

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–86 Democratic National Convention (New York, 1980), 339 Democratic National Convention (DNC) commission, 170 Democratic Party, 167–69, 384, 392–93, 430 Denend, Les, 352 Deng Xiaoping on Afghanistan, 254, 318, 322 and Kissinger, 249–50 reforms by, 399–400 on SALT II (see under SALT II) on the Soviet Union, 250

Age of Ambition: Chasing Fortune, Truth, and Faith in the New China

by Evan Osnos  · 12 May 2014  · 499pp  · 152,156 words

Lin defected from Taiwan, the People’s Republic was poorer than North Korea; its per capita income was one-third that of sub-Saharan Africa. Deng Xiaoping had been China’s paramount leader for less than six months. At seventy-five, he was a persuasive but plainspoken statesman, and a survivor—repeatedly

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, inevitably, received credit for the expression.) In 1979 the Party announced that it would no longer tag people as “landlords” and “rich peasants,” and later Deng Xiaoping removed the final stigma: “Let some people get rich first,” he said, “and gradually all the people should get rich together.” The Party extended the

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than eight employees—Marx had believed that firms with more than eight workers were exploitative—but eventually small enterprises began popping up so fast that Deng Xiaoping told a Yugoslav delegation that it was “as if a strange army had appeared suddenly from nowhere.” He did not take credit. “This is not

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had been songbang—“unfettered”—a term more often used for a liberated prisoner or an animal. They began to talk of politics and democracy. But Deng Xiaoping had his limits. In March 1979, not long before Lin Zhengyi embarked on his adventure to the mainland, Deng spoke to a group of senior

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wandered into an introductory class on modern Chinese politics: revolution and civil war; the tragic, protean force of Chairman Mao; the fall and rise of Deng Xiaoping, who led China out of seclusion and into the world. Only five years had passed since the 1989 democracy demonstrations at Tiananmen Square, when students

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rural people to live and work temporarily in cities. In the next eight years, the number of rural migrants reached a hundred million. In 1992, Deng Xiaoping let it be known that prosperity was paramount: “Development,” he said, after visiting a refrigerator factory that had expanded sixteenfold in seven years, “is the

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that Lin Yifu’s military unit on Quemoy had played her music over the radio to attract defectors. Since she had the same surname as Deng Xiaoping, the soldiers on the mainland joked that they listed to Old Deng all day and Young Deng all night. “Before that, the songs we sang

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my opinion, to buy a house and a car will take me about five more years. Five more years.” FIVE NO LONGER A SLAVE When Deng Xiaoping declared that it was time to “let some people get rich first,” he didn’t say which people. It was up to them to figure

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to others for help if their risk-taking does not succeed. Another theory is more specific to the boom years. “The economic reforms undertaken by Deng Xiaoping were a gamble in themselves,” Ricardo Siu, a business professor at the University of Macau, told me. “So people got the idea that taking a

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. The Department almost disappeared. In 1989 the uprising at Tiananmen Square convinced some Party leaders that propaganda was growing impotent in the modern age. But Deng Xiaoping disagreed, and he made a fateful decision—the Party’s future survival, he declared, would rest, more than ever before, on two pillars: prosperity and

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.” The end of the Cold War, and the crackdown at Tiananmen Square, shook the Chinese establishment politically and economically. Zhao Ziyang, the reformist member of Deng Xiaoping’s original economic brain trust, was blamed for not suppressing the demonstrations earlier; think tanks that he had created were dissolved, and several economists went

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strident: he dismissed the “optimistic, and perhaps naïve, argument put forward by some scholars that democracies … are more likely to undertake economic reforms.” He quoted Deng Xiaoping, who once said, “The United States brags about its political system, but the president says one thing during the election, something else when he takes

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went “straight into the garbage.”) He gravitated to the group of avant-garde artists known as the Stars, but their activism was circumscribed. In 1979, Deng Xiaoping put an end to an incipient political movement called Democracy Wall; its central figure, Wei Jingsheng, was sentenced to fifteen years in prison, on charges

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. Ding was an illiterate egg farmer in rural Shanxi—five feet ten, with broad shoulders and a foghorn of a voice. In the 1980s, after Deng Xiaoping launched the country toward the free market, she collected eggs from neighbors to sell on the sidewalk in the county seat. This was illegal without

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’t know the truth.” But more and more, it seemed that the problem was the truth itself. To some degree, the great national footrace that Deng Xiaoping ordained was rigged. The field was not simply tilted against them. They weren’t playing the same game. In January 2010 a nineteen-year-old

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Special Operations (New York: Routledge, 2000). For background on the relationship between senior leaders at the advent of reform, see Barry Naughton, “Deng Xiaoping: The Economist,” China Quarterly 135, Special Issue: Deng Xiaoping: An Assessment (Sept. 1993): 491–514; Jonathan Spence, The Search for Modern China (New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 1990

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das Neves, Manuel Joaquim Defense Ministry, Taiwan Delacroix, Eugène de Leeuw, Hendrik De Meuron democracy Democracy Forum Democracy Wall democratic centralism Deng Lijun Deng Qian Deng Xiaoping; capitalist reforms of; China opened by; Mao’s purging of; public relations of; U.S. political system disdained by Depardieu, Gerard Dewey, John Diamond Bachelors

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The End of the Free Market: Who Wins the War Between States and Corporations?

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Factory Girls: From Village to City in a Changing China

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Slouching Towards Utopia: An Economic History of the Twentieth Century

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Left Behind

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The end of history and the last man

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Reaganland: America's Right Turn 1976-1980

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Apple in China: The Capture of the World's Greatest Company

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China into Africa: trade, aid, and influence

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Lonely Planet China (Travel Guide)

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War and Gold: A Five-Hundred-Year History of Empires, Adventures, and Debt

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Crack-Up Capitalism: Market Radicals and the Dream of a World Without Democracy

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The Great Firewall of China

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The End of the Cold War: 1985-1991

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China's Good War

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After the Fall: Being American in the World We've Made

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Belt and Road: A Chinese World Order

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Why geography matters: three challenges facing America : climate change, the rise of China, and global terrorism

by Harm J. De Blij  · 15 Nov 2007  · 481pp  · 121,300 words

The New Map: Energy, Climate, and the Clash of Nations

by Daniel Yergin  · 14 Sep 2020

The Quest: Energy, Security, and the Remaking of the Modern World

by Daniel Yergin  · 14 May 2011  · 1,373pp  · 300,577 words

The Narrow Corridor: States, Societies, and the Fate of Liberty

by Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson  · 23 Sep 2019  · 809pp  · 237,921 words

The Rise and Fall of the Neoliberal Order: America and the World in the Free Market Era

by Gary Gerstle  · 14 Oct 2022  · 655pp  · 156,367 words

The Elements of Power: A Story of War, Technology, and the Dirtiest Supply Chain on Earth

by Nicolas Niarchos  · 20 Jan 2026  · 654pp  · 170,150 words

The Origins of Political Order: From Prehuman Times to the French Revolution

by Francis Fukuyama  · 11 Apr 2011  · 740pp  · 217,139 words

The Great Race: The Global Quest for the Car of the Future

by Levi Tillemann  · 20 Jan 2015  · 431pp  · 107,868 words

From the Ruins of Empire: The Intellectuals Who Remade Asia

by Pankaj Mishra  · 3 Sep 2012

The Tyranny of Experts: Economists, Dictators, and the Forgotten Rights of the Poor

by William Easterly  · 4 Mar 2014  · 483pp  · 134,377 words

Why the West Rules--For Now: The Patterns of History, and What They Reveal About the Future

by Ian Morris  · 11 Oct 2010  · 1,152pp  · 266,246 words

Seasteading: How Floating Nations Will Restore the Environment, Enrich the Poor, Cure the Sick, and Liberate Humanity From Politicians

by Joe Quirk and Patri Friedman  · 21 Mar 2017  · 441pp  · 113,244 words

McMafia: A Journey Through the Global Criminal Underworld

by Misha Glenny  · 7 Apr 2008  · 487pp  · 147,891 words

Our Dollar, Your Problem: An Insider’s View of Seven Turbulent Decades of Global Finance, and the Road Ahead

by Kenneth Rogoff  · 27 Feb 2025  · 330pp  · 127,791 words

Grand Transitions: How the Modern World Was Made

by Vaclav Smil  · 2 Mar 2021  · 1,324pp  · 159,290 words

The Return of Marco Polo's World: War, Strategy, and American Interests in the Twenty-First Century

by Robert D. Kaplan  · 6 Mar 2018  · 247pp  · 78,961 words

Capitalism, Alone: The Future of the System That Rules the World

by Branko Milanovic  · 23 Sep 2019

The Capitalist Manifesto

by Johan Norberg  · 14 Jun 2023  · 295pp  · 87,204 words

The Powerful and the Damned: Private Diaries in Turbulent Times

by Lionel Barber  · 5 Nov 2020

Grave New World: The End of Globalization, the Return of History

by Stephen D. King  · 22 May 2017  · 354pp  · 92,470 words

Kissinger: A Biography

by Walter Isaacson  · 26 Sep 2005  · 1,330pp  · 372,940 words

The Evolution of Everything: How New Ideas Emerge

by Matt Ridley  · 395pp  · 116,675 words

The Socialist Manifesto: The Case for Radical Politics in an Era of Extreme Inequality

by Bhaskar Sunkara  · 1 Feb 2019  · 324pp  · 86,056 words

Kingdom of Characters: The Language Revolution That Made China Modern

by Jing Tsu  · 18 Jan 2022  · 408pp  · 105,715 words

The Light That Failed: A Reckoning

by Ivan Krastev and Stephen Holmes  · 31 Oct 2019  · 300pp  · 87,374 words

Every Nation for Itself: Winners and Losers in a G-Zero World

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The Age of Stagnation: Why Perpetual Growth Is Unattainable and the Global Economy Is in Peril

by Satyajit Das  · 9 Feb 2016  · 327pp  · 90,542 words

The Collapse: The Accidental Opening of the Berlin Wall

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Water: A Biography

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Aerotropolis

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Power Hungry: The Myths of "Green" Energy and the Real Fuels of the Future

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Pacific: Silicon Chips and Surfboards, Coral Reefs and Atom Bombs, Brutal Dictators, Fading Empires, and the Coming Collision of the World's Superpowers

by Simon Winchester  · 27 Oct 2015  · 535pp  · 151,217 words

Capitalism: Money, Morals and Markets

by John Plender  · 27 Jul 2015  · 355pp  · 92,571 words

Order Without Design: How Markets Shape Cities

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More From Less: The Surprising Story of How We Learned to Prosper Using Fewer Resources – and What Happens Next

by Andrew McAfee  · 30 Sep 2019  · 372pp  · 94,153 words

A Brief History of Neoliberalism

by David Harvey  · 2 Jan 1995  · 318pp  · 85,824 words

Berlin 1961: Kennedy, Khrushchev, and the Most Dangerous Place on Earth

by Frederick Kempe  · 30 Apr 2011  · 762pp  · 206,865 words

Tech Titans of China: How China's Tech Sector Is Challenging the World by Innovating Faster, Working Harder, and Going Global

by Rebecca Fannin  · 2 Sep 2019  · 269pp  · 70,543 words

The End of Cheap China: Economic and Cultural Trends That Will Disrupt the World

by Shaun Rein  · 27 Mar 2012  · 251pp  · 63,630 words

The WikiLeaks Files: The World According to US Empire

by Wikileaks  · 24 Aug 2015  · 708pp  · 176,708 words

Reinventing the Bazaar: A Natural History of Markets

by John McMillan  · 1 Jan 2002  · 350pp  · 103,988 words

Boom and Bust: A Global History of Financial Bubbles

by William Quinn and John D. Turner  · 5 Aug 2020  · 297pp  · 108,353 words

The Post-American World: Release 2.0

by Fareed Zakaria  · 1 Jan 2008  · 344pp  · 93,858 words

Chokepoints: American Power in the Age of Economic Warfare

by Edward Fishman  · 25 Feb 2025  · 884pp  · 221,861 words

Stakeholder Capitalism: A Global Economy That Works for Progress, People and Planet

by Klaus Schwab  · 7 Jan 2021  · 460pp  · 107,454 words

The Laundromat : Inside the Panama Papers, Illicit Money Networks, and the Global Elite

by Jake Bernstein  · 14 Oct 2019  · 470pp  · 125,992 words

Seven Crashes: The Economic Crises That Shaped Globalization

by Harold James  · 15 Jan 2023  · 469pp  · 137,880 words

The War Below: Lithium, Copper, and the Global Battle to Power Our Lives

by Ernest Scheyder  · 30 Jan 2024  · 355pp  · 133,726 words

How Africa Works: Success and Failure on the World’s Last Developmental Frontier

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The New Silk Roads: The Present and Future of the World

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The Asian Financial Crisis 1995–98: Birth of the Age of Debt

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Fortune's Bazaar: the Making of Hong Kong: The Making of Hong Kong

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Ghosts of Empire: Britain's Legacies in the Modern World

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Divided: Why We're Living in an Age of Walls

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Stakeholder Capitalism: A Global Economy That Works for Progress, People and Planet

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The Hidden History of Burma

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Animal Spirits: How Human Psychology Drives the Economy, and Why It Matters for Global Capitalism

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Growth: From Microorganisms to Megacities

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The Price of Time: The Real Story of Interest

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Trust: The Social Virtue and the Creation of Prosperity

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Capitalism 4.0: The Birth of a New Economy in the Aftermath of Crisis

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The River at the Centre of the World

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The Long Boom: A Vision for the Coming Age of Prosperity

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Evil Genes: Why Rome Fell, Hitler Rose, Enron Failed, and My Sister Stole My Mother's Boyfriend

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Cities in the Sky: The Quest to Build the World's Tallest Skyscrapers

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Second World: Empires and Influence in the New Global Order

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The Human City: Urbanism for the Rest of Us

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The Jakarta Method: Washington's Anticommunist Crusade and the Mass Murder Program That Shaped Our World

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The Looting Machine: Warlords, Oligarchs, Corporations, Smugglers, and the Theft of Africa's Wealth

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Losing Control: The Emerging Threats to Western Prosperity

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Bourgeois Dignity: Why Economics Can't Explain the Modern World

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The Scandal of Money

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The Relentless Revolution: A History of Capitalism

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The Next Factory of the World: How Chinese Investment Is Reshaping Africa

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A Generation of Sociopaths: How the Baby Boomers Betrayed America

by Bruce Cannon Gibney  · 7 Mar 2017  · 526pp  · 160,601 words

Connectography: Mapping the Future of Global Civilization

by Parag Khanna  · 18 Apr 2016  · 497pp  · 144,283 words

The World for Sale: Money, Power and the Traders Who Barter the Earth’s Resources

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Consent of the Networked: The Worldwide Struggle for Internet Freedom

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Global Catastrophic Risks

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The Third Pillar: How Markets and the State Leave the Community Behind

by Raghuram Rajan  · 26 Feb 2019  · 596pp  · 163,682 words

The Emperor's New Road: How China's New Silk Road Is Remaking the World

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Gambling Man

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Empire of Things: How We Became a World of Consumers, From the Fifteenth Century to the Twenty-First

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The Atlantic and Its Enemies: A History of the Cold War

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When the Money Runs Out: The End of Western Affluence

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The Economists' Hour: How the False Prophets of Free Markets Fractured Our Society

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Four Battlegrounds

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Currency Wars: The Making of the Next Gobal Crisis

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Countdown: Our Last, Best Hope for a Future on Earth?

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Siege: Trump Under Fire

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Ten Lessons for a Post-Pandemic World

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Volt Rush: The Winners and Losers in the Race to Go Green

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The Wires of War: Technology and the Global Struggle for Power

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The Cold War: Stories From the Big Freeze

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Frostbite: How Refrigeration Changed Our Food, Our Planet, and Ourselves

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We Are All Fast-Food Workers Now: The Global Uprising Against Poverty Wages

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The City: A Global History

by Joel Kotkin  · 1 Jan 2005

Salt: A World History

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Shadow of the Silk Road

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The Death of Money: The Coming Collapse of the International Monetary System

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The Fourth Revolution: The Global Race to Reinvent the State

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Capitalism in America: A History

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Socialism Sucks: Two Economists Drink Their Way Through the Unfree World

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Globish: How the English Language Became the World's Language

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The Undercover Economist: Exposing Why the Rich Are Rich, the Poor Are Poor, and Why You Can Never Buy a Decent Used Car

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Imagining India

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The Elements of Power: Gadgets, Guns, and the Struggle for a Sustainable Future in the Rare Metal Age

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The Panama Papers: Breaking the Story of How the Rich and Powerful Hide Their Money

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The China Mission: George Marshall's Unfinished War, 1945-1947

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The Great Demographic Reversal: Ageing Societies, Waning Inequality, and an Inflation Revival

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Extreme Money: Masters of the Universe and the Cult of Risk

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The Hidden Half: How the World Conceals Its Secrets

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Age of Discovery: Navigating the Risks and Rewards of Our New Renaissance

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Enriching the Earth: Fritz Haber, Carl Bosch, and the Transformation of World Food Production

by Vaclav Smil  · 18 Dec 2000

The Despot's Accomplice: How the West Is Aiding and Abetting the Decline of Democracy

by Brian Klaas  · 15 Mar 2017

On Time and Water

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After Nations: The Making and Unmaking of a World Order

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Building and Dwelling: Ethics for the City

by Richard Sennett  · 9 Apr 2018

Behemoth: A History of the Factory and the Making of the Modern World

by Joshua B. Freeman  · 27 Feb 2018  · 538pp  · 145,243 words

The Ages of Globalization

by Jeffrey D. Sachs  · 2 Jun 2020

MegaThreats: Ten Dangerous Trends That Imperil Our Future, and How to Survive Them

by Nouriel Roubini  · 17 Oct 2022  · 328pp  · 96,678 words

Golden Holocaust: Origins of the Cigarette Catastrophe and the Case for Abolition

by Robert N. Proctor  · 28 Feb 2012  · 1,199pp  · 332,563 words

Earth Wars: The Battle for Global Resources

by Geoff Hiscock  · 23 Apr 2012  · 363pp  · 101,082 words

More: The 10,000-Year Rise of the World Economy

by Philip Coggan  · 6 Feb 2020  · 524pp  · 155,947 words

Net Zero: How We Stop Causing Climate Change

by Dieter Helm  · 2 Sep 2020  · 304pp  · 90,084 words

Drink: A Cultural History of Alcohol

by Iain Gately  · 30 Jun 2008  · 686pp  · 201,972 words

Capitalism and Its Critics: A History: From the Industrial Revolution to AI

by John Cassidy  · 12 May 2025  · 774pp  · 238,244 words

The Growth Delusion: Wealth, Poverty, and the Well-Being of Nations

by David Pilling  · 30 Jan 2018  · 264pp  · 76,643 words

The Enigma of Capital: And the Crises of Capitalism

by David Harvey  · 1 Jan 2010  · 369pp  · 94,588 words

The Sushi Economy: Globalization and the Making of a Modern Delicacy

by Sasha Issenberg  · 1 Jan 2007  · 534pp  · 15,752 words

The Making of Global Capitalism

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Does Capitalism Have a Future?

by Immanuel Wallerstein, Randall Collins, Michael Mann, Georgi Derluguian, Craig Calhoun, Stephen Hoye and Audible Studios  · 15 Nov 2013  · 238pp  · 73,121 words

Open: The Story of Human Progress

by Johan Norberg  · 14 Sep 2020  · 505pp  · 138,917 words

Lifestyle Entrepreneur: Live Your Dreams, Ignite Your Passions and Run Your Business From Anywhere in the World

by Jesse Krieger  · 2 Jun 2014  · 189pp  · 52,741 words

The World in 2050: Four Forces Shaping Civilization's Northern Future

by Laurence C. Smith  · 22 Sep 2010  · 421pp  · 120,332 words

AI Superpowers: China, Silicon Valley, and the New World Order

by Kai-Fu Lee  · 14 Sep 2018  · 307pp  · 88,180 words

The Finance Curse: How Global Finance Is Making Us All Poorer

by Nicholas Shaxson  · 10 Oct 2018  · 482pp  · 149,351 words

Stocks for the Long Run 5/E: the Definitive Guide to Financial Market Returns & Long-Term Investment Strategies

by Jeremy Siegel  · 7 Jan 2014  · 517pp  · 139,477 words

Supertall: How the World's Tallest Buildings Are Reshaping Our Cities and Our Lives

by Stefan Al  · 11 Apr 2022  · 300pp  · 81,293 words

Dawn of the Code War: America's Battle Against Russia, China, and the Rising Global Cyber Threat

by John P. Carlin and Garrett M. Graff  · 15 Oct 2018  · 568pp  · 164,014 words

World Cities and Nation States

by Greg Clark and Tim Moonen  · 19 Dec 2016

Enlightenment Now: The Case for Reason, Science, Humanism, and Progress

by Steven Pinker  · 13 Feb 2018  · 1,034pp  · 241,773 words

Rush Hour: How 500 Million Commuters Survive the Daily Journey to Work

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Plutocrats: The Rise of the New Global Super-Rich and the Fall of Everyone Else

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The Wealth of Humans: Work, Power, and Status in the Twenty-First Century

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Bean Counters: The Triumph of the Accountants and How They Broke Capitalism

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What Would the Great Economists Do?: How Twelve Brilliant Minds Would Solve Today's Biggest Problems

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Power and Progress: Our Thousand-Year Struggle Over Technology and Prosperity

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The Mutant Project: Inside the Global Race to Genetically Modify Humans

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Reset

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Globalists

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The Butterfly Defect: How Globalization Creates Systemic Risks, and What to Do About It

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Leading From the Emerging Future: From Ego-System to Eco-System Economies

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Quit Like a Millionaire: No Gimmicks, Luck, or Trust Fund Required

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Dark Laboratory: On Columbus, the Caribbean, and the Origins of the Climate Crisis

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Cities Are Good for You: The Genius of the Metropolis

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The River of Lost Footsteps

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The Shifts and the Shocks: What We've Learned--And Have Still to Learn--From the Financial Crisis

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The Silk Roads: A New History of the World

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Roads to Berlin

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Singularity Rising: Surviving and Thriving in a Smarter, Richer, and More Dangerous World

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Six Degrees: Our Future on a Hotter Planet

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Planet of Slums

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Why Stock Markets Crash: Critical Events in Complex Financial Systems

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The Coming Anarchy: Shattering the Dreams of the Post Cold War

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Prisoners of Geography: Ten Maps That Explain Everything About the World (Politics of Place)

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Milton Friedman: A Biography

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Seriously Curious: The Facts and Figures That Turn Our World Upside Down

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Wealth, Poverty and Politics

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Hit Refresh: The Quest to Rediscover Microsoft's Soul and Imagine a Better Future for Everyone

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Money: 5,000 Years of Debt and Power

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How to Hide an Empire: A History of the Greater United States

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What We Owe the Future: A Million-Year View

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The Dollar Meltdown: Surviving the Coming Currency Crisis With Gold, Oil, and Other Unconventional Investments

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Manias, Panics and Crashes: A History of Financial Crises, Sixth Edition

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