description: a Chinese politician who served as the leader of the Communist Party of China and was instrumental in modernising China
345 results
by Joe Studwell · 6 Dec 2025 · 393pp · 148,223 words
sense to do there is wood products.’67 With scarce resources, Ethiopia could not afford one of everything for every group. As the Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping observed, a developing country government has to ‘let some people get rich first’. The costs of the EPRDF’s federal structure were compounded by its
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as managing politics that are far more viscerally personal than in developed nations. In East Asia, leaders like Park Chung Hee in South Korea or Deng Xiaoping in China, and a host of less well known subordinates, combined subtle political acumen with earthy pronouncements that mobilised the masses and a laser-like
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resigned as commissioner of the EIC in June 2020. Universities were built all over Ethiopia for federal political reasons rather than based on demand. 68 Deng Xiaoping made his remark several times during speeches on his ‘Southern Tour’ of 1992, which revitalised the Chinese reform agenda. Author interview with Marco Quinones, 14
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urbanisation and 41, 43, 243–6, 261, 264, 273, 309, 316, 324 white settlers and 80–83, 91, 92 demonstration effect 198–9, 206, 307 Deng Xiaoping 191, 314, 374n dependency ratio 45, 324, 325 Derg (military junta) 36, 170–71, 173, 185, 196, 204, 368, 369n Desalegn, Hailemariam 182–4, 188
by Rush Doshi · 24 Jun 2021 · 816pp · 191,889 words
Communist Party “The Soviets can do something after just one Politburo meeting. Can the Americans do that?”1 —Deng Xiaoping to China’s Politburo, early 1980s In June 1987, China’s de facto leader Deng Xiaoping was in a meeting with Yugoslav officials, and he was worried. China was in the midst of “reform
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Communist Party would grow. Many of the CCP’s early leaders were patriotic youth drawn to what was essentially a restorative nationalist project. Some, like Deng Xiaoping, participated in nationalist events like the May 4th movement and were drawn “to the national effort to rid China of the humiliation it had suffered
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was young, he put up posters advocating that Sun Yat-sen be made China’s president, Kang its premier, and Liang its foreign minister.16 Deng Xiaoping’s own father was reportedly a member of Liang Qichao’s political party, which undoubtedly shaped Deng’s early nationalist worldview.17 Many future communists
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extraordinarily dangerous move to step out from Soviet order and claim the mantle of ideological leadership from Moscow were all motivated by these nationalist impulses. Deng Xiaoping’s reform and opening, and his emphasis on economic and technological advancement, explicitly emulated the language of an earlier generation of self-strengtheners. His successors
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developed from yesterday, and tomorrow is a continuation of today.”28 “The great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation is the great ideal of Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, their comrades, and millions of revolutionary martyrs. . . . Today, the baton of history has reached our hands.”29 The “baton of history” must be carried by
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War, but now I feel disappointed. It seems that one Cold War has come to an end but that two others have already begun.”1 —Deng Xiaoping, 1989 Four decades ago, on the windswept edges of Soviet empire, an improbable partnership was forged. With Beijing’s approval, the United States built and
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thirty-year struggle to displace American power was born. As the socialist world crumbled in the late 1980s and a new order came into being, Deng Xiaoping put forward a “strategic guideline” [战略方针] to reduce the risk of American-led balancing and containment, to blunt American leverage over China, and thereby to secure
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plane landed in the afternoon on July 1, it was hidden behind an old terminal away from prying eyes. The next morning, Scowcroft met with Deng Xiaoping, Li Peng, and other officials, as well as a photographer who happened to be the son of President Yang. Before Scowcroft’s visit, President George
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H. W. Bush had sent an apologetic and solicitous secret letter to Deng Xiaoping on the importance of bilateral ties; now, Scowcroft would carry a similar message in person to reassure China’s paramount leader that despite the tough
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: In November and December 1989, former U.S. Secretary of State and the president’s National Security Advisor Brent Scowcroft visited China successively, and comrade Deng Xiaoping met with them both and put forward a wholesale plan for restoring Sino-U.S. relations. This plan ultimately found its realization in my [Jiang
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, including articles on the website of the Party newspaper People’s Daily, recount the guideline’s history: [Tao Guang Yang Hui] was put forward by Deng Xiaoping during the “special period” of drastic changes in Eastern Europe and the disintegration of the socialist camp there in the late 1980s and early 1990s
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time, China faced questions about “what to do” and “in what direction to go” as well as others that it urgently needed to answer, and Deng Xiaoping put forward a series of important thoughts/ideology and countermeasures.70 Another article on the People’s Daily site says the same, dating the concept
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after Tiananmen: “At the beginning of the end of the Cold War, when China was sanctioned by Western countries, Comrade Deng Xiaoping put forward . . . Tao Guang Yang Hui.”71 Party officials ranging from paramount leaders like Hu Jintao to Politburo Standing Committee members like Liu Huaqing echo
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the concept was intended to encourage Chinese self-restraint at a time when its relative power was low. For example, in a speech summarized in Deng Xiaoping’s official chronicles, Deng declared Tao Guang Yang Hui the central component of his strategic vision for China’s foreign policy and said it was
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Standing Committee in 1991 that reinforced Tao Guang Yang Hui. “Under the current international situation of constant changes, we must stick to carrying out Comrade Deng Xiaoping’s strategic guideline of ‘observe calmly, stabilize our position, cope calmly, hiding capabilities and biding time [Tao Guang Yang Hui], and be good at defending
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we cannot cultivate enemies everywhere.”77 Similarly, a few years later at a smaller gathering of ambassadors, Jiang reiterated these views: “We must implement Comrade Deng Xiaoping’s policy of Tao Guang Yang Hui and never taking leadership—this is without doubt.”78 He further stressed, “we cannot go beyond our reality
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the guideline was rooted in China’s low relative power. At this important historical period at the turn of the century, we must unswervingly implement Deng Xiaoping’s diplomatic thinking . . . first, we should continue to adhere to the “strategic guidelines” [战略方针] of “calmly observe, calmly deal with the situation, never take leadership, and
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Hui, along with “observing calmly, calmly coping with challenges, not leading, making a difference,” Hu reminded his audience, “is a high-level summary of Comrade Deng Xiaoping’s series of important strategic policies for China’s diplomacy after the sudden change of international politics in the late 1980s and early 1990s.”84
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by the late 1980s, a gradual decrease in tension led Chinese leaders to turn their attention more concretely to local wars. In 1985, for instance, Deng Xiaoping officially changed China’s strategic outlook and declared that there was no longer a threat of imminent ground or nuclear war with the Soviet Union
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focus in 1991 and 1992, the term “shashoujian” appeared in discussions at the very highest levels of China’s political system. According to Zhang Zhen, Deng Xiaoping himself reportedly called for the development of shashoujian weapons in this period within the context of “overcoming the advantages of a superior enemy.”45 In
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encirclement: China has pursued a strategy of maintaining amicable relationships with neighbors (mulin youhao, wending zhoubian) to hedge against downturns in Sino-U.S. relations. Deng Xiaoping and his successors understand clearly that, with more than fifteen countries bordering China, an aggressive posture is simply not in China’s interest, no matter
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.”1 —He Xin, former adviser to Jiang Zemin and Li Peng, 1993 On a cold and windy afternoon in January 1979, China’s vice premier Deng Xiaoping landed at Andrews Air Force Base. This was a historic moment. Deng’s visit marked the very first time a leader of the People’s
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of Tiananmen Square, the Gulf War, and the Soviet collapse, the 1980s was a good decade for China’s economy. Beginning in the late 1970s, Deng Xiaoping had moved China away from Maoist autarky and joined the international capitalist trading system, not simply for prosperity but also to achieve security. “If China
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dawn of a new, more global focus, one that contests global order more broadly. China’s new global efforts began with an open break from Deng Xiaoping. An authoritative commentary on Xi’s 2017 National Security Work Forum paraphrased a key portion of Deng’s remarks and suggested they were outdated: “At
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an American delegation. Zhou was one of modern China’s founding fathers, the organizer of the Long March, and the mentor to later reformers like Deng Xiaoping. Upon meeting the American delegation, Zhou called the youngest American member to step forward. He then asked a question. “Do you think China will ever
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hold on power. As Chapter 2 and 3 demonstrated, before the Tiananmen Square Massacre, China saw the United States as a quasi-ally. After it, Deng Xiaoping made clear that China believed that the United States sought the Party’s overthrow. Deng declared that there was now “no doubt that the imperialists
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Huaqing, Zhang Zhen, Zhang Wannian, and Chi Haotian. In addition, the book references valuable leader-level compendiums on military matters that have been published for Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao, and Xi Jinping. Finally, several pseudo-doctrinal publications as well as histories from the Academy of Military Sciences, the National Defense
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March to the Twenty-First Century (New York: Random House, 2013), 263. 6Alexander Pantsov and Stephen I. Levine, Deng Xiaoping: A Revolutionary Life (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015), 56. 7Lucian Pye, “An Introductory Profile: Deng Xiaoping and China’s Political Culture,” The China Quarterly, no. 135 (1993): 432. 8“Resolution of the 19th National
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: The ‘Chinese Dream,’” The Diplomat, February 5, 2013, https://thediplomat.com/2013/02/chinese-dream-draft/. 13Schell and Delury, Wealth and Power, 15. 14Ezra Vogel, Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2011), 17. 15Schell and Delury, Wealth and Power, 263. 16Jonathan Spence, Mao Zedong: A Life (New
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York: Penguin Books, 2006), 9. 17Schell and Delury, Wealth and Power, 262. 18Vogel, Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China, 11–12. 19Jiang himself admits this in his 15th Party Congress address, Jiang Zemin [江泽民], Jiang Zemin Selected Works [江泽民文选], vol. 2
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[第二卷] (Beijing: People’s Press [人民出版社}, 2006), 2. The Party sometimes translates both 振兴 and 复兴 as “rejuvenation.” 20Deng Xiaoping [邓小平], Collection of Deng Xiaoping’s Military Writings [邓小平军事文集], vol. 1 (Beijing: Military Science Press [军事科学出版社], 2004), 83; Zheng Wang, “The Chinese Dream from Mao to Xi,” The Diplomat, September 20, 2013
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[十四大以来重要文献选编], vol. 1 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House [人民出版社], 1996), 1–47. For the 15th Party Congress address, see Jiang Zemin [江泽民], “Hold High the Great Banner of Deng Xiaoping Theory for an All-round Advancement of the Cause of Building Socialism with Chinese Characteristics’ into the 21st Century [高举邓小平理论伟大旗帜,把建设有中国特色社会主义事业全面推向二十一世纪],” in Literature Research Office of the
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Party Congress address and in Jiang Zemin’s 14th Party Congress address, for example. 31This gathering is different from a Party Congress and infrequently held. Deng Xiaoping Selected Works [邓小平文选], 2nd ed., vol. 3 [第三卷] (Beijing: People’s Press [人民出版社], 1993), 143. 32Jiang Zemin [江泽民], Jiang Zemin Selected Works [江泽民文选], vol. 3 [第三卷] (Beijing: People’s Press [人民出版社}, 2006
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full phrase often appears as 冷静观察, 站稳脚跟,沉着应付,韬光养晦, 善于守拙,绝不当头, though it is sometimes modified. Early references to it appear in Deng’s September 1989 comments to central government in Deng Xiaoping Selected Works [邓小平文选], vol. 3 [第三卷], 321. One of his first official uses of “Tao Guang Yang Hui” was in Leng Rong [冷溶] and Wang Zuoling [汪作玲], eds
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., Deng Xiaoping Nianpu [邓小平年谱], vol. 2 (Beijing: China Central Document Press [中央文献出版社], 2006), 1346. The phrase was also cited and attributed to Deng in a major report by former
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to History: The Story of King Goujian in Twentieth-Century China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010). 66Ibid. 67Ibid. 68Ibid. 69“冷静观察,站稳脚跟,沉着应付,韬光养晦,善于守拙,绝不当头.” 70Xiao Feng [肖枫], “Is Comrade Deng Xiaoping’s ‘Tao Guang Yang Hui’ Thinking an ‘Expedient Measure’? [邓小平同志的‘韬光养晦’思想是‘权宜之计’吗?],” Beijing Daily [北京日报], April 6, 2010, http://dangshi.people.com.cn/GB/138903/141370/11297254.html; Zhang
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’s New Thinking on the Tao Guang Yang Hui Strategy,” China: An International Journal 9, no. 2 (September 2011): 197. 75Leng Rong [冷溶] and Wang Zuoling [汪作玲], Deng Xiaoping Nianpu [邓小平年谱], vol. 2, 1346. 76Jiang Zemin [江泽民], “Jiang Zemin Discusses Opposing Peaceful Evolution [江泽民论反和平演变],” http://www.360doc.com/content/09/0203/23/97184_2452974.shtml. I was
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and Tang Shiping, “China’s Regional Strategy,” 54, 56. 37Wang Yizhou [王逸舟], Global Politics and Chinese Diplomacy [全球政治和中国外交], 274. 38Jiang Zemin [江泽民], “Hold High the Great Banner of Deng Xiaoping Theory for an All-Round Advancement of the Cause of Building Socialism with Chinese Characteristics into the 21st Century [高举邓小平理论伟大旗帜,把建设有中国特色社会主义事业全面推向二十一世纪],” 15th Party Congress Political Report (Beijing
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Jiang Education Publishing House [黑龙江教育出版社], 1995), 17. 2For a video recording of the arrival, see “War and Peace in the Nuclear Age; Haves and Have-Nots; Deng Xiaoping Arrives at Andrews AFB,” OpenVault from GBH Archives, July 29, 1979, http://openvault.wgbh.org/catalog/V_7F39E138353E4AB0997C4B85BAB58307. 3“Document 209—Memorandum of Conversation, President
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Episodes in China’s Diplomacy (New York: HarperCollins, 2006), 299. 8Deng Xiaoping, “The International Situation and Economic Problems: March 3, 1990,” in Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping (Beijing: Renmin Press, 1993), 227. Excerpt from a talk with senior CCP members. 9“Communiqué of the 3rd Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee
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“Document 209—Memorandum of Conversation, President’s Meeting with Vice Premier Deng”; Leng Rong [冷溶] and Wang Zuoling [汪作玲], eds., Deng Xiaoping Nianpu [邓小平年谱], vol. 1 (Beijing: China Central Document Press [中央文献出版社], 2006), 498. 13Deng Xiaoping [邓小平], Collection of Deng Xiaoping’s Military Writings [邓小平军事文集], vol. 1 (Beijing: Military Science Press [军事科学出版社], 2004), 498. 14Yangmin Wang, “The Politics of U.S
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Needs an Entirely New Foreign Policy for the Trump Age.” 29Deng Xiaoping Selected Works [邓小平文选], 2nd ed., vol. 3 [第三卷] (Beijing: People’s Press [人民出版社], 1993), 320. 30Ibid., Deng Xiaoping Selected Works [邓小平文选], vol. 3 [第三卷], 324–27. 31For Jiang’s 8th Ambassadorial Conference address, see Jiang Zemin [江泽民],Jiang Zemin Selected Works [江泽民文选], vol. 1 [第一卷] (Beijing: People’s
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, 113–14, 115–16, 124, 128–29, 132 and political building strategies, 228 and US asymmetric strategies, 309, 312–13, 314, 325–26, 328–29 Deng Xiaoping and changing balance of economic power, 160, 161 and China’s global ambitions, 263, 279 and China’s good neighbor policy, 108 and Cold War
by Roger Faligot · 30 Jun 2019 · 615pp · 187,426 words
Preface Introduction: Old Red Spies Never Die PART ONE 1. The Battle for Shanghai 2. Mao’s Secret Service 3. The Spies’ Cultural Revolution 4. Deng Xiaoping’s Deep-Water Fish 5. 55 Days At Tiananmen 6. Operation Autumn Orchid, Hong Kong PART TWO 7. Jiang Zemin’s Global Intelligence 8. China
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. Zhou surrounded himself with faithful Hakka comrades, also gifted in clandestine activity, and became close to a young man called Nie Rongzhen who, like Deng Xiaoping, hailed from Sichuan. He had studied with Deng at the University of Grenoble and then at Charleroi in Belgium, where he fell under the influence
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some kind of allegiance to the longstanding Elders Brothers Society (Gelaohui), whose members included Zhu De, the other military leader of the Long March, and Deng Xiaoping’s own father. “In other words,” explains the Korean historian Park Sang-soo, a specialist in rural secret societies, “if the backbone of the
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Dongxing, and theorists like Chen Boda and Zhang Qunqiao—all to the detriment of the more moderate faction around Liu Shaoqi—the “Chinese Khrushchev”—and Deng Xiaoping. Antonkin received instructions from his TASS supervisors ordering him to write articles about how the Chinese people were “hostile to Mao”. Like his KGB
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the other institutions disrupted by the Cultural Revolution. Luo Ruiqing was its first sacrificial victim. In the winter of 1966, three “revisionist” leaders, Liu Shaoqi, Deng Xiaoping and Yang Shangkun, were arrested and subjected to a barrage of intense criticism and humiliating self-criticism in mass meetings where collective hysteria prevailed over
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all preserved entire sections of the system. Zhou guaranteed the decent treatment of some jailed functionaries. This was the case for some political figures, including Deng Xiaoping, and for some intelligence agents. The collapse of the Diaochabu After the death of Kang Sheng’s rival Li Kenong in 1961, Kong Yuan,
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with the North Korean Kim Il-sung, about whose early life we know almost nothing. In 1977, a covert organization called 637 Headquarters, which backed Deng Xiaoping, circulated an illicit and devastating document entitled Fire on Hua Guofeng. This mini-biography recounted how Hua Yu, the new president’s mother, had
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8341, the army’s political security unit. State security forces, with the support of the army under Marshal Ye’s leadership, were poised to bring Deng Xiaoping to power.44 However, Hua Guofeng’s and Wang Dongxing’s reign in Zhongnanhai, government headquarters, continued. Having gained power in mid-October, they
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agent, equipped with one defective satellite radio. Coupled with the routing of the PLA on the Vietnamese border, this was a serious setback. Nonetheless, Deng Xiaoping continued to support the Khmer Rouge for another ten years as it fought the new government installed by Hanoi. Details of Diaochabu operations in Cambodia
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launch. He would soon begin the Four Modernizations programme, and usher in a massive intelligence agency appropriate for this newly awakened China: the Guoanbu. 4 DENG XIAOPING’S DEEP-WATER FISH The last emperor of China, Pu Yi, was completely swamped in his oversized uniform. This was the ultimate humiliation for the
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service—and indeed all the other services dependent on the party, foreign ministry and army—towards economic, scientific and technological research. With these three moves, Deng Xiaoping “revolutionized” Chinese intelligence. The Chinese KGB On 6 June 1983, Prime Minister Zhao Ziyang announced the establishment of a new Ministry of State Security, or
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he was “a Kuomintang spy”. MOFERT’s international sector—as well as that of its successor, MOFTEC—offered important cover for roaming Guoanbu agents, as Deng Xiaoping had suggested.12 All this training appears to have been rather necessary, because—according to several intelligence and security specialists who were fighting the new
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public disclosure of this obvious failure by its own counterintelligence service. This was during Ronald Reagan’s presidency, when the CIA had an agreement with Deng Xiaoping’s intelligence services to jointly intercept Soviet communications, and both countries were involved in joint operations supporting the Mujahedin in Afghanistan against the Soviet military
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taken by China’s “deep-water fish”—deep-cover or sleeper agents—if the intelligence they gathered, even when duly cross-checked, did not help Deng Xiaoping, Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang to make decisions? Deng gave a former diplomat, Huan Xiang, the job of establishing the International Studies Research Center
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cities. The unintended consequence of those protests had been the fall of the reformist general secretary, Hu Yaobang, who had been forced to resign. Deng Xiaoping against Mikhail Gorbachev On 16 April 1989, Hu suffered a heart attack and died. The following day, thousands of students gathered in Tiananmen Square to
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GRU were known. A month of peaceful demonstrations had already gone by. From senior members of the party up to the top brass, with Deng Xiaoping at the helm, the Chinese leadership had underestimated the rise of Gorbachev, a reformer whose policy of perestroika was clearly influencing the younger Chinese generation
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on 19 May. But their positive disposition towards the students could not last forever. As head of the intelligence services, Qiao was directly accountable to Deng Xiaoping and the Politburo Standing Committee, of which he was now third in command. Guoanbu correspondents in foreign postings, as well as his own children
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have seen Qiao Shi, the coordinator of the security services, vacillating and trying to negotiate with the students alongside Zhao Ziyang, before eventually rallying to Deng Xiaoping’s position. On 5 May, students from the Institute of International Relations (Guoji Guanxi Xueyuan), where analysts and spies are trained by director and Guoanbu
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the police academy in Hong Kong, was expelled for spying. Based in Canton, for the next twenty years he continued his surveillance work and advised Deng Xiaoping. To complicate matters further, all over Hong Kong, conflicts were breaking out between different communist factions in the region, which thousands of Chinese people fleeing
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& Investment Corporation (CITIC), founded in Beijing in 1979 by the Shanghai-born “red capitalist” Rong Yiren, also vice-president of the PRC. It was Deng Xiaoping himself who had given Rong the responsibility of setting up the CITIC, a capitalist business group in communist China, directly answerable to the State Council
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of Asia Satellite Telecommunications Ltd, which managed communication satellites in the region. Among the CITIC’s senior executives were several Red Princes, including Deng Zhifang, Deng Xiaoping’s second son, who also owned several real estate companies, a growing sector in both Hong Kong and the PRC. Wang Jun, president of
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1930s. Alongside Ding and Nie were other prominent directors: Zhang Pin, son of former defence minister Zhang Aiping, and Deng Nan, the youngest daughter of Deng Xiaoping. Clearly, the most successful Red Princes were those linked to the military-industrial lobby, which played an important role in weapons and technology proliferation. They
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and the supervision of the special services During this period, General Secretary and President Jiang Zemin was continuing down the path first mapped out by Deng Xiaoping, seeking to develop intelligence and analytical structures that would, for the first time, permit the PRC to compete on a level with the Americans.
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the influence of the CCP. This debate was made more challenging in the early 1990s, when the leadership established something of a personality cult around Deng Xiaoping and his achievements, using him as a cover to advance their own agenda. Developments in Poland had further coloured Zhongnanhai opinion against the relative reformist
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Qiao. Everything Deng Xiaoping obsessively feared was contained in a single word: Solidarnos sc c. After all the upheaval in the USSR and China, the Solidarity movement was Deng
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Jiang Zemin attached great importance to the Central Security Bureau and its regiments, reorganized after Tiananmen under the leadership of Yang Dezhong, who had been Deng Xiaoping’s bodyguard, and You Xigui, his personal minder from Shanghai, who ended up being promoted to general. You’s constant presence at Jiang’s
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in the Yasin region, while logistics operations were overseen by the Air Force general Zhang Tingfa. An ideological problem had overshadowed Beijing’s support, but Deng Xiaoping and his team were pragmatic. They would have preferred not to abandon Afghanistan’s pro-China communist organizations, such as Shoaleye Djawid (Eternal Flame) or
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(PAP). While the CMC controlled the strategic axes of defence, the government was also directly behind several industrial organizations. Set up in 1982 by Deng Xiaoping and directed by his daughter, the science and technology research organization COSTIND had become more of a civil body since 1998, as it no longer
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institutes. They all came under the umbrella of the State Council-controlled International Studies Research Centre (ISRC/Guoji Wenti Yanjiu Zhongxin), also dreamt up by Deng Xiaoping. In March 1986, Deng had launched Programme 863, whose purpose was to raise the necessary funds for these projects. After ten years, with the
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, drug monopolies and new means to protect the environment, to take just a few examples. Indeed, the services rely on the guiding principles decreed by Deng Xiaoping in 1978, the “16 characters” policy, which specifically requires the mixing of “civil” and “military” in order to “erase the borders between state operations
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approach. These warnings corresponded to the ramping up of economic intelligence in the Deng–Jiang era. A brief history of economic intelligence It was under Deng Xiaoping, in the early 1990s, that economic intelligence began to boom. This has led to a popular belief that such Chinese intelligence was born in
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of MOFERT’s international sector—and that of its successor, MOFTEC—various roaming Guoanbu operatives directly involved in espionage operations were offered covers, as per Deng Xiaoping’s ideas. Madame Chen was seconded into this area, thanks to a former Diaochabu technician, Wei Jinfei, who was advisor to the minister of
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behind economic intervention abroad. There had also been a lengthy presentation of the major reforms in this area, covering every detail: the instigating role of Deng Xiaoping; the launch of major information technology programmes under Jiang Zemin; and the “theory of the three harmonies” conceived by President Hu Jintao (2003–13),
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particularly in language skills, before they were sent on mission. This was a field in which she excelled, having once worked as an interpreter for Deng Xiaoping. As we saw with the 1989 Tiananmen movement, after which refugee dissidents in France came under close surveillance, several Chinese press correspondents were believed to
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become increasingly frequent since the Chinese overtook the Russians in espionage in the first decade of this century. China on the counterattack In the 1990s, Deng Xiaoping, Yang Shangkun (who had been accused of placing listening devices in Mao’s offices during the Cultural Revolution) and Jiang Zemin pushed for the establishment
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scratch. As early as the 1930s, when Zhou Enlai was leading the secret war in Shanghai against Kuomintang nationalists, his former comrade from Paris, Deng Xiaoping, was overseeing the establishment of technical units in communist bases in southern China. Their friend Nie Rongzhen, who had been in charge of liaison between
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2006 the PLA feted the memory of this first communications school, that of its predecessor, the Chinese Workers and Peasants Red Army. In March 1933, Deng Xiaoping chose its location, Pingshangang, in Ruijin province. Nowadays, young SIGINT technicians and apprentice PLA radio operators come to pay homage at this historic site.
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blow emerged an unexpected “friendly” intelligence collaboration. As early as April 1979, US intelligence services received the green light from Jimmy Carter to negotiate with Deng Xiaoping on possible collaboration in this area. The Anglo-American interception base was closed and its workers redeployed elsewhere. Admiral Stansfield Turner, head of the CIA
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Xinjiang. Another 15% were related to Chinese leaders and their families (including security chiefs Zeng Qinghong and Luo Gan, as well as historical figures like Deng Xiaoping, Mao Zedong and his wife Jiang Qing); 15% to do with politics and corruption, with the word “democracy” considered just as subversive as “dictatorship”,
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internet users, tracked down militant Tibetans, and spied on foreign businesspeople, whose numbers had been steadily increasing since China opened up to international trade under Deng Xiaoping. Geng’s challenge was to ruthlessly apply the rules of an increasingly hegemonic twenty-first-century CCP, at the same time as continuing to pursue
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development for this new China on the move. In Sudan, for example, people remember seeing Zhou himself working on CNPC oil wells. During the Deng Xiaoping era in the 1980s, Zhou Yongkang switched to political management, both as minister of planning and natural resources, and as party secretary in Sichuan province
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from CCP Central Office Secretariat, “Minutes of the May 17 Politburo Standing Committee meeting”, document supplied to Party Central Office Secretariat by the Office of Deng Xiaoping, quoted in Andrew Nathan and Perry Link (eds), The Tiananmen Papers, New York, Little, Brown and Company, 2001. This book is an astonishing documentation
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Succession in China: Leadership, Institutions, Beliefs, Santa Monica CA, Rand Corporation, 1992. According to Nicholas Eftimiades (Chinese Intelligence Operations, Annapolis MD, Naval Institute Press, 1994), Deng Xiaoping did succeed in establishing a liaison with the regional centres of PLA2, military intelligence. 16. Transcript available at http://folk.ntnu.no/tronda/kk-f
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Western diplomats, who, unlike the Soviets, were obliged to take refuge in diplomatic residences. 21. Libération, 7 June 1989. Sabatier published a remarkable biography of Deng Xiaoping (Le dernier dragon [The Last Dragon], Paris, J.C. Lattès, 1990), in which he goes into great detail about the Tiananmen massacre. 22. Xiaobing
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Chubanshe, 2006. NOTE ON SOURCES Since publishing my first article on this subject over thirty-five years ago—a piece in Le Monde diplomatique about Deng Xiaoping’s establishment of the Guoanbu—I have written hundreds more such articles. With my co-author Rémi Kauffer, I published the first biography of
by Louisa Lim · 19 Apr 2022
September 1982, emerging from the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, where she’d been discussing the future of Hong Kong with Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping, Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher missed her footing and toppled down the steps, landing unceremoniously on her hands and knees. The optics of the British prime
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financial city, to plummet 600 points. The fall was an omen, people in Hong Kong said, of the territory’s future. Thatcher had tripped because Deng Xiaoping had run so many rings round her. In fact, Hong Kongers had no idea quite how badly the meeting had gone. High on her success
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deadline on the land leases as a trial balloon to investigate Beijing’s intentions. When he arrived in Beijing, MacLehose discovered he would be meeting Deng Xiaoping, the cunning Sichuanese vice premier who had survived three purges to become China’s paramount leader. On the morning of the meeting, Sir Yuet-keung
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to push ahead even though the Chinese Foreign Ministry had preemptively requested he not raise the issue. In the event, he has always maintained that Deng Xiaoping was the first to break the taboo. In the meeting, Deng told him that Hong Kong was part of China and would be recovered, but
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. Their enforced ignorance was not casually done; it was a considered British government strategy, memorialized in diplomatic notes. Since they had not been told of Deng Xiaoping’s position, the Unofficials continued to lobby for an extension of British administration for two more years. They were not served well by their loyalty
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surprised Hong Kong secondary school students visiting Beijing. The way the blueprint was revealed was a gesture of contempt for the official talks. In September, Deng Xiaoping laid down a one-year deadline, warning that if an agreement could not be reached, Beijing would act unilaterally. In November, Beijing publicly released a
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were informed that they could only visit as private citizens since Beijing did not recognize Exco or Legco. They did, however, receive an audience with Deng Xiaoping. Right from the start, Deng laid out his position firmly, telling them there was no role for them in negotiations over Hong Kong’s future
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their way through the whole newscast. When we went live to mark the death of ninety-three-year-old Deng Xiaoping, a mistake on the autocue led my colleague to announce, straight-faced, “Deng Xiaoping has died. He was thirty-nine years old.” This night, however, the mood in the vast newsroom, almost empty
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with Patten and his photogenic daughters sailing out on HMY Britannia. The Convention Centre was full of Chinese officials attending ceremonial functions, and I spotted Deng Xiaoping’s son Deng Pufang in his wheelchair. I chased him, trying to elicit a comment on what his father would have thought, until I was
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squash the idea.” What I really wanted was to find out what he thought of the Unofficials’ suspicions about a secret deal between MacLehose and Deng Xiaoping in 1979, to hand Hong Kong back as a kind of human factory. If there had been such a deal, Patten was possibly the only
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comes before, and what comes after the dates that we all remember.” Chapter 6 KING In the first few years after the handover, just as Deng Xiaoping had promised, the horses still raced, the stock market sizzled, and the nightclub dancers continued to writhe and grind through the night. As their symbols
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intentions: Tsang, A Modern History of Hong Kong. Cradock, Experiences of China, 166. GO TO NOTE REFERENCE IN TEXT he would be meeting Deng Xiaoping: Ezra F. Vogel, Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2011). GO TO NOTE REFERENCE IN TEXT tried to dissuade him
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. Vines, Stephen. “In Hong Kong, Public Consultations Are Effective—at Keeping the Public at Bay.” South China Morning Post, October 24, 2018. Vogel, Ezra F. Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2011. Wasserstrom, Jeff. Vigil: Hong Kong on the Brink. Columbia Global Reports
by Christian Caryl · 30 Oct 2012 · 780pp · 168,782 words
was under way at the same time in the world’s most populous country. At the end of 1978, the septuagenarian Chinese Communist Party leader Deng Xiaoping heaved himself into the top job, and in the months that followed he and his comrades introduced a series of economic reforms that ultimately changed
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was a grain of truth to these accusations. The protagonists of 1979 were, in their own ways, participants in a great backlash against revolutionary overreach. Deng Xiaoping rejected the excesses of Mao’s Cultural Revolution in favor of pragmatic economic development—a move that, despite Deng’s disclaimers, entailed a gradual restoration
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that many of the Conservative Party comrades-in-arms who accompanied her into government in 1979 questioned just how “conservative” she really was. As for Deng Xiaoping, he insisted on maintaining the institutional supremacy of the Communist Party even as he charted a course away from central planning and toward state capitalism
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leadership; in the wake of the great famine, some of his high-ranking colleagues—most notably Liu Shaoqi, chairman of the People’s Republic, and Deng Xiaoping, CCP general secretary—had modified some of Mao’s most foolhardy reforms, thus ameliorating the crisis. This was something that Mao was not prepared to
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depended on him, was unclear. There was no way for them to know how long the situation would last. The old man’s name was Deng Xiaoping. Over the previous decade, his life had described a bewildering trajectory. By the middle of the 1960s, he had attained a lofty position as general
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unleashed a media campaign, warning, a bit too loudly, against the misuse of Tangshan relief efforts by their number-one political foe: “Be alert to Deng Xiaoping’s criminal attempt to exploit earthquake phobia to suppress revolution,” ran one of the slogans. The Gang allegedly took the campaign one surreal step further
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within the CCP leadership and bringing the Cultural Revolution to an end. A few months after that, Hua welcomed Deng back into active political life. Deng Xiaoping was finally back for good, and he would remain in power long enough to send his country in a completely different direction. It was not
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. We should be wary of biographies that rely excessively on social determinism. People are not only the products of their surroundings. Other Chinese men of Deng Xiaoping’s generation emerged from environments comparable to his, but that didn’t necessarily turn them into leaders of the Chinese Communist Party. Unlike Khomeini, most
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their high-ranking comrades who had been purged in the years before Mao’s death. The most prominent survivor of this group, of course, was Deng Xiaoping. Hua was aware of the potential challenge and moved quickly to forestall it. In March 1977, he admonished delegates at a key party meeting: “
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legacy of the Great Leap Forward was still tangible. In the early 1960s, in the wake of the titanic famine caused by the Great Leap, Deng Xiaoping and his then-mentor, Liu Shaoqi, had tried to stimulate agricultural productivity by allowing some peasants to return to the prerevolutionary practice of family farming
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All of them offered ritual praise to Hua Guofeng, but they knew whom they really had to thank for their political resurrection. These people were Deng Xiaoping’s past. Like them he had emerged from the ruins of the old imperial order to pledge himself to the Communist ideal, one that had
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potential of the nine-hundreth anniversary of the martyrdom of a saint. The thirtieth anniversary of the Communist takeover in China was shrewdly exploited by Deng Xiaoping and his colleagues to reinforce the sense of a new beginning. The forty-day Islamic mourning cycle proved a crucial dynamic for the revolution in
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inevitable, perhaps, that we focus on leaders when we examine grand political and economic transitions. But they are not the only actors in these dramas. Deng Xiaoping and his colleagues triumphed precisely because they unleashed the creativity and the entrepreneurial urges of millions of Chinese. Many of them—shocking though it might
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so rich?’ one young woman asked me in the Peace Café, confessing that she was transfixed by what she had seen on Chinese TV when Deng Xiaoping visited the United States.”6 Schell had visited China during the waning years of the Cultural Revolution and recalled how hard ordinary people were prepared
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opened in that spring of 1979 proved a big success. Three years later, by now an affluent Guangzhou entrepreneur, he received the privilege of meeting Deng Xiaoping at a social event for Guangdong Province luminaries. The fact that a local businessman was deemed worthy of such a gathering said a great deal
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socialism from Britain.”26 Bolivian president Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada cited Thatcher—along with the rise of the East Asian tigers and the reforms of Deng Xiaoping—as the precedent for the program of market-oriented reform that began in 1985.27 In Brazil in the 1990s, President Fernando Henrique Cardoso embarked
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suppressed at the same time. The chairman of the Central Military Commission, the man who issued the command for the crackdown, was none other than Deng Xiaoping. In 1977 those who yearned for an end to Maoist turmoil had greeted Deng’s return to power by hanging up small bottles over Beijing
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countries where the elites were not prepared to relinquish their privileged political status.19 In this respect, it seems safe to say that it was Deng Xiaoping, the man who devoted his life to the ideals of Communism, who has done more than any other individual to ensure its demise as an
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while yet, the exhibition implies, but the future no longer belongs to it. Walk around the corner, though, and you come across a remarkable sight: Deng Xiaoping and Margaret Thatcher are having a chat. The two life-size wax figures—Thatcher’s hair a bit too red—sit in armchairs against a
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were roughly contemporaneous with the first flowering of Solidarity. But it is also true that the Polish example combined two factors that the party of Deng Xiaoping continues to follow with particular alertness. One is labor activism. The party tracks every strike and independent labor movement with extraordinary care, and it responds
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a surprise that the Chinese Communist Party has taken measures to fill the resulting “meaning gap.” In the wake of the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre, Deng Xiaoping and his comrades tried to compensate for the loss of faith in Marxist-Leninist dogma by playing up patriotism and pride in the glories of
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which disembodied utopias cannot easily compete. Similarly, a look at the events of 1979 leads us to appreciate the myriad forms that counterrevolutions can assume. Deng Xiaoping changed China’s course through stealth and subtlety. Khomeini and the Afghans chose the path of violent uprising, the sudden transformative release of pent-up
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John Paul II, Baqer Moin on Ayatollah Khomeini, Ali Rahnema on Ali Shariati, John Campbell and Hugo Young on Margaret Thatcher, and Ezra Vogel on Deng Xiaoping. I owe particular thanks to the men and women who allowed themselves to be interviewed about their own experiences: Akbar Ayazi, Adam Boniecki, Bao Pu
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Schoenhals, 10. CHAPTER 2: DRAGON YEAR 1. Heaven Cracks, Earth Shakes: The Tangshan Earthquake and the Death of Mao’s China, James Palmer, 160. 2. Deng Xiaoping and the Cultural Revolution: A Daughter Recalls the Critical Years, Deng Rong, 428. 3. The name originally came from Mao, who had coined it when
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29. 8. Ibid. 9. Ibid., 32. 10. Ibid., 60. 11. Deng did not coin the phrase. It is actually an old Sichuanese proverb. 12. The Deng Xiaoping Era: An Inquiry into the Fate of Chinese Socialism, 1978–1994, Maurice Meisner, 82. 13. “Deng’s Legacy,” MacNeil Lehrer Report (Online News Hour), February
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Ali Shariati, Ali Rahnema, 226. 9. Ibid., 325–326. CHAPTER 10: TRUTH FROM FACTS 1. Deng Xiaoping Shakes the World, Yu Guangyuan, 21. 2. Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China, Ezra F. Vogel, 193. 3. Ezra Vogel, Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China, 103–109. 4. “The 1979 Truth Criterion Controversy,” Michael Schoenhals. The
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Chinese Quarterly, no. 126 (June 1991). 5. The Deng Xiaoping Era: An Inquiry into the Fate of Chinese Socialism, 1978–1994, Maurice Meisner, 91. 6. Ibid. 7. The China Reader: The Reform Era, edited by
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Change,” David Butler, Holger Jensen, and Lars-Erik Nelson. 10. Coming Alive!, Garside, 220–221. 11. Ibid., 219. 12. Ibid., 221. 13. Ibid., 215. 14. Deng Xiaoping Shakes the World: An Eyewitness Account of China’s Party Work Conference and the Third Plenum (November-December 1978), Yu Guangyuan, 21. 15
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Vogel, 233. 16. Ibid. 17. How the Farmers Changed China: Power of the People, Kate Xiao Zhou, 53–54. 18. Deng Xiaoping Shakes the World, Yu, 52. 19. Ibid., 44, 46. 20. Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China, Vogel, 234. 21. Ibid., 234–235. 22. Hu Yaobang, who made those daring remarks about
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agriculture at the conference, also worked with Yu on the final version of Deng’s speech. 23. Deng Xiaoping Shakes the World, Yu, 13. 24. Ibid., 136. 25. Ibid., 187. 26. Ibid., 132. 27. Ibid., 130, 133. 28. The Soviet Regional Dilemma: Planning,
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People, and Natural Resources, Jan Åke Del-lenbrant, 99. 29. Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China, Vogel, 246. 30. “Communiqué of the Third Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee,” Beijing Review.com.cn, October
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Mathews, Washington Post, February 3, 1979. 5. “The New China,” Deming. 6. Restless Empire: China and the World Since 1750, Odd Arne Westad, 373. 7. Deng Xiaoping: Portrait of a Chinese Statesman, David Shambaugh, 61–62. 8. Coming Alive! China After Mao, Roger Garside, 255. 9. China’s War with Vietnam, 1979
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: Issues, Decisions, and Implications, King C. Chen, 151. 10. The Deng Xiaoping Era: An Inquiry into the Fate of Chinese Socialism, 1978–1994, Maurice Meisner, 109. 11. “The Fifth Modernization,” Wei Jingsheng, 171–172, in The China
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Schell and David Shambaugh. 12. Sowing the Seeds of Democracy in China: Political Reform in the Deng Xiaoping Era, Merle Goldman, 55. 13. Deng Xiaoping Era, Meisner, 109. 14. Ibid., 121. 15. Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping (1975–1982), Deng Xiaoping, 1984. 16. Deng Xiaoping Era, Meisner, 11–12. CHAPTER 14: THE EVANGELIST 1. “Sir Larry Lamb: Obituary,” Telegraph, May
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://china-boom.asiasociety.org/bio/detail/219. 26. Broken Earth, Mosher, 44. 27. Author’s interview with Tom Gorman, Hong Kong, March 10, 2010. 28. Deng Xiaoping Shakes the World: An Eyewitness Account of China’s Party Work Conference and the Third Plenum (November-December 1978), Yu Guangyuan, 204–205. 29. Ibid
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. The Search for Modern China, Jonathan Spence, 715–716. 11. “‘Two Faces’ of Deng Xiaoping,” Bao Tong, Radio Free Asia, December 29, 2008. 12. “June 9 Speech to Martial Law Units,” Deng Xiaoping, http://tsquare.tv/chronology/Deng.html. 13. Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China, Ezra Vogel, 659–660. 14. Ibid. 15. “Deng’
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s Last Campaign,” Roderick MacFarquhar, New York Review of Books, December 17, 1992. 16. Ibid. 17. Ibid. 18. Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China, Vogel, 697. 19. The Global Cold War: Third World Interventions and the Making of Our Times, Odd Arne Westad, 362
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the KGB and his rivals among the mujahideen had repeatedly attempted to kill him during the 1980s.) Of the other leaders treated in this book, Deng Xiaoping, true to his extraordinary talent for survival, probably leads the pack in number of attacks survived; fanatical Maoists, who never forgave him for his heresy
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Education, Harlow, UK, 2000. Broken Earth: The Rural Chinese, Steven W. Mosher. Free Press, New York, 1983. Burying Mao: Chinese Politics in the Age of Deng Xiaoping, Richard Baum. Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ, 1994. Capitalism and Freedom: Fortieth Anniversary Edition, Milton Friedman. University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1962. Capitalism with Chinese
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of Four, with First Translations of Teng Hsiao-Ping’s “Three Poisonous Weeds,” Chi Hsin. Cosmos Books, Hong Kong, 1977. China and the Legacy of Deng Xiaoping: From Communist Revolution to Capitalist Evolution, Michael E. Marti. Brassey’s, Dulles, VA, 2002. China Guidebook: 1980/81 Edition, Arne J. de Keijzer and Frederic
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Defense of Muslim Lands, Sheikh Abdullah Azzam. 2nd ed. Azzam Publications, London, 2002. Deng: A Political Biography, Benjamin Yang. East Gate Books, Armonk, NY, 1998. Deng Xiaoping: Chronicle of an Empire, Ruan Ming, translated and edited by Nancy Liu, Peter Rand, and Lawrence R. Sullivan. Westview Press, Boulder, CO, 1994
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. Deng Xiaoping: My Father, Deng Maomao. Basic Books, New York, 1995. Deng Xiaoping: Portrait of a Chinese Statesman, David Shambaugh. Oxford University Press, New York, 1995. Deng Xiaoping and the Chinese Revolution: A Political Biography, David S. G. Goodman. Routledge, New York
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: Solidarity, Timothy Garton Ash. Yale University Press, New Haven, CT, 2002 (original ed., Jonathan Cape, London, 1983). Politics of Disillusionment: The Chinese Communist Party Under Deng Xiaoping, 1978–1989, His-Sheng Ch’I. M.E. Sharpe, Armonk, NY, 1991. “Popular Versus Elite View of Privatization: The Case of Privatization,” Ian McAllister and
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. W. Norton, New York, 1991. Seasons in the Sun: The Battle for Britain, 1974–1979, Dominic Sandbrook. Allen Lane, London, 2012. Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping (1975–1982), Deng Xiaoping. Foreign Languages Press, Beijing, 1984. Seventies: The Sights, Sounds, and Ideas of a Brilliant Decade, Howard Sounes. Simon & Schuster, London, 2006. The Shah, Abbas
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: Planning, People, and Natural Resources, Jan Åke Dellenbrant. M. E. Sharpe, Armonk, NY, 1986. Sowing the Seeds of Democracy in China: Political Reform in the Deng Xiaoping Era, Merle Goldman. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, 1994. Special Economic Zones and the Economic Transition in China, Wei Ge. World Scientific Publishing, Singapore, 1999
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, 279, 323 Democracy, 39, 47, 109, 114, 126, 140, 150, 176, 177, 178, 325, 334, 337, 346, 359 tribal democracy, 217 Demonstrations. See Protests/demonstrations Deng Xiaoping, 18, 22, 23–24, 25–32, 73, 120–121, 124, 127, 128, 177, 179, 223, 243, 252, 268, 329, 331, 333, 335, 351, 355,
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treatment for shah of Iran in, 231–232 and People’s Republic of China, 169, 170, 171, 172 World Trade Center in, 308 See also Deng Xiaoping: visit to United States Universities, 8, 12, 19, 26, 34, 39, 40, 41, 46, 70, 72, 103–104, 109, 123, 124, 139, 151, 162,
by David Shambaugh · 11 Mar 2016 · 261pp · 57,595 words
of policy. Diminishing returns have set in and it has become plainly evident that the main elements of the broad reform program first launched by Deng Xiaoping in 1978 are no longer applicable or sustainable for spurring China’s continued modernization over the coming decades. Change is required. Indeed, China’s own
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transformations in the lives of one-fifth of humanity. I recall when I first visited in the late 1970s, the reforms were getting under way, Deng Xiaoping invoked the notion “to get rich is glorious,” and Chinese urbanites aspired to possess the “four rounds” (things that went around: a bicycle, a wristwatch
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kinds of new occupations were created in the “socialist-market economy,” labor mobility took off with the loosening of the hukou system, and many pursued Deng Xiaoping’s admonition, “to get rich is glorious!” Between 1978 and 2006 the percentage of the workforce engaged in agriculture dropped from 67.4 percent to
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upwards of 40 million died and hundreds of thousands were labeled as “rightists,” gave way to a three-year thaw between 1962 and 1965 when Deng Xiaoping and other reformers took control while Mao Zedong withdrew from active rule. They instituted a wide range of economic reforms (which were the precursors to
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China passed through a six-year period known as the “Hua Guofeng Interregnum” (Mao’s designated successor), a period of factional maneuvering between Hua and Deng Xiaoping and other elder leaders who returned to power and launched a barrage of reforms beginning in 1978. Liberal Neo-Authoritarianism These reforms included reconstructing the
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control throughout the country. But beginning in late 1992 the situation began to change, and the draconian controls began to be relaxed. The catalyst was Deng Xiaoping’s final political act—his so-called southern sojourn (). In February 1992 Deng was uncomfortable with the lack of economic reform and the despotic rule
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trials and tribulations that Xi endured.”27 In a relatively short period of time Xi has amassed greater personal power than any Chinese leader since Deng Xiaoping (some believe since Mao) and he has centralized and concentrated institutional power of the Party, state, and military in his own hands. He has encouraged
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is a book theoretically about governance but with no discussion of politics—very odd, but very revealing. All of Xi’s predecessors dating back to Deng Xiaoping have spoken about the need for political reform, but not him. It does not seem to be part of his vocabulary or consciousness. It is
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,” in H. Gordon Skilling and Franklyn Griffiths (eds.), Interest Groups in Soviet Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1971). 3. Ibid. 4. See Deng Xiaoping Wenxuan (1975–1982) [Collected Works of Deng Xiaoping], (Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 1983), pp. 302–25. 5. See Harry Harding, China’s Second Revolution: Reform After Mao (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution
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. For Zhao’s background, see David Shambaugh, The Making of a Premier: Zhao Ziyang’s Provincial Career (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1983). 7. Bruce Gilley, “Deng Xiaoping and His Successors,” in William A. Joseph (ed.), Politics in China: An Introduction (New York: Oxford University Press, 2014), p. 135. 8. Communique on the
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Baum, “The Fifteenth National Party Congress: Jiang Takes Command?”, The China Quarterly (March 1998), pp. 141–56. 14. Jiang Zemin, “Hold High the Banner of Deng Xiaoping Theory for All-Around Advancement of the Cause of Building Socialism with Chinese Characteristics Into the 21st Century,” report delivered to the 15th National Congress
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. When this occurred during the 1960s–1980s it was highly dangerous and destabilizing. Beginning in the mid-1980s the former Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev and Deng Xiaoping orchestrated a series of mutual confidence-building steps to improve relations (which culminated in the renormalization of relations in 1989). Despite a brief hiatus following
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-Terrorism law credit mechanism critical thinking Cultural Revolution cyber law D Dalai Lama debt total “democratic peace” theory demographic transition Global Trends 2030 report (NIC) Deng Xiaoping developing countries Development Research Center China 2030 report “developmental autocracy” dissertations/theses Dollar, David Duckett, Jane and Wang, Guohui E East China Sea Eastern Europe
by Kristina Spohr · 23 Sep 2019 · 1,123pp · 328,357 words
care about is a good environment for developing ourselves. So long as history eventually proves the superiority of the Chinese socialist system, that’s enough. Deng Xiaoping, 1989 France is our homeland, Europe is our future. François Mitterrand, 1987 Peace is not unity in similarity but unity in diversity, in the comparison
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my book that we cannot understand post-Wall Europe without taking account of what happened in 1989 on the other side of the world. Under Deng Xiaoping, the People’s Republic of China experienced a dramatically different exit from the Cold War – forever synonymous with the bloodshed in Tiananmen Square on 4
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weeks after his election. ‘I’d love to return to China before Deng leaves office entirely. I feel I have a special relationship there.’[51] Deng Xiaoping was the mastermind of China’s policies of ‘reform and opening up’ – the drive after Mao Zedong’s death in 1976 to abandon the autarkic
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to another communist ally: the People’s Republic of China. In June his regime expressed effusive support for Beijing’s use of force. The way Deng Xiaoping’s China had simply crushed the ‘counter-revolutionary unrest’ in Tiananmen Square was in Honecker’s mind an example to the whole bloc and a
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‘hold on to socialism’. After all, ‘we are all communists, our life consists of struggle’ – in ‘politics, ideology and the economy’.[169] The Paramount Leader Deng Xiaoping told Krenz emphatically ‘We defend socialism together – you in the GDR, we in the People’s Republic of China.’[170] Krenz in turn declared: ‘In
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– communications, transport, the media and the military – or arrest opposition leaders such as Yeltsin. They were also reluctant to use brute force in the way Deng Xiaoping had done in June 1989. At root, it seems, the conspirators had been taken in by Gorbachev’s turn to the right. They assumed that
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War proved a major obstacle to forging a new world order in Asia.[67] Similarly, creating détente between Japan and China proved difficult, even though Deng Xiaoping, who himself had fought against Japanese imperialism in China, attached huge importance to improving bilateral relations with Japan. This followed diplomatic normalisation in 1972, which
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to be no ‘non-violent revolution’. Soldiers did shoot into the crowds; tanks rolled down boulevards and into the Square, crushing demonstrators under their tracks. Deng Xiaoping was no Mikhail Gorbachev. He had no compunction about using force to keep communism in power in China. And so 4 June 1989 came to
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Bush’s handling of America’s other great communist adversary: China. The president’s oldest and closest foreign contacts were with the PRC leadership, especially Deng Xiaoping, going back to his days in Beijing as America’s envoy in 1974–5. The regard Deng had for him as a lao pengyou was
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of US–China Relations 1989–2000 Brookings Institution Press 2003; David M. Lampton Same Bed, Different Dreams Univ. of California Press 2002; Ezra F. Vogel Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China Harvard UP 2013; Sergey Radchenko Unwanted Visionaries: The Soviet Failure in Asia at the End of the Cold War Oxford
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Plan: Chinese Economic Reform Cambridge UP 1995 pp. 38–55, 59–96 Back to text 54. On Deng’s reform course, see Ezra F. Vogel Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China Harvard UP 2013 pp. 377–476 Back to text 55. Arne Westad ‘The Great Transformation: China in the Long 1970s
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’ in Niall Ferguson et al. (eds) The Shock of the Global: The 1970s in Perspective Belknap Press 2011 p. 77; see also Vogel Deng Xiaoping pp. 333–48 Back to text 56. United States–People’s Republic of China Agreements Remarks at the Signing Ceremony 17.9.1980 APP. See
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also Dong Wang ‘US–China Trade, 1971–2012’ Asia-Pacific Journal 11, 24 (June 2013) Back to text 57. Meeting with Deng Xiaoping US Embassy Secret – Cable 16.6.1981 pp. 1–5, DNSA collection: China, 1960–1998; Arne Westad Restless Empire pp. 372–80. See also Henry
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. 159. Cf. David L. Shambaugh China’s Communist Party: Atrophy and Adaptation Woodrow Wilson Center Press 2008 pp. 43–5 Back to text 68. See Deng Xiaoping [and Chong-Pin Lin] ‘Deng’s 25 April Speech: “This is not an Ordinary Student Movement but Turmoil”’ World Affairs 152, 3 (Winter 1989–90
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1.12.1988; Engel & Radchenko ‘Beijing and Malta, 1989’ p. 186 Back to text 70. Deng’s younger son quoting his father, in Ezra Vogel Deng Xiaoping p. 423 Back to text 71. Politburo meeting 16.7.1987 ‘Following the trip of the delegation of the Supreme Council to China’, printed in
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problems of the country.’ GHWBPL Memcon of Bush–Li talks 26.2.1989 Beijing p. 10 Back to text 84. Bush met not only with Deng Xiaoping and Yang Shangkun, but also twice with Premier Li Peng and once with Zhao Ziyang, general secretary of the CCP. See GHWBPL Memcon of Bush
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Gorbachev, Deng: Leaders Declare China–Soviet Ties Are Normalised’ LAT 16.5.1989 Back to text 134. Soviet transcript of meeting between Mikhail Gorbachev and Deng Xiaoping (Excerpts), 16.5.1989 DAWC. For a Chinese version of the record of conversation see also DAWC Back to text 135. Ibid. Back to text
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p. 1; US amb. in Beijing to Baker Cable – PRC State Council declares martial law 20.5.1989 p. 1 Back to text 141. Vogel Deng Xiaoping pp. 616–24. See also Adi Ignatius & Julia Leung ‘Beijings Bind’ WSJ 22.5.1989. On Zhao’s ousting and the link between inflationary crisis
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CF01722–007) Am. embassy Beijing to Baker Cable – Subj: Sitrep. No. 18 Central party organs endorse Deng line 27.5.1989 pp. 1–2; Vogel Deng Xiaoping pp. 625–7 Back to text 144. Nicholas D. Kristof ‘Troops Attack and Crush Beijing Protest – Thousands Fight Back, Scores Are Killed, Square Is Cleared
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’ NYT 4.6.1989 Back to text 145. Ibid.; Vogel Deng Xiaoping pp. 625–32; Heather Saul ‘Tiananmen Square: What happened to tank man? What became of the unknown rebel who defied a column of tanks?’ Independent
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. GHWBPL NSC – SitRoom TSCF China (OA/ID CF01722–007) Sec State WashDC to US amb. in Beijing Cable RE: China matters – Letter from President to Deng Xiaoping 27.5.1989 pp. 1–2 Back to text 153. Engel & Radchenko ‘Beijing and Malta, 1989’ p. 195 Back to text 154. James R. Lilley
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China Hands: Nine Decades of Adventure, Espionage, and Diplomacy in Asia Public Affairs 2004 p. 309; Kristof ‘Crackdown in Beijing’ Back to text 155. Vogel Deng Xiaoping pp. 648–52; David M. Lampton Same Bed, Different Dreams Univ. of California Press 2002 pp. 21–2; Engel When the World Seemed New pp
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Back to text 165. Bush All the Best p. 431 Back to text 166. See Richard Baum Burying Mao: Chinese Politics in the Age of Deng Xiaoping Princeton UP 1996 pp. 18–20 Back to text 167. Excerpts from the Conversation between Mikhail Gorbachev and Rajiv Gandhi 15.7.1989 AGF DAWC
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Context of Democratisation’ International Organisation 60, 4 (Fall 2006) pp. 911–33 Back to text 34. On the Eastern European ‘contagion’ reaching China, see Vogel Deng Xiaoping p. 626; James Miles The Legacy of Tiananmen: China in Disarray Univ. of Michigan Press 1996 pp. 42–3; Baum Burying Mao pp. 250, 275
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Back to text 99. ‘Worried Chinese Leadership Says Gorbachev Subverts Communism’ NYT 28.12.1989 Back to text 100. Willy Wo-Lap Lam China After Deng Xiaoping: The Power Struggle in Beijing Since Tiananmen John Wiley & Sons 1995 p. 54; see also Suettinger Beyond Tiananmen pp. 93, 124 Back to text 101
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–60; as Reagan’s vice-president 23–4; reflections on European visit (1989) 100–3; reflections on Moscow and Kiev visits (1991) 439; relationship with Deng Xiaoping 25, 26, 28, 33, 35, 37–9, 60–3, 586; relationship with: Gorbachev 20–3, 39–40, 65, 82–3, 85, 102–3, 133, 190
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Delors Report (1989) 177, 266–7 Dem Rossiya (’Democratic Russia’) movement-cum-party 396 Democratic Alliance (Poland) 103 Demokratie Jetzt 135 Demokratischer Aufbruch 135, 150 Deng Xiaoping: contrast with Gorbachev 583; economic reforms 29–32; and exit from the Cold War 3–4; ideological tensions with Li Peng 571; perceived as enemy
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; awarded Nobel Peace Prize 245–6; battle of letters with Kohl 179–81; challenges of change 106; comment on breakup of Yugoslavia 489; contrast with Deng Xiaoping 583; and crisis in the Baltic States 410–11, 414–15, 417–21; criticised on his foreign policy 211–12; crumbling of support for 402
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, 133, 190, 293–7, 325, 375, 380, 381, 383–4, 410–12, 420–1, 428–9, 431, 434–40, 443, 450–2, 457, 461, 592, Deng Xiaoping 33–5, 37–9, 47–55, Honecker 124–7, Reagan 16–17, 20, 21, 28, 101, 193, 196, with Seoul 535, Yeltsin 341, 383, 397
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; character and description 16, 102; intervention in Grenada (1983) 355, 543; offers financial aid to Poland 87; and peacekeeping in Lebanon (1983) 518; relationships with: Deng Xiaoping 30–1, Gorbachev 16–17, 28, 101, 193, 196, Thatcher 44, 210–11; supplies Saddam with weapons 335; visit to Japan (1983) 545 Red Army
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, 100; at Malta summit (1989) 193-94; background 25–6; and China’s revisionist road 595; comment on changes in Poland 105–6; conversations with Deng Xiaoping and Li Peng (1989) 61–3; and crisis in the Baltic States 420; and Eastern Europe 40; and European security 512; and German membership of
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, 25 February 1989 (Diana Walker/The LIFE Images Collection via Getty Images) Here Protest in Beijing, 17 May 1989 (Catherine Henriette/AFP/Getty Images) Here Deng Xiaoping with Mikhail and Raisa Gorbachev, Beijing, 16 May 1989 (Peter Turnley/Corbis/VCG via Getty Images) Here China crackdown, Beijing, 5 June 1989 (Liu Heung
by Richard McGregor · 8 Jun 2010
loud the sentiments expressed privately by Wang: what on earth have we to learn from the west? China’s post-Maoist governing model, launched by Deng Xiaoping in the late seventies, has endured many attempts to explain it. Is it a benevolent, Singapore-style autocracy? A capitalist development state, as many described
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press conference ahead of leaving, she beamingly implored the Chinese government to keep buying US debt, like a travelling saleswoman hawking a bill of goods. Deng Xiaoping’s crafty stratagem, laid down two decades before, about how China should advance stealthily into the world–‘hide your brightness; bide your time’–had been
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to an earlier age of more authoritarian communism. In fact, compared to his predecessors, Hu was a bland figure, determinedly drained of flesh and blood. Deng Xiaoping, by contrast, had a revolutionary prestige, overlaid by the battle scars of years of struggle against Mao Zedong’s insane political campaigns. He proudly displayed
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a revolution that wasn’t revolutionary enough’, as a documentary described the period. After Mao’s downfall and death, the Party went back to basics. Deng Xiaoping threw out Mao’s destructive notions and returned the party organization to its Leninist roots, as an empowered elite providing enlightened leadership to the masses
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Communist Party now styles itself, have to learn to live by a different set of rules. ‘It’s not just because Hu Jintao is not Deng Xiaoping. There is a growing demand for democracy,’ said Zhou Ruijin, the retired editor of the Liberation Daily, the official party newspaper in Shanghai. ‘You can
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policy was fixated on a fight between hardliners, who saw the crackdown as a chance to reassert old-fashioned state controls, and the liberalizers, under Deng Xiaoping, who were plotting to grab back the initiative to entrench market reforms. Many intellectuals remained bitter and sullen about the brutality used to suppress dissent
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. On top of the heft that his own position carried, he bore the mantle of his father, Chen Yun, a one-time close colleague of Deng Xiaoping in the early days of post-Maoist reforms. Chen Snr. was a conservative on many levels, constantly on guard against malign influences which he feared
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, a fellow Chicago school economist at the meeting, Friedman was lost for words in response. Just as he had in the late seventies, it was Deng Xiaoping who eventually laid down the blueprint for a new model, on this occasion along two connected tracks. On 9 June 1989, barely days after the
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department has become the institutional hub of the entire political system. The alumni of former leaders of the organization department are testament to its status. Deng Xiaoping and Hu Yaobang both headed the body during their careers. Zeng Qinghong, a political fixer who acted as a kind of cardinal-at-the-elbow
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and begun extracting itself from the private lives of well-behaved citizens–reforms that have made the country unrecognizable from the Maoist dystopia inherited by Deng Xiaoping. The founding principle of the People’s Liberation Army, however, ‘the Party commands the gun’, has never been up for negotiation. For all the recent
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1954, someone deleted the sentence on “lifeline” [from political work regulations in the military], but Chairman Mao reinstated and approved it. Leading comrades such as Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao have time and again emphasized the importance of the lifeline issue.’ The political commissar system, pioneered by the Soviet Union
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years. Shanghai stagnated under Beijing’s thumb for more than four decades, until the early nineties, when politics intervened again, this time in its favour. Deng Xiaoping, searching for a way to revive the national economy and fend off his left-wing critics in the wake of the Tiananmen massacre, produced the
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a purge of the top leader. In China, Mao had nominated his own successor, the hapless Hua Guofeng, who in turn had been ousted by Deng Xiaoping. Deng declined to become party secretary himself but remained the paramount power behind the scenes, later overseeing the removal of two of his protégés, Hu
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the private sector and officialdom were seen to be working in harmony, for the mutual benefit of all. Deng Perfects Socialism The Party and Capitalism ‘Deng Xiaoping was wise. He perfected socialism. Before Deng, socialism had many imperfections.’ (Nian Guangjiu, entrepreneur) ‘I appointed myself party secretary of Haier. So I can’t
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Beijing about the ‘Idiot Seeds’ phenomenon, asking whether it should be shut down for being capitalist. Finally, Nian’s business landed on the desk of Deng Xiaoping himself in 1984. Soon after, Deng delivered a crafty rejoinder, in keeping with the wild economic experimentation he was encouraging at the time. Closing down
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thing about Nian wasn’t his occasional denunciations of the old Maoist system, but his praise for the Party, most of all for his hero, Deng Xiaoping. ‘Deng was wise,’ he said. ‘He perfected socialism. Before Deng, socialism had many imperfections.’ Nian’s statement–that ‘Deng perfected socialism’–captures in three words
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while they were inside,’ the entrepreneur said. The course started with a short overview of the Party’s sacred screeds, like ‘Mao Zedong Thought’ and ‘Deng Xiaoping Theory’, and so on. There were lengthy lectures on regional military conflicts; multilateral trade talks; and current events around the world. Like many people when
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personal interest in shoring up the official version of the crackdown. To take two examples: the considerable power, prestige and wealth of the families of Deng Xiaoping and Li Peng, who personally announced the declaration of martial law in 1989, are directly threatened by any revision of what they call the ‘Tiananmen
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struggle with them. They will suppress me, but I would still like to challenge them.’ Yang’s first book from this period, The Times of Deng Xiaoping, was published first in Hong Kong in 1999, and then in China itself, after it had been censored. Even then, the propaganda department directed it
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of, 31, 261 pro-democracy protests see Tiananmen Square massacre in Taiwan, 123–4, 125, 126, 128, 130 democratic parties, 15 Dench, Dame Judi, 238 Deng Xiaoping, 74, 239 on Idiot Seeds, 195 image of, 6 as leader of liberalizers, 34 on Mao, 245 new model of reform, 41–2 partnership with
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Party’s verdict, 239 post-event investigation, 36 splits Party and PLA, 109–10 Tibet, 111 Tieben see Jiangsu Tieben Iron & Steel The Times of Deng Xiaoping (Yang Jisheng), 253–4 Todai elite, 9 Tombstone (Yang Jisheng), 229, 230–31, 232 sourcing of, 254–5 trade union, 213–14 Tsai, George, 126
by Kristina Spohr and David Reynolds · 24 Aug 2016 · 627pp · 127,613 words
War’. Chapter 7 deals with the momentous year, 1989, and within it the place of three summits. Two of these took place in Beijing, between Deng Xiaoping and George H.W. Bush in February and between Deng and Gorbachev in June just before the Chinese leadership brutally cracked down on the pro
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the East Coast Establishment.22 Intertwined with their divergent approaches towards Moscow, Vance and Brzezinski also held different views of Beijing. Under the leadership of Deng Xiaoping the People’s Republic of China (PRC) had embarked on a momentous programme of economic reform and had also emerged as a weighty, if imponderable
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border conflict with Pol Pot’s genocidal regime in Cambodia. In response, the Chinese—Cambodia’s main ally—played the ‘America card’ against Moscow. When Deng Xiaoping made a state visit to America—the first by any PRC leader—at the end of January 1979, the Chinese did their best to represent
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.27 Brezhnev told Carter that the attack was ‘a direct manifestation’ of Beijing’s ‘expansionistic, hegemonistic aspirations’. He noted that it was ‘undertaken soon after Deng Xiaoping’s visit to the USA’ during which he had uttered ‘direct threats’ to Vietnam. ‘Is this’, asked Brezhnev darkly, just ‘a simple coincidence?’ Carter immediately
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of our own’.2 Yet, instead of prioritizing the Soviet Union, Bush looked initially towards China. His first foreign trip as president was to see Deng Xiaoping (see Figure 7.1). Fig. 7.1. Bush and Deng in the Great Hall of the People, Beijing, 26 February 1989 (AP) In June, with
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Secretary of State Henry Kissinger each worked at different times to keep Sino-American channels of communication to themselves—yet nonetheless Bush managed to cultivate Deng Xiaoping, a key player in communist party politics who from 1977 led China’s internal revolution away from the dogmas and violence of the previous decade
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politically, Zhao faced formidable internal opposition. This was led by Prime Minister Li Peng, who represented the conservative wing of the Chinese leadership. By 1987 Deng Xiaoping, now well into his eighties and tiring after a decade as ‘paramount leader’, had officially retired from all his posts except the crucial Chairmanship of
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summit with Deng. This was intended to symbolize Sino-Soviet rapprochement after a quarter-century of tension and antagonism. Unlike Bush, Gorbachev had never met Deng Xiaoping. He had never even been to China and certainly no one considered him a lao pengyou. Twenty-seven years Deng’s junior, Gorbachev had been
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has its circumstances, every man walks his own road.’35 As with Bush’s visit, the height of the summit was Gorbachev’s meeting with Deng Xiaoping, which, the Chinese indicated, marked the official moment of Sino-Soviet normalization. The meeting also symbolized for many protestors the course they hoped to take
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. ‘Gorbachev 58, Deng Xiaoping 85’, read some of the banners in the streets, denoting their respective ages and highlighting the contrast between the dynamism of one and the conservatism
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had no choice but to embrace China as it was. Tiananmen This pragmatic approach was put to the test on 4 June, when an impatient Deng Xiaoping—freed from the embarrassment of Gorbachev’s visit—finally ordered a brutal military crackdown in and around Tiananmen Square. Hundreds died, demonstrators and also soldiers
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, China Hands: Nine Decades of Adventure, Espionage, and Diplomacy in Asia (New York, 2004), 217, 223. 13. Lilley, China Hands, 223. 14. Ezra F. Vogel, Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China (Cambridge, MA, 2011), 485–6. The Bush-Deng arrangement formed the basis, when formally negotiated, of a ‘United States-China
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, 21 October 1987, 10. Both available at https://foia.state.gov/search/results.aspx?searchText=China&beginDate=19871001&endDate=19871231&publishedBeginDate=&publishedEndDate=&caseNumber=. 18. Vogel, Deng Xiaoping, 423. 19. Sergey Radchenko, Unwanted Visionaries: the Soviet Failure in Asia at the End of the Cold War (New York, 2014), 172–80. 20. Czechoslovak
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, China, 25 February 1989, https://bush41library.tamu.edu/files/memcons-telcons/1989-02-25--Peng.pdf. 27. GBPL, BSF, Presidential Correspondence, Memcon, Bush’s meeting Deng Xiaoping, 26 February 1989, https://bush41library.tamu.edu/files/memcons-telcons/1989-02-26--Xiaoping.pdf. 28. GBPL, BSF, Presidential Correspondence, Memcon, Bush’s meeting with
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Ziyang, 26 February 1989, https://bush41library.tamu.edu/files/memcons-telcons/1989-02-26--Ziyang.pdf. 30. GBPL, BSF, Presidential Correspondence, Memcon, Bush’s meeting Deng Xiaoping, 26 February 1989, https://bush41library.tamu.edu/files/memcons-telcons/1989-02-26--Xiaoping.pdf. 31. Mann, About Face, 178. See also ‘Ambassador Winston Lord
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’, Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training, Foreign Affairs Oral History Project, 28 April 1998, http://www.adst.org/OH%20TOCs/Lord,%20Winston.pdf. 32. Vogel, Deng Xiaoping, 608; Chen Jian, ‘Tiananmen and the Fall of the Berlin Wall: China’s Path toward 1989 and Beyond’, in Jeffrey A. Engel, ed., The Fall
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Troyanovskii, Cherez Gody i Rasstoyaniya: Istoriya Odnoi Sem’yi (Over Years and Distances) (Moscow, 1997), 373. 37. Excerpts from the conversation between Mikhail Gorbachev and Deng Xiaoping, 16 May 1989, http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/116536. 38. Ibid. 39. George Bush, The President’s News Conference, 30 May, 1989, APP website, http
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on China 2 of 5 Tiananmen Square Crisis [2], White House Situation Room Files, From Washington to American Embassy Beijing, Letter from President Bush to Deng Xiaoping, 27 May 1989. 41. Lilley, China Hands, 309. 42. GBPL, Telcon: Kohl to Bush, 15 June 1989, https://bush41library.tamu.edu/files/memcons-telcons/1989
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, Poul, and Odd Arne Westad, eds, Perforating the Iron Curtain: European Détente, Transatlantic Relations, and the Cold War, 1965–1985 (Copenhagen, 2010) Vogel, Ezra F., Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China (Cambridge, MA, 2011) Wallander, Celeste A., Mortal Friends, Best Enemies: German-Russian Cooperation after the Cold War (Ithaca, NY, 1999
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, 207, 209–10, 216, 222, 233–4, 242–4, 246 Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV), see North Vietnam democratic values 209, 244 democratization 242, 246 Deng Xiaoping 9, 132–4, 181–91, 193–5, 200, 244 Denkpause 28–9 détente 2–9, 16, 18, 32, 34–6, 68, 72, 77–8, 82
by Joe Studwell · 1 Jul 2013 · 868pp · 147,152 words
. In writing names of people and places, I have attempted to use the romanised forms that are most familiar to contemporary English language readers. Hence Deng Xiaoping is rendered in the mainland Chinese pinyin system, whereas Chiang Kai-shek is rendered in the Wade-Giles system favoured in Taiwan. In South Korea
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determinant of that country’s performance. Mao Zedong proselytised a baby boom that was already occurring, telling Chinese people there was strength in numbers. Then Deng Xiaoping and his successors put the brakes on the birth rate, which was already slowing, with an often brutally enforced policy to limit child-bearing. Yet
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population pressure to induce high-rent tenancy and stagnant output. A rather typical landlord of the era was Deng Wenming, father of future Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping, who owned ten hectares in Paifang village in the hinterland of Chongqing in Sichuan province. Deng Wenming lived in a 22-room house on the
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nutrition in China in the 1970s were little better on average than in the 1930s.32 China waited until the revolutionary son of a landlord, Deng Xiaoping, rose to power in 1978 to rediscover what household farming could do for a developing country. By then, two decades of development had been lost
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point is: we must acknowledge that we are backward, that many of our ways of doing things are inappropriate, and that we need to change.’ Deng Xiaoping, on being confirmed as China’s preeminent leader in December 19781 Can the history of east Asian development tell us something useful about the development
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in, and so on.2 Through autarky, China failed to develop a single industrial product with which it could compete internationally. In the era of Deng Xiaoping, China broke out from the two great socialist fallacies. First, household farming was restored. Then, following Deng’s visits to the United States, Japan and
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themselves, supported by a few progressive regional Party leaders, who declared their families to be collective units and made household farming a fait accompli. As Deng Xiaoping admitted in his turgid autobiography: ‘It was the peasants who invented the household contract responsibility system with remuneration linked to output.’8 This was a
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corvée labour, and more. (In China, the bulk of welfare services are managed and funded at the local level.) As the Chinese economy grew under Deng Xiaoping, and then Jiang Zemin, urban bias in national fiscal policy increased greatly. Then, from 2001, China abandoned the bulk of its agricultural protection measures under
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run for the past thirteen years by the same highly rated manager, Chen Yuan, son of Chen Yun, the economist who rescued Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping from their worst policy follies.33 The institution built up its balance sheet by supporting large-scale, high-quality domestic infrastructure projects in the 2000s
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University Press, 1934), p. 74. Part 4 – Where China Fits In 1. Li Xiangqian and Han Gang, ‘Xin faxian Deng Xiaoping yu Hu Yaobang deng sanci tanhua jilu’ (‘Newly Discovered Record of Three of Deng Xiaoping’s Talks with Hu Yaobang and Others’), Bainianchao, n0. 3 (1999): 4–11, reprinted in Xie Chuntao, ed
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., Deng Xiaoping xiezhen (A Portrait of Deng Xiaoping) (Shanghai: Shanghai cishu chubanshe, 2005), p. 192. 2. The hugely polluting cement kilns developed in China are a form of vertical kiln into which ingredients
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. 14 below, which cover China’s seventeen most important agricultural provinces. Some other, less productive provinces have larger average farm sizes. 8. Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping, vol. 3 (1982–1992) (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1993), p. 370. 9. According to UN Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) data for 2009, Chinese
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1989. The premier in 1993 was Li Peng. Zhu Rongji became a vice-premier that year and – largely because Li Peng was not trusted by Deng Xiaoping to run the economy – Zhu took on that role, which normally falls to the premier. In January 1994, Zhu overhauled China’s tax system, redirecting
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the correct approach to economic reform as ‘crossing the river by feeling the stones’ (mozhe shitou guohe). The phrase is frequently and erroneously ascribed to Deng Xiaoping. 34. CDB was a major funder of the Three Gorges hydropower project, the ‘South–North’ water diversion project, and many other big power and road
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). Klaus Deininger and Lyn Squire, ‘New Ways of Looking at Old Issues: Inequality and Growth’, Journal of Development Economics, vol. 57, no. 2 (1998). Deng Xiaoping, Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping, vol. 3 (1982–1992) (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1993). Department of Agrarian Reform, Republic of the Philippines, ‘Philippine Agrarian Reform: Partnerships for
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Cultures at Risk (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2007). Adrian Vickers, A History of Modern Indonesia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005). Ezra F. Vogel, Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 2011). Robert Wade, Governing the Market: Economic Theory and the Role of Government in East Asian
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, 183, 218n28 Malaysia 198 Philippines 193, 321n43 Dee, Dewey 322–3n55 Deininger, Klaus 10, 276–7n12 democracy xxv–xxvi demographics see population Deng Wenming 17 Deng Xiaoping xxii, 17, 21, 221, 224, 226, 228, 241, 331n21 Denmark 61, 81 deregulation 162, 165–6, 173–4, 184, 196–8 Indonesia 212, 216, 217
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