Herbert Marcuse

The Idea of Decline in Western History
by Arthur Herman
Published 8 Jan 1997

Tar , Frankfun School , pp. 181-89. 46 Wiggershaus , Frankfun School , p. 414; Adorno , et al., Authoritarian Personality , p. 249. 47 Adorno , et al., Authoritarian Personality , p. 976. 48 Quoted in Kellner , Herbert Marcuse , p. 296. 49 Quoted in Wiggershaus , Frankfun School , p. 339. 50 Quoted in Cranston , ed., Prophetic Politics , p. 88. 51 Adorno , Minima Moralia , pp. 34, 39, 40. 52 Horkheimer , Eclipse of Reason , p. 94. 53 As outlined in A. MacIntyre , Marcuse (New York, 1970). 54 Marcuse , One-Dimensional Man , p. 7; quoted in Kellner , Herbert Marcuse , p. 293. 55 Marcuse , Essay on Liberation , p. 7; Fromm , Escape From Freedom , p. 278; Kellner , Herbert Marcuse , p. 293. 56 Marcuse , One-Dimensional Man , p. 9. 57 A point developed in Frances Fox Piven and Richard Cloward , Regulating the Poor (New York, 1971). 58 Marcuse , One-Dimensional Man , pp. 3; 1. 59 Marcuse , Eros and Civilization , pp. 110, 140. 60 Ibid., pp. 138-39, 140. 61 Marcuse , One-Dimensional Man , p. 2. 62 Marcuse , Essay on Liberation , p. 20. 63 Cf.

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Kolakowski , Varieties of Marxism , Vol. 3, p. 399. 64 Marcuse , One-Dimensional Man , pp. 256-57. 65 Marcuse , Essay on Liberation , p. 7. 66 Marcuse , et al., Critique of Pure Tolerance , pp. 107-09; Kellner , Herbert Marcuse , p. 289. 67 Marcuse , Negations , p. 251. 68 Kellner , Herbert Marcuse , p. 299; R. Radosh , “On Hanging Up the Old Red Flag,” in J. Bunzel , ed., Political Passages , p. 224. 69 Marcuse , et al., Critique of Pure Tolerance , Postscript, p. 120. 70 Quoted in Kellner , Herbert Marcuse , pp. 292, 300-01. Chapter 10 1 Quoted in Hughes , Consciousness and Society , pp. 114-15. 2 Bergson , Creative Evolution , p. 294. 3 Ibid., pp. 7, 293-94, 295. 4 Wohl , Generation of 1914 , pp. 8-9, 27. 5 Diary of My Times , p. 65. 6 Quoted in Paxton , Vichy France , p. 146. 7 Ibid., pp. 253-56. 8 Péan , Une Jeunesse Francaise . 9 Paxton , Vichy France , p. 146; Judt , Past Imperfect , pp. 20; 16. 10 Roth , Knowing and History . 11 Drury, Alexandre Kojève, pp. 43-44. 12 Cohen-Solal , Sartre , p. 57.

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Cultural pessimism draws heavily on the philosophy of Friedrich Nietzsche and on his sweeping condemnation of the European society of his day as “sick” and “decadent.” “There is an element of decay in everything that characterizes modern man,” Nietzsche wrote in 1885. In fact, a straight line of descent runs from Nietzsche and his disciples Martin Heidegger and Herbert Marcuse, to the Unabomber and beyond: a line of descent that produced a single view of the modern West, summed up in Herbert Marcuse’s One Dimensional Man: “A comfortable, smooth, reasonable, democratic unfreedom prevails in advanced industrial civilization, a token of technical progress.” For the cultural pessimist, the momentous issue for the future is not whether Western civilization will survive, but what will take its place.

Hacking Capitalism
by Söderberg, Johan; Söderberg, Johan;

Kostas Axelos, Alienation, Praxis, and Techné in the Thought of Karl Marx (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1976), 194. 2. Herbert Marcuse, Eros and Civilization—A Philosophical Inquiry into Freud (London: Routledge, 1998), 195, italics in original; hereafter cited in text as Eros. 3. Herbert Marcuse, ”On the Philosophical Foundation of the Concept of Labor in Economics”, Telos, 16 (summer 1973). 4. Georg Lukács, Goethe and His Age (London: Merlin, 1968). 5. Georg Lukács, History and Class Consciousness (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2000), 140; hereafter cited in text as history. 6. Herbert Marcuse, The Aesthetic Dimension: Toward a Critique of Marxist Aesthetics (Boston: Beacon Press, 1978). 7.

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These last comments throw back the question on Karl Marx and his disparaging of play. One of his many disciples, Herbert Marcuse, made an appropriate observation on the general disregard for play in modern society: “[…] Play is unproductive and useless precisely because it cancels the repressive and exploitative traits of labor and leisure […]”2 What makes play look unimportant, in other words, is exactly what makes it politically explosive. In spite of Karl Marx’s harsh words on the topic, a disparate group of socialists have figured that play could become an alternative to alienated labour. Herbert Marcuse is the thinker that most consistently has pursued this line of inquiry.

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Schiller meant that the aesthetic education of man was necessary to heal the rift within man caused by specialisation: “[…] If man is ever to solve the problem of politics in practice he will have to approach it through the problem of the aesthetic, because it is only through Beauty that man makes his way to Freedom.”8 Both adherers and critics of Schiller have pigeonholed him in the tradition of romanticism. Marxist scholars have followed Marx’s lead and passed over Schiller’s work as a footnote in German, idealist philosophy, with the notable exception of Herbert Marcuse. He declared his indebtedness to Schiller for his own life-long investigation into the liberating potential of aesthetics and play. Marcuse insisted on play as a constitutive practice on a parity with labour. The idea that play can be juxtaposed to labour invites us to reassess the legacy of Friedrich Schiller as a political theorist.

How Much Is Enough?: Money and the Good Life
by Robert Skidelsky and Edward Skidelsky
Published 18 Jun 2012

Galbraith coined the phrase “the technostructure” in his The New Industrial State (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007). 48. Reich, The Greening of America, pp. 381–2. 49. Quoted in Alain Martineau, Herbert Marcuse’s Utopia (Montreal: Harvest House, 1984), p. 7. 50. Quoted ibid., p. 20. 51. Herbert Marcuse, One-Dimensional Man: Studies in the Ideology of Advanced Industrial Society, ed. Douglas Kellner (Boston: Beacon Press, 1991), pp. xlii, xxx. 52. Ibid., p. 246. 53. Herbert Marcuse, Eros and Civilization (New York: Random House, 1961), p. 48. 54. Ibid., p. 260. CHAPTER 3. THE USES OF WEALTH 1. Joseph Schumpeter, History of Economic Analysis (New York: Oxford University Press, 1954), p. 57. 2.

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Keynes was well aware of the evils of capitalism, but assumed that they would wither away once their work of wealth creation was done. He did not foresee that they might become permanently entrenched, obscuring the very ideal they were initially intended to serve. Keynes, we add in Chapter 2, was not alone in thinking that motives bad in themselves might nonetheless be useful. John Stuart Mill, Karl Marx, Herbert Marcuse—even Adam Smith in bolder moments—all granted such motives a positive role as an agent of historical progress. In the language of myth, Western civilization has made its peace with the Devil, in return for which it has been granted hitherto unimaginable resources of knowledge, power and pleasure.

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This created a psychic discordance between adolescence and work that was enough, in the opinion of some Hegelian philosophers of revolution, to achieve the status of a contradiction. The new Freudian Marxists saw the universities as educational factories breeding a new revolutionary class. The radicalism of the 1960s was a campus phenomenon, theorized and promoted by the professors. Of these, none was more influential than the émigré philosopher Herbert Marcuse, who proclaimed the new doctrine of erotic liberation with heavy Germanic learning. Marcuse’s books Eros and Civilization (1955) and One-Dimensional Man (1964) became the bibles of student protest. His phrase “repressive tolerance” defined for radicals the particular quality of American civilization.

American Marxism
by Mark R. Levin
Published 12 Jul 2021

Weaver, Ideas Have Consequences (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1948), 2. 19 Ibid. 20 Ibid., 5. 21 Ibid. 22 Ibid., 5–6. 23 Ibid., 6. 24 Ibid., 85. 25 Madeleine Davis, “New Left,” Encyclopaedia Britannica, https://www.britannica.com/topic/New-Left (April 7, 2021). 26 Ibid. 27 A-Z Guide to Modern Social and Political Theorists, eds. Noel Parker and Stuart Sun (London: Routledge, 1997), 238. 28 Herbert Marcuse, One Dimensional Man (Boston: Beacon Press: 1964), 3. 29 Ibid. 30 Ibid., 4. 31 Herbert Marcuse, “The Failure of the New Left?” in New German Critique 18 (Fall 1979), https://www.marcuse.org/herbert/pubs/70spubs/Marcuse1979FailureNewLeft.pdf (April 7, 2021). 32 Barringer, “The Mainstreaming of Marxism in U.S. Colleges.” 33 Ibid. 34 Ibid. 35 Richard Landes, Heaven on Earth: The Varieties of the Millennial Experience (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 12, 13. 36 Ibid., 13. 37 Ibid. 38 Ibid., 14. 39 Ibid., 17. 40 BBC, “Historical Figures, Vladimir Lenin,” http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/historic_figures/lenin_vladimir.shtml (April 7, 2021). 41 BBC, “Historical Figures, Mao Zedong,” http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/historic_figures/mao_zedong.shtml (April 7, 2021). 42 BBC, “Historical Figures, Pol Pot,” http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/historic_figures/pot_pol.shtml (April 7, 2021). 43 Lois Weis, “For Jean Anyon, my colleague and friend,” Perspectives on Urban Education, University of Pennsylvania, https://urbanedjournal.gse.upenn.edu/archive/volume-11-issue-1-winter-2014/jean-anyon-my-colleague-and-friend (April 7, 2021). 44 Jean Anyon, Marx and Education (New York: Routledge, 2011), 7 45 Ibid., 7, 8. 46 Raymond Aron, The Opium of the Intellectuals (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1957), 94. 47 Anyon, Marx and Education, 8–9 (quoting Marx and Engels). 48 Jeffry Bartash, “Share of union workers in the U.S. falls to a record low in 2019,” Marketwatch, January 31, 2020, https://www.marketwatch.com/story/share-of-union-workers-in-the-us-falls-to-a-record-low-in-2019-2020-01-22 (April 8, 2021). 49 Richard Epstein, “The Decline of Unions Is Good News,” Ricochet, January 28, 2020, https://ricochet.com/717005/archives/the-decline-of-unions-is-good-news/ (April 8, 2021). 50 Anyon, Marx and Education, 9–10 (quoting Marx). 51 Aron, The Opium of the Intellectuals, 94–95. 52 Anyon, Marx and Education, 11. 53 Ibid., 12–13 (quoting Marx). 54 Lance Izumi, “Why Are Teachers Mostly Liberal?”

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The Port Huron Statement is a platitudinous, rambling, pop-psychoanalytical essay condemning capitalism and endorsing a Marxist-type revolution. The New Left “generally avoided traditional forms of political organization in favor of strategies of mass protest, direct actions, and civil disobedience.”25 The movement was greatly influenced by a German-born Marxist, Herbert Marcuse, who, expectedly, was a fierce anticapitalist. Also, unsurprisingly, Marcuse taught at several American universities during his career, including Columbia, Harvard, and Brandeis. A prolific writer, his 1964 book, One-Dimensional Man, was widely read, especially among the New Left, and its success helped to transform Marcuse from a relatively unknown university professor to a prophet and father figure of the burgeoning student antiwar movement.”26 As we will later see, his influence extends well beyond the New Left to modern-day Critical Theory movements, which actively seek to undermine and ultimately supplant American society and culture.

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‘Theory,’ they suggested, always serves the interests of certain people; traditional theory, because it is uncritical towards power, automatically serves the powerful, while critical theory, because it unmasks these interests, serves the powerless. All theory is political, they said, and by choosing critical theory over traditional theory one chooses to challenge the status quo, in accordance with Marx’s famous statement: ‘Philosophers have hitherto only interpreted the world in various ways; the point is to change it.’ ”2 Herbert Marcuse is credited with hatching the Critical Theory ideology from which the racial, gender, and other Critical Theory–based movements were launched in America. As mentioned earlier, he was a German-born Hegelian-Marxist ideologue of the Franklin School of political theorists. He is best known for attempting to explain why the so-called proletariat (workers) in the United States and elsewhere have not risen up to overthrow the capitalist system of the ruling bourgeoisie.

Consumed: How Markets Corrupt Children, Infantilize Adults, and Swallow Citizens Whole
by Benjamin R. Barber
Published 1 Jan 2007

We no longer have to reference Vance Packard’s warning about hidden persuaders: the persuaders have come out of the closet and are teaching corporate managers the arts of marketing to teens at national conferences and are articulating toddler marketing techniques in textbooks and business-school marketing courses. Nor do we need Herbert Marcuse’s subtle argument about the one-dimensionality of modern men: clever marketing consultants are openly subverting pluralistic human identity in pursuit not simply of brand loyalty but of lifelong brand identity. In other words, I am not reading the notion of infantilization into what the market is doing in order to illuminate its practices in an era of mandatory selling; I am extrapolating out of the actual practices of the consumer marketplace the idea of pumping up purchasing power, manufacturing needs, and encouraging infantilization.

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Even instant gratification can suggest a capacity for living fully in the minute, while deferring pleasure can be a cover for alienation from activity and disengagement from life. Psychoanalysis aims at (among other things) searching out, identifying, and overcoming such apparent “virtues” with which neurotics may rationalize what is actually repression and psychic disorder. As Herbert Marcuse has observed, for Freud civilization itself is necessarily synonymous with repression—the “transformation of the pleasure principle into the reality principle.” In the first instance, this means if humans are to survive they must become adult by moving from (in Marcuse’s gloss) immediate satisfaction to delayed satisfaction, from pleasure to restraint of pleasure, from joy (play) to toil (work), from receptiveness to productiveness, and from the absence of repression to security.47 Yet Freud himself is dialectical, believing that “because of this lasting gain through renunciation and restraint…the reality principle ‘safeguards’ rather than ‘dethrones,’ ‘modifies’ rather than denies, the pleasure principle.”48 That is to say, civilization ultimately conserves a vital element of the id’s pleasure principle by subjecting it to the constraints of the civilizational superego.

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The new culture industry, purveying the myth of what I have called consumer empowerment, claimed that standards were based in the first place on consumers’ needs…[a] circle of manipulation and retroactive need in which the unity of the system grows ever stronger.5 In 1964, with this postwar leftist ambivalence about Enlightenment as backdrop, Herbert Marcuse proposed the controversial thesis that late capitalism was producing “one-dimensional men.” Nurtured by a society in which “a comfortable, smooth, reasonable, democratic unfreedom prevails,” one-dimensional men were being molded by a “productive apparatus [which] tends to become totalitarian,” especially inasmuch as it determines “individual needs and aspirations.”6 Marcuse resorted to the hyperbole of totalitarianism to portray what he called “a non-terroristic economic-technical coordination which operates through the manipulation of needs by vested interests.”

The Authoritarian Moment: How the Left Weaponized America's Institutions Against Dissent
by Ben Shapiro
Published 26 Jul 2021

Lilienfeld, “Clarifying the Structure and Nature of Left-Wing Authoritarianism,” ResearchGate, May 11, 2020, https://www.researchgate.net/publication/341306723_Clarifying_the_Structure_and_Nature_of_Left-Wing_Authoritarianism. 17. Herbert Marcuse, “Repressive Tolerance” (1965), https://www.marcuse.org/herbert/pubs/60spubs/65repressivetolerance.htm. 18. Theodor Adorno and Herbert Marcuse, Correspondence on the German Student Movement, February 14, 1969, to August 6, 1969, https://hutnyk.files.wordpress.com/2013/06/adornomarcuse_germannewleft.pdf. 19. https://twitter.com/Mike_Pence/status/1346879811151605762. 20.

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And those left-wing authoritarians can be just as prejudiced, dogmatic, and extremist as right-wing authoritarians.”15 The content of the dogma is merely different: as sociologist Thomas Costello of Emory University et al. writes, left-wing authoritarianism is characterized by three traits that look quite similar to those of right-wing authoritarianism: “Revolutionary aggression,” designed to “forcefully overthrow the established hierarchy and punish those in power”; “Top-down censorship,” directed at wielding “group authority . . . as a means of regulating characteristically right-wing beliefs and behaviors”; “Anti-conventionalism,” reflecting a “moral absolutism concerning progressive values and concomitant dismissal of conservatives as inherently immoral, an intolerant desire for coercively imposing left-wing beliefs and values on others, and a need for social and ideological homogeneity in one’s environment.”16 In reality, there are authoritarians on all sides. Even Adorno came to take this view: during the student protests of the 1960s, Adorno, who taught at the Free University of Berlin, was confronted by student radicals. He wrote a plaintive letter to fellow Frankfurt School theorist Herbert Marcuse complaining about the left-wing authoritarianism he saw in the student protesters who occupied his room and refused to leave: “We had to call the police, who then arrested all those they found in the room . . . they treated the students far more leniently than the students treated me.” Adorno wrote that the students had “display[ed] something of that thoughtless violence that once belonged to fascism.”

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American consumerism, however, had deprived Americans of that ability—and thus made them ripe for proto-fascism.23 To liberate individuals, all systems of power had to be leveled. This meant that traditional American freedoms would have to be curbed. Freedom of speech would have to die so that freedom of subjective self-esteem could flourish. As Herbert Marcuse explained, “Liberating tolerance, then, would mean intolerance against movements from the Right and toleration of movements from the Left . . . it would extend to the stage of action as well as of discussion and propaganda, of deed as well as of word.” This held true especially for minority groups, who could assert their power only by striking back against the system.24 While the Frankfurt School thinkers were Marxist in orientation, their argument made little sense as a matter of class.

Green Tyranny: Exposing the Totalitarian Roots of the Climate Industrial Complex
by Rupert Darwall
Published 2 Oct 2017

Hicks, Explaining Postmodernism: Skepticism and Socialism from Rousseau to Foucault (Phoenix and New Berlin, WI, 2004), p. 159. 32Herbert Marcuse, “Repressive Tolerance,” in Robert P. Wolff, Barrington Moore Jr., and Herbert Marcuse, A Critique of Pure Tolerance (London, 1969), p. 98. 33Ibid., p. 125. 34Ibid., p. 119. 35Herbert Marcuse, “Repressive Tolerance,” in Robert P. Wolff, Barrington Moore Jr., and Herbert Marcuse, A Critique of Pure Tolerance (London, 1969), p. 95. 36Jean-Louis Ferrier, Jacques Boetsch, and Françoise Giroud (tr. Helen Weaver), “Marcuse Defines His New Left Line,” New York Times, October 27, 1968. 37Thomas Wheatland, The Frankfurt School in Exile (Minneapolis, 2009), pp. 340–341. 38Ibid., p. 287. 39Rudi Dutschke, “On Anti-Authoritarianism,” in Carl Oglesby (ed.), The New Left Reader (Boston, 1968), p. 249. 40Jean-Louis Ferrier, Jacques Boetsch, and Françoise Giroud (tr.

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California Similarly, when California’s legislature passed a law in 2011 requiring one third of its electricity be generated from renewables by 2020, it excluded zero-carbon nuclear and large hydropower. In the late 1960s, California’s political and intellectual class became increasingly influenced by environmentalist thinkers such as the Norwegian Arne Næss, the German Fritz Schumacher, and the Frankfurt School’s Herbert Marcuse. From the mid-1970s, the Golden State led the U.S. in turning green ideology in a fight against reality, with disastrous consequences. Rising demand and falling generating capacity, exacerbated by retail price caps, led to grid instability and rolling blackouts in 2000 and 2001, contributing to the 2003 recall of Governor Gray Davis.

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In 1968, as student riots convulsed West Berlin, America, and France, three journalists from the French weekly L’Express caught up with Marcuse on the French Riviera. What he told them reveals more about the attitudes of the Frankfurt School and its long-term impact than its formal writings. L’Express: Can we say for the students who have chosen a doctrine for their revolt that you are their theorist? Herbert Marcuse: “I have tried to show that contemporary society is a repressive society in all its aspects, that even the comfort, the prosperity, the alleged political and moral freedom are utilized for oppressive ends. . . . It is not merely a question of changing the institutions but rather, and this is more important, of totally changing human beings in their attitudes, their instincts, their goals, and their values.”

The Right Side of History
by Ben Shapiro
Published 11 Feb 2019

Bureau of Labor Statistics, January 30, 2003, https://www.bls.gov/opub/mlr/cwc/american-labor-in-the-20th-century.pdf. 6.Fred Siegel, The Revolt against the Masses (New York: Encounter Books, 2013), 112–13. 7.Giuseppe Fiori, Antonio Gramsci: Life of a Revolutionary (New York: Schocken Books, 1973), 103. 8.Max Horkheimer, Critical Theory: Selected Essays (New York: Continuum, 2002), 207. 9.Rolf Wiggershaus, The Frankfurt School: Its History, Theories, and Political Significance (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1995), 135. 10. Erich Fromm, Escape from Freedom (New York: Henry Holt, 1941), 240. 11. Herbert Marcuse, Eros and Civilization (Boston: Beacon Press, 1974), 5. 12. Christopher Holman, Politics as Radical Creation (Toronto, ON: University of Toronto Press, 2013), 44. 13. Marcuse, Eros and Civilization, 227–28. 14. Herbert Marcuse, “Repressive Tolerance” in Robert Paul Wolff, Barrington Moore Jr., and Herbert Marcuse, A Critique of Pure Tolerance (Boston, 1965; Marcuse.org, 2015), https://www.marcuse.org/herbert/pubs/60spubs/65repressivetolerance.htm. 15.

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But Fromm and thinkers like him suggested that the solution to the supposedly inevitable slide from dull consumerist conformity to horrible fascism lay in complete rebellion. Only acts of rebellion could destroy the system within. Rebellion in sex; rebellion in art; rebellion in work; rebellion everywhere. The leading advocate of that rebellion was Herbert Marcuse (1898–1979). Marcuse, one of the progenitors of the so-called New Left, preached that the prevailing order had to be torn out root and branch. In 1955, coincident with the rise of Kinsey’s thought, Marcuse penned Eros and Civilization, in which he argued that repressive sexuality had damaged mankind, and that only freeing man of his Victorian mentality regarding sex could build a better world.

1968: The Year That Rocked the World
by Mark Kurlansky
Published 30 Dec 2003

CHAPTER 4 TO BREATHE IN A POLISH EAR I want to rule as Thou dost—always, secretly. —ADAM MICKIEWICZ, Dziady, or Forefathers’ Eve, 1832 The communication of opposites, which characterizes the commercial and political style, is one of the many ways in which discourse and communication make themselves immune against the expression of protest and refusal. —HERBERT MARCUSE, One-Dimensional Man, 1964 NO ONE was more surprised to discover a student movement in “the happiest barracks in the Soviet camp” than the students themselves. Happy barracks is perverse Polish humor. It was not that the Poles were happy, but that they had managed to secure from the Soviets certain rights, such as freedom to travel, that had been denied in other Eastern European countries.

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In the end, following a song titled “Fifteen Glorious Years,” the inmates sing: And if most have a little and few have a lot You can see how much nearer our goal we have got. We can say what we like without favor or fear and what we can’t say we will breathe in your ear. Polish communist youth, not always in agreement with their parents, felt this “unfreedom,” as another extremely popular German writer of the mid-sixties, philosopher Herbert Marcuse, called it. Poland and much of the Soviet bloc exemplified Marcuse’s theory that the communication of opposites obstructed discourse. To criticize the government or “the system” in Poland required an aptitude for speaking opposites in reverse. Polityka, a weekly considered to be liberal and free thinking, reported on Dubek and Czechoslovakia, though mostly in the form of criticism.

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Tom Hayden wrote that he considered Camus to be one of the great influences in his decision to leave journalism and become a student activist. Abbie Hoffman used Camus to explain in part the Yippie! movement, referring to Camus’s words in Notebooks: “The revolution as myth is the definitive revolution.” By 1968 there was another intellectual it seemed everybody wanted to quote: Marxist-Hegelian revisionist revolutionary Herbert Marcuse. His most appealing idea was what he called “the great refusal,” the time to say “No, this is not acceptable”—another idea that was expressed in Savio’s “odious machine” speech. Marcuse, a naturalized American citizen who had fled the Nazis, was on the faculty of Brandeis when Abbie Hoffman had been a student there, and Hoffman was enormously influenced by him, especially by his book Eros and Civilization, which talked about guilt-free physical pleasure and warned about “false fathers, teachers, and heroes.”

No More Work: Why Full Employment Is a Bad Idea
by James Livingston
Published 15 Feb 2016

Among them were the economists Milton Friedman, George Stigler, Wassily Leontief, John Kenneth Galbraith, Eli Ginzberg, Harold Vatter, and Lawrence R. Klein (four Nobel Prize winners among them); the sociologists Daniel Bell, C. Wright Mills, and Michael Harrington; the historians Richard Hofstadter, David Potter, and William Appleman Williams; the philosophers Herbert Marcuse, Norman O. Brown, and Hannah Arendt. In 1956, for example, Daniel Bell, the man responsible for the concept of postindustrial society, declared that “not only the worker but work itself is being displaced by the machine,” and worried about the social and moral consequences. This was when jobs in manufacturing—autos and steel, for example—remained plentiful yet constituted a small and shrinking proportion of jobs as such.

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On the other, he announced that true freedom lay somewhere beyond the realm of necessity, somewhere outside the domain of socially necessary labor. “The realm of freedom does not commence,” he said, “until the point is passed when labor under compulsion of necessity and of external utility is required.” Herbert Marcuse, the Frankfurt School philosopher, took this idea as far as it could go in his brilliant, heartbreaking meditation on Marx and Freud, Eros and Civilization (1955). Unlike many, perhaps most Marxists, Marcuse understood that Marx himself was arguing against work as an appropriate aspiration for a social movement adequate to its time, “the modern time” as Hegel would have it.

The Identity Trap: A Story of Ideas and Power in Our Time
by Yascha Mounk
Published 26 Sep 2023

What proved to be one of the most influential strategies was proposed by Rudi Dutschke, a German student leader whose following only grew after a far-right fanatic shot him in the head in the streets of Berlin. Revolutionaries, Dutschke argued in 1967, should try to subvert the political system by means of a “long march through the institutions.” In Dutschke’s original formulation, the purpose of this infiltration was to subvert and sabotage. But by 1972, when the German American philosopher Herbert Marcuse picked up on these ideas in his highly influential Counterrevolution and Revolt, the strategy had come to encompass more subtle avenues of influence. When “working against the established institutions while working within them,” Marcuse counseled, activists should be “doing the job” by learning “how to program and read computers, how to teach at all levels of education, how to use the mass media, [and] how to organize production.”

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But before we can answer the new critics of free speech, we need to understand their arguments: So where does the growing progressive hostility against “free speechers,” as Pao derogatively called us, come from? THE ROOTS OF THE “PROGRESSIVE” REJECTION OF FREE SPEECH The most influential rejection of free speech from the left was formulated by Herbert Marcuse. When Adolf Hitler ascended to power, Marcuse, a German Jew, was about to take a position at the prestigious Institute for Social Research, more commonly known as the Frankfurt School. Instead, he was forced to flee to the United States, moving to California and reinventing himself as the intellectual apostle of the New Left.

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Many critics of the identity synthesis have decried it as a form of “Marxism.” It is easy to see why. Marxism and the identity synthesis share both a disdain for the traditional institutions of parliamentary democracy and a deep enmity to liberalism. Some Marxist thinkers, like Frantz Fanon, Paulo Freire, and Herbert Marcuse, even continue to influence advocates of the identity synthesis. But to equate the two ideologies is to miss that the differences and tensions between them are at least as important as their similarities. The principal roots of the identity synthesis lie in the postmodern rejection of grand narratives, including Marxism.

The Shipwrecked Mind: On Political Reaction
by Mark Lilla
Published 19 Oct 2015

Strauss studied philosophy in several German universities, eventually writing his dissertation under Ernst Cassirer in Hamburg. The encounter that left the most lasting impression, though, was with Martin Heidegger, whose lectures Strauss attended in Freiburg and Marburg. He belonged to a privileged generation of then young Jewish students—including Hannah Arendt, Hans Jonas, Karl Löwith, and Herbert Marcuse—who encountered Heidegger just as he was becoming himself as a thinker. In the early 1920s Heidegger began giving courses on ancient philosophy that were anything but conventional. Rather than simply explicate the views of Plato and Aristotle, he wanted to expose and question their most basic assumptions—in particular their ontological assumptions about “what is.”

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Anyone who encountered him came away with a Taubes story. In New York you learn that in the late 1940s he taught Talmud to some future neoconservatives; in Jerusalem you learn that he was involved with heterodox Christian monks; and in Berlin you find a photo of him addressing a demonstration of 1960s radicals while Rudi Dutschke and Herbert Marcuse sit admiringly at his side. The Berlin years made Taubes’s reputation. He was everything young Germans could possibly have wanted in a sage: an old left-wing Jew blessing their revolution, not with the stale scientific formulas of orthodox Marxism but with the biblical language of redemption.

At the Existentialist Café: Freedom, Being, and Apricot Cocktails With Jean-Paul Sartre, Simone De Beauvoir, Albert Camus, Martin Heidegger, Maurice Merleau-Ponty and Others
by Sarah Bakewell
Published 1 Mar 2016

She also disapproved of his hiding out in Todtnauberg to grumble about modern civilisation, safely remote from potential critics who did not bother to climb up a mountain just to reprimand him. ‘Nobody is likely to climb 1,200 metres to make a scene’, she claimed. A few people did just that, however. One was his former student Herbert Marcuse, formerly an impassioned Heideggerian and now a Marxist. He made the journey in April 1947, hoping to get an explanation and an apology from Heidegger for his Nazi involvement. He did not get either. In August, he wrote asking Heidegger again why he would not make a clear disavowal of the Nazi ideology, when so many people were waiting for just a few words from him.

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György Lukács (1885–1971): Hungarian Marxist, often critical of existentialism. Norman Mailer (1923–2007): American novelist and polemicist who intended to run for New York mayor as the ‘Existentialist Party’ candidate, but had to delay the campaign after stabbing his wife. Gabriel Marcel (1889–1973): French Christian existentialist philosopher and playwright. Herbert Marcuse (1898–1979): Philosopher and social theorist associated with the Frankfurt School; former student of Martin Heidegger who criticised him severely after the Second World War. Tomáš Masaryk (1850–1937): Served four terms as president of Czechoslovakia after 1918; youthful friend of Husserl who also studied with Franz Brentano in Vienna, and later helped organise the rescue of his papers in Prague.

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For more on architecture, see Heidegger, ‘Building, Dwelling, Thinking’, ibid., 145–61; and Adam Sharr, Heidegger for Architects (New York: Routledge, 2007). 33 ‘A different thinking’: Jaspers, Philosophy of Existence, 12. 34 ‘House of Being’: Heidegger, ‘Letter on Humanism’, in Basic Writings, 213–65, this 259, 262. 35 ‘Came onto the way of thinking’: Gadamer, Philosophical Apprenticeships, 156. 36 ‘Babbling’ and ‘Nobody is likely’: Arendt & Jaspers, Hannah Arendt/Karl Jaspers Correspondence, 142 (Arendt to Jaspers, 29 Sept. 1949). 37 ‘Is this really the way?’: Herbert Marcuse and Martin Heidegger, ‘An Exchange of Letters’, in Wolin (ed.), The Heidegger Controversy, 152–64, this 161 (Marcuse to Heidegger, 28 Aug. 1947, tr. Wolin). See also Wolin, Heidegger’s Children, 134–72. 38 ‘To former students’, ‘your letter’, and ‘in the most loathsome way’: ibid., 163 (Heidegger to Marcuse, 20 Jan. 1948, tr.

Four Futures: Life After Capitalism
by Peter Frase
Published 10 Mar 2015

Conclusion: Transitions and Prospects 1Dialika Krahe, “A New Approach to Aid: How a Basic Income Program Saved a Namibian Village,” Spiegel Online International, August 10, 2009. 2Friedrich Nietzsche, Beyond Good and Evil, New York: Macmillan, 1907, p. 97. 3Bertolt Brecht, Poems, 1913–1956, London: Routledge, 1979. 4Mao Tse Tung, Quotations from Mao Tse Tung, Marxists.org, 1966. 5Paul Baran and Herbert Marcuse, “The Baran Marcuse Correspondence,” Monthly Review, March 1, 2014. 6Walter Benjamin, “On the Concept of History,” trans. Dennis Redmond, Marxists.org, 1940. CONCLUSION: TRANSITIONS AND PROSPECTS This work is not, I have emphasized, an exercise in futurism; I don’t aim to predict the precise course of social development.

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Alas, we Who wished to lay the foundations of kindness Could not ourselves be kind.3 Or as Mao put it in his characteristic blunt style, “a revolution is not a dinner party.”4 In other words, even the most successful and justified revolution has losers and victims. In a 1962 letter to the economist Paul Baran, the critical theorist Herbert Marcuse remarks that “nobody ever gave a damn about the victims of history.”5 The remark was directed at the hypocrisy of liberals who were eager to moralize about the victims of Soviet Communism but were silent about the massive human cost of capitalism. It’s a harsh, perhaps a cruel judgment, and Marcuse himself suggests the need to move beyond it.

The Refusal of Work: The Theory and Practice of Resistance to Work
by David Frayne
Published 15 Nov 2015

More modestly, what the discussions ahead represent are an attempt to remain open to alternatives, and to generate ideas that might contribute positively to a critique of our work-centred society. As to the real-world possibilities for the development of a politics against work, there are reasons to be hopeful and there are reasons to be pessimistic. I take inspiration from Herbert Marcuse, whose provocative works argued that advanced industrial societies are capable of containing all social change, whilst still maintaining that forces and tendencies exist that can break this containment (Marcuse, 2002: xlv). Freedom, for Marcuse, is always both impossible and possible. Focusing on both sides, I will highlight the alternative sensibilities and practices from which we might derive inspiration for a politics against work, whilst also acknowledging the extent to which certain cultural and structural features of capitalism militate against the development of social alternatives.

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Analysing the rise of American consumer culture, Daniel Bell suggested that, throughout the twentieth century, the bourgeois values of hard work, frugality and self-control were becoming increasingly irrelevant, and that by the 1950s people were concerned no longer about ‘how to work and achieve, but [instead about] how to spend and enjoy’ (Bell, 1976: 70). We can note, however, that regardless of the extent to which the traditional work ethic has been surpassed by consumer hedonism, the outcome in terms of people’s behaviour remains largely the same. What is retained in either case is a disciplined attachment to working for a wage. Herbert Marcuse recognised this in his book One-Dimensional Man, where he argued that the development of capitalism had seen a mounting harmonisation between the desire for sensual gratification and the production of cultural conformity (Marcuse, 2002). Modern consumer culture is perfectly consistent with work discipline, partly because the need to pay for commercial pleasures compels people to commit more of their time and effort to earning money.

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Bowring, F. (2000b) ‘Social Exclusion: Limitations of the Debate’, Critical Social Policy, 20, 3, pp 307–330. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02610183000 2000303 Bowring, F. (2011) ‘Marx’s Concept of Fettering: A Critical Review’, Critique: Journal of Socialist Theory, 39, 1, pp 137–153. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/ 03017605.2011.537457 Bowring, F. (2012) ‘Repressive Desublimation and Consumer Culture: Re-Evaluating Herbert Marcuse’, New Formations, 75, 1, pp 8–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/NewF.75.01.2012 Braverman, H. (1974) Labor and Monopoly Capital: The Degradation of Work in the Twentieth Century, New York, London: Monthly Review Press. Brennan, T. (2003) Globalisation and Its Terrors: Daily Life in the West, London, New York: Routledge.

Automation and the Future of Work
by Aaron Benanav
Published 3 Nov 2020

More than that, these visions of automation have clearly been generative in social terms: they point to certain utopian possibilities latent within capitalist societies. Indeed, some of the most visionary socialists of the twentieth century either were automation theorists or were inspired by them, including Herbert Marcuse, James Boggs, and André Gorz. Taking its periodicity into account, automation theory may be described as a spontaneous discourse of capitalist societies that, for a mixture of structural and contingent reasons, reappears in those societies time and again as a way of thinking through their limits.

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Du Bois, Darkwater: Voices from within the Veil, Dover, 1999 [1920], p. 69. 7 See More, Utopia, pp. 60–72; Étienne Cabet, Travels in Icaria, Syracuse University Press, 2003 [1840], pp. 80–9; Karl Marx, Grundrisse: Foundations of a Critique of Political Economy, Penguin, 1993, pp. 707–12; Karl Marx, Capital, vol. 3, Penguin, 1991, pp. 958–9; and Peter Kropotkin, The Conquest of Bread, Cambridge University Press, 2015, pp. 99–112. For a general discussion, which, however, excludes Cabet and Kropotkin, see Edward Granter, Critical Theory and the End of Work, Ashgate, 2009, esp. pp. 31–67. Here I leave to one side thinkers like Charles Fourier, William Morris, and Herbert Marcuse, who essentially suggested that the collapse of spheres could be achieved by turning all work into play. Single-realm conceptions of a post-scarcity world are, in my view, both totalitarian and hopelessly utopian (in the bad sense of the term). 8 Quoted in Marx, Capital, vol. 1, p. 532. See also William Booth, “The New Household Economy,” American Political Science Review, vol. 85, no. 1, March 1991, pp. 59–75; and Claudio Katz, “The Socialist Polis: Antiquity and Socialism in Marx’s Thought,” Review of Politics, vol. 56, no. 2, 1994, pp. 237–60. 9 More, Utopia, pp. 75–9 (on the slaves’ “golden chains”); 117 (on the early Christians); 47 (on the abolition of money and private property); 19–25 (on the enclosures); 66 (on freedom).

The Perfect Thing: How the iPod Shuffles Commerce, Culture, and Coolness
by Steven Levy
Published 23 Oct 2006

Doing Cultural Studies. 121 cooperating in a sociological study: Michael Bull, Sounding Out the City (Oxford: Berg, 2000). 121 "the ultimate musical means in mediating the media": Iain Chambers, "A Miniature History of the Walkman," in du Gay et al., Doing Cultural Studies. Notes 122 William Gibson: May 1994 interview with Giuseppe Salza, archived at www.eff.org/Misc/PubUcations/William_Gibson/salza.interview. Gibson has also attributed his 1981 introduction to the Walkman as the inspiration for his concept of "cyberspace." 122 Herbert Marcuse: Herbert Marcuse, One Dimensional Man (Boston: Beacon Press, 1964). 122 "deaf to the loudspeakers of history": R. Chow, "Listening Otherwise, Music Miniaturized: A Different Type of Question About Revolution," in du Gay et al.. Doing Cultural Studies. 123 Michael Bull: In addition to an interview I did with Bull in 2004,1 drew on Sounding Out the City, ibid.; Leander Kahney, "Bull Session with Professor iPod," Wired News, February 25, 2004.

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Wear it on the roller coaster, and you could be on a scary acid trip. The Walkman, claims the science fiction writer William Gibson, "has done more to change human perception than any virtual reality gadget. I can't remember any technological experience that was quite so wonderful as being able to take music and move it through landscape and architecture." Herbert Marcuse had earlier bemoaned radio as one more example of "technological reality" violating "the private space by which man may become and remain 'himself.' " The Walkman turned this kind of thinking on its head. The sociologist Rey Chow, identifying the Walkman as "a revolution in listening," extolled the abilities of Sony's device as a means of making a sneering, punkish statement; while zoned out on the headphones, he argued, you are consciously rejecting the reality gruel that The Man has dished out.

Undoing the Demos: Neoliberalism's Stealth Revolution
by Wendy Brown
Published 6 Feb 2015

Rational actors accept these truths, thus accept “reality; conversely, those who act according to other principles are not simply irrational, but refuse “reality.” Insofar as rational-choice theory expresses C h a r t in g N eo l ib e r a l P o l i t i c a l R at i o n a l i t y 67 this equation and becomes the hegemonic model for social-science knowledge, it represents a further development of what Herbert Marcuse termed the “closing of the political universe” — the erasure of intelligible, legitimate alternatives to economic rationality. Responsibilizing the state. The state and raison d’état conform to the veridiction of the market in precise ways. As we have already seen, economic metrics govern the institutions and practices of the state, and the state itself is legitimated by economic growth.61 “The economy produces legitimacy for the state that is its guarantor.”62 The state must support the economy, organizing its conditions and facilitating its growth, and is thereby made responsible for the economy without being able to predict, control, or offset its effects.

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Each system begins as a means — for wealth generation and for administration — but both break out of harness to become unprecedented systems of domination and automatic reproduction, placing humanity in “an iron cage.”10 Both become formations of power and rationality that cease to be instruments of our existence and instead become forces of history unto themselves — governing, dominating, fashioning human beings and worlds in every way. This is one strain of thinking about rationality from which Foucault appears to draw in formulating neoliberalism as a political rationality. The second strain comes from Theodor Adorno, Max Horkheimer, and especially Herbert Marcuse, who themselves developed and radicalized Weber’s appreciation of differentiated forms of rationality, P o l i t i c a l R at i o n a l i t y a n d G o v e rn a n c e 119 along with the potential of instrumental rationality to be a governing force of its own. For reasons of space and complexity, I want to bracket Adorno and Horkheimer’s Dialectic of Enlightenment to focus instead on Marcuse’s One-Dimensional Man.

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Ibid. 9. See, for example, Ibid., vol. 2, pp. 809–15. 10. Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, trans. Talcott Parsons (New York: Routledge, 1992), pp. 181 — 82. Weber, The Vocation Lectures, ed. David Owen and Tracy B. Strong (Indianapolis: Hackett, 2004). notes 247 11. Herbert Marcuse, One-Dimensional Man: Studies in the Ideology of Advanced Industrial Society (Boston: Beacon Press, 1964), pp. xvi and 1. 12. Ibid. see especially chapters 6–8. 13. Foucault, The Birth of Biopolitics, p. 94. Foucault defines liberalism as a governing rationality, rather than an ideology, recognizing the function of each while making an important distinction between them. 14.

Seventeen Contradictions and the End of Capitalism
by David Harvey
Published 3 Apr 2014

This meant that the dominant conceptions of freedom and liberty were and still are deeply embedded in the social relations and codes characteristic of market exchange based on private property and individual rights. These exclusively defined the realm of freedom and any challenge to them had to be ruthlessly put down. The social order was constituted by what Herbert Marcuse called ‘repressive tolerance’: there were strict boundaries beyond which one was never supposed to venture, no matter how pressing the cause of furthering liberty and freedom, at the same time as the rhetoric of tolerance was deployed to get us to tolerate the intolerable.5 The only surprising thing about all this is that we get surprised when we notice and think about it.

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But ‘if nationalism is not explained, enriched, deepened, if it does not very quickly turn into a social and political consciousness, into humanism, then it leads to a dead end’.7 Fanon, of course, shocks many liberal humanists with his embrace of a necessary violence and his rejection of compromise. How, he asks, is non-violence possible in a situation structured by the systematic violence exercised by the colonisers? What is the point of starving people going on hunger strike? Why, as Herbert Marcuse asked, should we be persuaded of the virtues of tolerance towards the intolerable? In a divided world, where the colonial power defines the colonised as subhuman and evil by nature, compromise is impossible. ‘One does not negotiate with evil,’ famously said Vice-President Dick Cheney. To which Fanon had a ready-made reply: ‘The work of the colonist is to make even dreams of liberty impossible for the colonised.

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Bush’s speeches in David Harvey, Cosmopolitanism and the Geographies of Freedom, New York, Columbia University Press, 2009, pp. 1–14. 4. Michel Foucault, The Birth of Biopolitics: Lectures at the College de France, 1978–1979, New York, Picador, 2008. 5. Robert Wolff, Barrington Moore and Herbert Marcuse, A Critique of Pure Tolerance: Beyond Tolerance, Tolerance and the Scientific Outlook, Repressive Tolerance, Boston, Beacon Press, 1969. 6. Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time, Boston, Beacon Press, 1957, pp. 256–7. 7. Ibid., p. 257. 8.

The Attention Merchants: The Epic Scramble to Get Inside Our Heads
by Tim Wu
Published 14 May 2016

Timothy Leary, Flashbacks: A Personal and Cultural History of an Era: An Autobiography (New York: Putnam, 1990), 252. 3. Martin Torgoff, Can’t Find My Way Home: America in the Great Stoned Age, 1945–2000 (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2004), 209. 4. Russell Jacoby, The End of Utopia (New York: Basic Books, 1999), 152. 5. Herbert Marcuse, One-Dimensional Man: Studies in the Ideology of Advanced Industrial Society (London: Routledge Classics, 1964), 6; Herbert Marcuse, An Essay on Liberation (Boston: Beacon Press, 1969), ix. 6. Timothy Leary, High Priest (Oakland, CA: Ronin Publishing, 1995), 320; Timothy Leary, Leary to Canada: Wake Up!, Recorded Speech (1967, Millbrook, New York). 7. Timothy Leary, Start Your Own Religion (Berkeley, CA: Ronin Publishing, 2009), 128. 8.

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Some two decades on, Leary would write that “unhappily,” his ideas had been “often misinterpreted to mean ‘Get stoned and abandon all constructive activity.’ ”3 Indeed, in the 1960s it was earnestly asked where one was supposed to go after dropping out. But enough who got the message understood that it referred to something more profound, and were able to connect Leary’s prescription with the vision of other social critics. Among the most influential of these was another guru of the counterculture, Herbert Marcuse of the “Frankfurt School,” one of a set of German philosophers who’d fled the Third Reich in the 1930s. Marcuse believed that he was witnessing a “Great Refusal”—a term he first coined in the 1950s to describe “the protest against unnecessary repression, the struggle for the ultimate form of freedom—‘to live without anxiety.’ ”4 Like Leary—whom he may have inspired in part—Marcuse tended to believe that liberation could not be achieved from within the system, but required its fundamental reconstruction.

Picnic Comma Lightning: In Search of a New Reality
by Laurence Scott
Published 11 Jul 2018

The confession itself, an invitation to come and see behind the scenes, is presented as a request for forgiveness, and a badge of trust. One could argue that part of Trump’s success has been to harness this contemporary desire for the double act of theatricality and revelation. In a suitably sidelined footnote to his 1969 An Essay on Liberation, Herbert Marcuse argued that obscenity could be used to refuse the stageshow niceties of those who wield brutal power. Obscene – that is to say, vulgar – language becomes an act of resistance, a rejection of the false civility and injured yearning for orderliness that despots often favour. Marcuse writes that ‘If, for example16, the highest executives of the nation or of the state are called, not President X or Governor Y but pig X or pig Y, and if what they say in campaign speeches is rendered as “oink oink”, this offensive designation is used to deprive them of the aura of public servants or leaders who have only the common interest in mind.’

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Storey and Arlene Allan: A Guide to Ancient Greek Drama (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2005); ‘plays on the …’, David Wiles, Greek Theatre Performance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000). 14 ‘says what he …’, see The New York Times/CBS Poll, 4th–8th December 2015; ‘never turn around …’, see ‘Watch Ben Carson endorse Donald Trump full news conference’, PBS NewsHour YouTube Channel, 11th March 2016. 15 ‘Anyone who knows …’, see ‘Donald Trump apologises for controversial video remarks’, Fox News YouTube Channel, 7th October 2016; ‘everyone can draw …’, see ‘Watch Live: The 2nd Presidential Debate’, CBS News YouTube Channel, 9th October 2016. 16 ‘If, for example …’, Herbert Marcuse, An Essay on Liberation (Boston, MA: Beacon, 1969). 17 ‘I had to …’, The Last Unicorn, dir. Jules Bass and Arthur Rankin, Jr, Rankin/Bass Productions, 1982. 18 ‘pornography of information …’, Jean Baudrillard, Revenge of the Crystal: Selected Writings on the Modern Object and its Destiny, 1968– 1983, ed. and trans.

Noam Chomsky: A Life of Dissent
by Robert F. Barsky
Published 2 Feb 1997

Guevara was of no interest to me; this was mindless romanticism, in my view" (31 Mar. 1995). It is interesting that the people Chomsky mentions here, although all important contemporary figures, vary tremendously in the approaches they took to the social unrest of the 1960s. It is also interesting that heading Chomsky's list are Herbert Marcuse and Erich Fromm. The two men were highly regarded intellectuals associated with prestigious universities, and they were political activistsmuch like Chomsky. (Fromm, incidentally, had been an inspiration to Zellig Harris.) But, unlike Chomsky, they directed their efforts towards conducting complex, and ultimately influential, analyses of revolution and history (Marcuse) and violence and psychology (Fromm), which Chomsky evidently considered to be of little real value.

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It would be interesting to try to discover whether this is a nonending type of process. (12 Feb. 1991) In Chomsky's opinion, there are no theories that can address such issues: "I'm not aware of the existence of any theories, in any serious sense of the term, that yield insight in the analysis case, including work on the nature of totalitarianism, internal filtering, and all the rest." This, of course, separates him from theoreticians with whom he would otherwise be sympathetic, in terms of their interests, such as Erich Fromm or Herbert Marcuse. In fact, he continues, this kind of work "seems to me pretty obvious, and frankly, I get irritated when intellectuals dress it up as something more than that. Furthermore, I think we can give an analysis of that as well: that's the way you become a respected public intellectual, who can preen before others of the same type.

The Coming of Neo-Feudalism: A Warning to the Global Middle Class
by Joel Kotkin
Published 11 May 2020

Even so, the zeal for enforcing ideological orthodoxy is reminiscent of the pattern in states such as the Soviet Union,28 or Nazi Germany, where universities served as a “stronghold” of the regime.29 The current mission in universities, and even in lower schools, is “to promote” a particular set of beliefs rather than “to teach,” notes Austin Williams.30 Instead of celebrating a diversity of opinion, academia seems to have adopted the notion of “repressive tolerance” developed by the German philosopher Herbert Marcuse, who said that tolerance for different views—that is, views he disapproved of—was really a form of oppression. Although himself an exile from Nazi repression, Marcuse insisted that liberal societies were hardly less oppressive than the Nazi or Soviet systems and no more deserving of support. He asserted that the concept of “liberty” was employed as a “powerful instrument of domination.”31 Marcuse would likely be pleased that today’s universities are achieving levels of unanimity that one might have found in a medieval school of theology or in a Soviet university.

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Reviewing the literature on academic citations,” London School of Economics and Political Science, November 1, 2016, https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/impactofsocialsciences/2014/04/23/academic-papers-citation-rates-remler/. 27 Joseph Conley, “Just Another Piece of Quit Lit,” Chronicle, March 8, 2018, https://www.chronicle.com/article/Just-Another-Piece-of-Quit-Lit/242756; Guelzo, “College Is Trade School for the Elite.” 28 Vladislav Zubok, A Failed Empire: The Soviet Union in the Cold War from Stalin to Gorbachev (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2009), 166. 29 F. L. Carsten, The Rise of Fascism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967), 33. 30 Austin Williams, The Enemies of Progress: The Dangers of Sustainability (Exeter: Societas, 2008), 75. 31 Herman, The Idea of Decline in Western History, 299–302, 320–28; Herbert Marcuse, One Dimensional Man (Boston: Beacon, 1964), 7. 32 “The dramatic shift among college professors that’s hurting students’ education,” Washington Post, January 11, 2016, https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/wonk/wp/2016/01/11/the-dramatic-shit-among-college-professors-thats-hurting-students-education; “Publications—The Faculty Survey,” Higher Education Research Institute, https://heri.ucla.edu/publications-fac/. 33 Mitchell Langbert, “Homogeneous: The Political Affiliations of Elite Liberal Arts College Faculty,” National Association of Scholars, Summer 2018, https://www.nas.org/articles/homogenous_political_affiliations_of_elite_liberal. 34 Paul Caron, “BYU and Pepperdine Are the Most Ideologically Balanced Faculties Among the Top 50 Law Schools (2013),” TaxProf Blog, August 14, 2018, http://taxprof.typepad.com/taxprof_blog/2018/08/byu-and-pepperdine-are-the-most-ideologically-balanced-faculties-among-the-top-50-law-schools-2013.html; Toni Airaksinen, “Study: Profs Less Likely to Hire NRA Members, Republicans,” PJ Media, August 9, 2018, https://pjmedia.com/trending/study-profs-less-likely-to-hire-nra-members-republicans/; Kathryn Hinderaker, “The assault on academic freedom at UCLA,” College Fix, October 23, 2017, https://www.thecollegefix.com/assault-academic-freedom-ucla/; Nicolas Kristof, “A Confession of Liberal Intolerance,” New York Times, May 7, 2016, https://www.nytimes.com/2016/05/08/opinion/sunday/a-confession-of-liberal-intolerance.html. 35 Noah Carl, “Lackademia: Why Do Academics Lean Left?”

The COVID-19 Catastrophe: What's Gone Wrong and How to Stop It Happening Again
by Richard Horton
Published 31 May 2020

We will be encouraged to be appreciative of the orderliness of our past existence, to be thankful for the harmony of our disharmonies. The status quo ante will be exalted, even glorified. We must not be tolerant of past conventions. There is a place between normality and utopia, a place towards which it is worth striving. It is up to us now to discover that place. As Herbert Marcuse observed, tolerance ‘protects the already established machinery of discrimination’; it is ‘an instrument for the continuation of servitude’. If the hope after COVID-19 is for a more humane society – a worthy hope given the devastation this virus has wreaked – we must work hard to cultivate our sensibility for intolerance.

Free Speech And Why It Matters
by Andrew Doyle
Published 24 Feb 2021

As I have noted, present-day social justice activists share an abiding faith in the putative nexus of language and power, largely derived from the French postmodernists of the 1960s and 1970s. However, these same activists are often at the forefront of calling for the censorship of the arts, an impulse which we can trace to the thinkers of the Frankfurt School – Max Horkheimer, Theodor Adorno, Herbert Marcuse, et al. – for whom popular culture and entertainment were seen as distractions from the revolutionary project. I see in the identity-obsessed activism of today a blend of these two positions, one which reduces humanity to a passive and malleable species, eternally subject to the tides of circumstance.

Kill All Normies: Online Culture Wars From 4Chan and Tumblr to Trump and the Alt-Right
by Angela Nagle
Published 6 Jun 2017

By the 1972 presidential campaign, the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations abstained from supporting the Democratic candidate McGovern, because they saw him as a sell-out to identity politics. This was because of the party’s adoption of ‘New Politics’, designed to bring identity groups to the forefront of politics while moving away from the centrality of economic inequality. New Left thinker Herbert Marcuse meanwhile raised the question of ‘whether it is possible to conceive of revolution when there is no vital need for it’. The need for revolution, he explained, ‘is something quite different from a vital need for better working conditions, a better income, more liberty and so on, which can be satisfied within the existing order.

Strategy: A History
by Lawrence Freedman
Published 31 Oct 2013

Also Sean McCann and Michael Szalay, “Introduction: Paul Potter and the Cultural Turn,” The Yale Journal of Criticism 18, no. 2 (Fall 2005): 209–220. 21. Gitlin, The Sixties, 265–267 (see chap. 24, n. 2). 22. Mark Rudd, Underground, My Life with SDS and the Weathermen (New York: Harper Collins, 2009), 65–66. 23. Herbert Marcuse, One-Dimensional Man (London: Sphere Books, 1964); “Repressive Tolerance” in Robert Paul Wolff, Barrington Moore, Jr., and Herbert Marcuse, eds., A Critique of Pure Tolerance (Boston: Beacon Press, 1969), 95–137; An Essay on Liberation (London: Penguin, 1969). 24. Che Guevara, “Message to the Tricontinental,” first published: Havana, April 16, 1967, available at http://www.marxists.org/archive/guevara/1967/04/16.htm. 25.

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Cuba was one example of this struggle; Vietnam was another. There were more confrontations to come, and at some point imperialism would be unable to cope. This was the point which the movement within the United States must work to bring about as soon as possible. This line of thought was validated by Herbert Marcuse, who had taken over from C. Wright Mills as the vogue intellectual of the New Left in its uncompromising late 1960s form. He had been a member of the Frankfurt Institute for Social Research, a base for Marxists who kept their distance from the Communist Party, which moved to New York in the 1930s.

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Propositions that deserved challenge were taken for granted, while other perspectives and claims were marginalized. This was standard fare for Marxists and had been at the heart of Gramsci’s concept of hegemony, which gained increasing attention during the 1950s. Debates on the left were also influenced by the legatees of the Frankfurt School, such as Herbert Marcuse. Émigré theorists, gathered at the New School of Social Research in New York, explained how knowledge was developed and maintained through social interactions, and introduced the concept of the “social construction of reality.”2 Of increasing importance were French theorists, this time not so much the existentialists but the poststructuralists and postmodernists.

Power Systems: Conversations on Global Democratic Uprisings and the New Challenges to U.S. Empire
by Noam Chomsky and David Barsamian
Published 1 Nov 2012

It’s quite interesting reading, not only for the content but also because of the style, which is pretty typical of business literature and of totalitarian culture in general. It reads a little like NSC-68.10 The whole society is crumbling, everything is being lost. The universities are being taken over by followers of Herbert Marcuse. The media and the government have been taken over by the Left. Ralph Nader is destroying the private economy, and so on. Businessmen are the most persecuted element in the society, but we don’t have to accept it, Powell said. We don’t have to let these crazy people destroy everything. We have the wealth.

From Counterculture to Cyberculture: Stewart Brand, the Whole Earth Network, and the Rise of Digital Utopianism
by Fred Turner
Published 31 Aug 2006

After World War II, rationalization had begun to give rise to “the man who is ‘with’ rationality but without reason, who is increasingly self-rationalized and also increasingly uneasy.” This man, continued Mills, was a “Cheerful Robot.”59 Mills’s critique could be heard echoing throughout the 1960s in works as varied as Jacques Ellul’s The Technological Society (1964), John Kenneth Galbraith’s The New Industrial State (1967), Herbert Marcuse’s One-Dimensional Man (1964), Lewis Mumford’s The Myth of the Machine (1967), Theodore Roszak’s The Making of a Counterculture (1969), and Charles Reich’s The Greening of America (1970). Like Mills, these authors suggested that society was undergoing a rapid process of centralization and rationalization, a process both supported by new technologies and designed to help build them.

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To former members of the New Left such as Todd Gitlin, hippies were a seductive force, tempting the leaders of the antiwar movement to abandon their organizing for the theatrical politics of the Yippies. Historians who have followed his lead have pointed to the ways in which the counterculture opened the doors of the youth movement to the complex delights of consumer culture. To others, such as Herbert Marcuse and a subsequent generation of cultural theorists, the hippies’ hedonism marked the birth of a new, performative sensibility with which to challenge the social and emotional rigidities of mainstream culture.69 Even as these critiques have acknowledged the power of the cultural dimensions of activism in the 1960s, however, they have obscured the intellectual underpinnings of the hippie style of protest and the ways in which that style echoed ideas, social practices, and attitudes toward technology that had emerged in the center of the cold war research world.

The Rational Optimist: How Prosperity Evolves
by Matt Ridley
Published 17 May 2010

Reactionaries and radicals agree that ‘excessive choice’ is an acute and present danger – that it is corrupting, corroding and confusing to encounter ten thousand products in the supermarket, each reminding you of your limited budget and of the impossibility of ever satisfying your demands. Consumers are ‘overwhelmed with relatively trivial choices’ says a professor of psychology. This notion dates from Herbert Marcuse, who turned Marx’s notion of the ‘immiseration of the proletariat’ by steadily declining living standards on its head and argued that capitalism forced excessive consumption on the working class instead. It resonates well in the academic seminar, causing heads to nod in agreement, but it is sheer garbage in the real world.

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Temenos Academy Review. See http://www.prince ofwales.gov.uk/speechesandarticles/an_article_by_hrh_the_prince_of_wales_titled_the_civilised_s_93.html000. p. 291 ‘says a professor of psychology’. Barry Schwartz, quoted in Easterbrook, G. 2003. The Progress Paradox. Random House. p. 291 ‘This notion dates from Herbert Marcuse’. Saunders, P. 2007. Why capitalism is good for the soul. Policy Magazine 23:3–9. p. 291 ‘the poet Hesiod was nostalgic for a lost golden age’. Hesiod, Works and Days II. p. 292 ‘Plato, who deplored writing as a destroyer of memorising’. Barron, D. 2009. A Better Pencil. Oxford University Press.

The Cigarette: A Political History
by Sarah Milov
Published 1 Oct 2019

Despite the welter of industry-organized opposition to its proposal, the FTC’s final rule differed very little from the original when it was issued in June.47 While nobody would have accused the Commission of secret radicalism, the FTC’s rule making resonated with cultural critiques circulating among the New Left of the time. Herbert Marcuse’s One Dimensional Man, also published in 1964, argued that technology such as advertising achieved social domination by creating false needs and then satisfying them. The FTC did not go so far as to accuse cigarette advertisements of causing what Marcuse termed the “moronization” of the American public.48 But it did assert its rule-making authority by arguing that cigarettes continued to be deceptively marketed.

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Richard Kluger, Ashes to Ashes: America’s Hundred-Year Cigarette War, the Public Health, and the Unabashed Triumph of Philip Morris (New York: Vintage, 1997), 268–269. 46. “Leaf Farmers Request No Labeling,” Durham Morning Herald, April 10, 1964. 47. Fritschler, Smoking and Politics, 98–99. 48. Herbert Marcuse, One Dimensional Man: Studies in the Ideology of Advanced Industrial Society (Boston: Beacon, 1964; reprint, 1966), 242. 49. Hearings, Interstate and Foreign Commerce, 88th Cong., sess. 2, Vol. 1 (1964): 76. 50. Brandt, Cigarette Century, 254–256. 51. Elizabeth Drew, “The Quiet Victory of the Cigarette Lobby: How it Found the Best Filter Yet—Congress,” Atlantic Monthly, September 1965, 76. 52.

Small Men on the Wrong Side of History: The Decline, Fall and Unlikely Return of Conservatism
by Ed West
Published 19 Mar 2020

In retrospect I obviously had an anti-intellectual streak, but I also think that quite basic people have a pretty good sense of the difference between something that is incomprehensible because it’s complex (astrophysics) and something that’s incomprehensible because it’s bollocks (cultural studies). High levels of bullshit went with high levels of politicisation, it seemed, and under the expansion of the university system entire fields of progressive ideas had grown, funded by taxpayers and supported by Conservative governments. Universities had especially been influenced by Herbert Marcuse and Theodore Adorno’s critical theory, the idea that education should be aimed at liberating people from oppression rather than just finding the truth, as traditional academic subjects had aimed for. Or as Karl Marx put it: ‘Philosophers have hitherto only interpreted the world in various ways; the point is to change it.’

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Arguing that colleges have never been bastions of free speech, and this was a moral panic, one Vox article quoted a college statement of student responsibilities from the 1960s, which warned that any behaviour that ‘offends the sensibilities of others (whether students, faculty members or visitors) . . . will result in disciplinary action . . . vulgar behavior, obscene language or disorderly conduct are not tolerated’.31 Yet institutions have always had rules about behaviour, and against bringing ‘scandal’ to the organisation; what is different now is the belief that ideas and speech are offensive, while in contrast people with protected ideas or identities are allowed to behave exactly as they like. Some blame the rising intolerance of the twenty-first century on 1960s intellectuals such as Herbert Marcuse and his concept of repressive tolerance. John Stuart Mill had laid down the liberal principle that society should allow almost unrestricted speech and assembly, so long as it did not incite violence, so that the best arguments would win. Marcuse argued that this is what allowed the Nazis to win.

Demanding the Impossible: A History of Anarchism
by Peter Marshall
Published 2 Jan 1992

In his concept of class, his stress on the revolutionary potential of the peasantry has been confirmed by all the major revolutions this century in Russia, Spain, China, and Cuba. His faith in the revolutionary potential of the ‘lumpenproletariat’ has become an essential part of the ideological baggage of the New Left. His critique of the authoritarian dangers of science and of scientific elites has been further developed by the Frankfurt School, notably Herbert Marcuse. During the 1968 rebellion in Paris, Bakuninist slogans reappeared on city walls: ‘The urge to destroy is a creative urge.’ It is Bakunin, not Marx, who was the true prophet of modern revolution.192 In the long run, the best image of Bakunin is not that of the revolutionary on the barricades calling for the bloody overthrow of Church and State, but the penetrating thinker who elaborated reasoned arguments for a free society based on voluntary federation of autonomous communes.

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He wished to create a worker democracy of self-governing individuals free of cruelty and dependency. A. S. Neill, the British educationist and founder of Summerhill, was strongly influenced by Reich: he advocated free schools in which each individual child governs herself and had a wide influence in educational circles. The German-American philosopher Herbert Marcuse offered a highly libertarian analysis of the failings of Soviet Marxism. Recognizing with Freud that ‘civilization has progressed as organised domination’, he called in Eros and Civilisation (1955) for the release of the forces of repression and the eroticizing of culture. He went on to portray vividly the alienation of the One-Dimensional Man (1964) of Western society whose creativity and ability to dissent had been undermined.

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Like Bakunin, they saw the ‘lumpenproletariat’ despised by Marx — blacks, students, women and the unemployed — as possessing truly revolutionary potential. Where they did turn to the Marxist tradition for inspiration, it was to its more libertarian and syndicalist strands.2 In the process, Marxism itself underwent a sea change. It was possible to talk of the ‘anarcho-Marxism’ of Herbert Marcuse, or for the student militant Daniel Cohn-Bendit to describe himself as a Marxist ‘in the way Bakunin was’. The new ‘libertarian Marxism’ which emerged was closer to anarchism than the official Marxist movements, stressing the role of free will in history, the importance of consciousness in shaping social life, and the need for community-based organization.

Half Empty
by David Rakoff
Published 20 Sep 2010

The ball began in San Francisco in 1979 as a campaign fund-raiser for one Louis Abolafia, who was running on the Nudist Party ticket, under the slogan “I have nothing to hide.” (According to the press materials, it was Abolafia who also first coined the phrase “Make love, not war,” although the most cursory Web search attributes it to sociologist-philosopher Herbert Marcuse.) In the ensuing years, the ball has gone on to become one of the mainstays of the Bay Area’s legacy of libertinism, with official mayoral proclamations and the like. Past balls have featured the likes of Grace Jones, Joan Jett, and Kool and the Gang. For its New York debut, the organizers have scheduled a two-day trade fair to precede the Dionysian antics.

The Upswing: How America Came Together a Century Ago and How We Can Do It Again
by Robert D. Putnam
Published 12 Oct 2020

For the Left, constraints are on lifestyles; for the Right, constraints are on money.60 Leftist thinkers and activists in the late 1950s and early 1960s pursued the ideal of participatory democracy by turning against highly organized elites. C. Wright Mills wrote The Power Elite (1956) with the goal of mobilizing the resistance of a “New Left.” His ideas were echoed by more abstract thinkers, such as Herbert Marcuse, whose One-Dimensional Man (1964) argued that the political triumph of “technical rationality” had brought about “a comfortable, smooth, reasonable, democratic unfreedom” in American society, as managerial techniques achieved “freedom from want” at the cost of “the independence of thought, autonomy, and the right to political opposition.”61 Unlike the New Right that had attacked solidarity in favor of extreme individualism from the beginning, the New Left in its early years was communitarian in both its philosophy and its strategy.

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Ask Travis Kalanick,” New York Times (online), July 13, 2017. https://www.nytimes.com/2017/07/13/business/ayn-rand-business-politics-uber-kalanick.html. 59 Ryan’s words come at 2:38 of a 2005 speech to the Atlas Society, “Paul Ryan and Ayn Rand’s Ideas: In the Hot Seat Again,” The Atlas Society, April 30, 2012, https://atlassociety.org/commentary/commentary-blog/4971-paul-ryan-and-ayn-rands-ideas-in-the-hot-seat-again. 60 Francis Fukuyama, The Great Disruption: Human Nature and the Reconstitution of Social Order (New York: Free Press, 1999), 13–14. 61 Herbert Marcuse, “Selection from One Dimensional Man,” in The American Intellectual Tradition, eds. David A. Hollinger and Charles Capper, 6th ed., vol. 2 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011). On the New Left, see Maurice Isserman, If I Had a Hammer: The Death of the Old Left and the Birth of the New Left, rpt. ed.

Move Fast and Break Things: How Facebook, Google, and Amazon Cornered Culture and Undermined Democracy
by Jonathan Taplin
Published 17 Apr 2017

In this world the relentless pursuit of efficiency leads Google, Amazon, and Facebook to treat all media as a commodity, the real value of which lies in the gigabytes of personal data scraped from your profile as you peruse the latest music video, news article, or listicle. But the people who make the work that drives the Internet are critical to our understanding of who we are as a civilization. Throughout history the artist has pointed out the injustices of society. The philosopher Herbert Marcuse wrote that the role of art in a society is “in its refusal to forget what can be” (the italics are mine). The history of art is the history of subversion, of a person like Galileo saying that everything you know is wrong. The transcendentalism of Emerson and Thoreau in the 1830s was the first “great refusal”—the refusal to accept slavery and American imperialism—which thirty years later produced Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation.

Defending the Free Market: The Moral Case for a Free Economy
by Robert A. Sirico
Published 20 May 2012

It was during this tumultuous period in my life, with the world so radically changing around me, that I turned to politics in an attempt to make sense of myself and my purpose on planet earth. In those days, if there was a sit-in, I was sitting in it. If there was a demonstration, I was carrying a sign. I read Marx and found him boring. I listened to chic leftist intellectual Herbert Marcuse give a lecture and found it clear as linoleum. But the sense of change—that young people could do something that would count for the coming generations, that people could live free of the dominance of others—these were invigorating ideas. I came to know Jane Fonda and her then husband Tom Hayden as I campaigned for Hayden in the 1976 California Democratic primary against incumbent U.S.

Nixonland: The Rise of a President and the Fracturing of America
by Rick Perlstein
Published 1 Jan 2008

Society,” reported the San Diego Union after he appeared on a platform with H. Rap Brown, in a headline next to a cartoon of a rat-faced, bearded radical burrowing beneath “Our Universities and Colleges,” poised to strike them with a dagger; “Marcuse Is ‘Dad’ of Student Revolt,” trumpeted a Drew Pearson column. KCET-TV in Los Angeles ran a special, “Herbert Marcuse: Philosopher of the New Left.” “How is it, Professor,” a polite newsman asked the distinguished, graying gentleman as they strolled the bucolic campus, “in this country of unprecedented prosperity, that there can emerge so powerful a force of discontent?” “It ees precisely because of zhis prosperity that you have such a tremendous discontent,” he replied.

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Hesburgh, who ordered on-the-spot expulsion to “anyone or any group that substitutes force for rational persuasion, be it violent or nonviolent” once they’d been given “fifteen minutes of meditation to cease and desist.” On January 5, 1969, Reagan had said during the strike at San Francisco State, “Those who want to get an education, those who want to teach, should be protected in that at the point of bayonet if necessary.” On January 15, down in San Diego, where Herbert Marcuse’s contract was up for renewal, locals hung him in effigy from the city hall flagpole. In February San Diego’s chancellor announced Marcuse’s reappointment. Subsequently, the Santa Barbara campus announced it was hiring the Marxist sociologist Richard Flacks, who had been clubbed nearly to death in Chicago.

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The trial would not be over by Christmas. Perhaps it would not be over by Easter. On October 3, the Chicago police riddled Black Panther headquarters on the West Side with bullets (somehow no one died). Three days later, out in California, Angela Davis, a young professor at UCLA and disciple of Herbert Marcuse and an admitted Community Party member, completed the first lecture of Philosophy 99 (Recurring Philosophical Themes in Black Literature) to a standing ovation. The Reagan-dominated majority on the Board of Regents had already voted to fire her. So two thousand students showed up to take her class.

Basic Income: A Radical Proposal for a Free Society and a Sane Economy
by Philippe van Parijs and Yannick Vanderborght
Published 20 Mar 2017

For example, when Wilhelm Weitling (1808–1871), one of the first German communists who moved to New York Â�after the failure of EuÂ�rope’s 1848 revolutions, published Guarantees of Harmony and Freedom, he emblazoned on its first page a motto: “We want to be Â�free, like the birds in the sky; like them we want to go through life in joyful bands and sweet harmony.”↜88 In contrast to Sombart’s identification of the core of the socialist ideal (“hardly one in which life is all play and no work”), the rehabilitation of the utopian socialist tradition stresses the emancipation from work and its gradual assimilation to play. Such a rehabilitation can be found, for example, at the end of Herbert Marcuse’s famous 1967 lecture on “the end of utopia”: It is no accident that the work of Fourier is becoming topical again among the avant-Â�garde left-Â�wing intelligentÂ�sia. As Marx and Engels themselves acknowledged, Fourier was the only one to have made clear this qualitative difference between Â�free and unfree society.

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“Redécouverte du minimum vital garanti.” L’EuÂ�rope en formation 143: 19–25. —Â�—Â�—. 1988. “Minimum social garanti, faux ou vrai?” L’EuÂ�rope en formation 272: 13–21. Marcuse, Herbert. 1967. Das Ende der Utopie und das ProbÂ�lem der Gewalt. Berlin: Verlag Peter von Maikowski. EnÂ�glish translation: Herbert Marcuse Home Page, May 2005. Martz, Linda. 1983. Poverty and Welfare in Habsburg Spain: The Example of Toledo. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Marx, Axel, and Hans Peeters. 2004. “Win for Life: An Empirical Exploration of the Social Consequences of Introducing a Basic Income.” COMPASSS working paper WP2004–29.

Empire of Illusion: The End of Literacy and the Triumph of Spectacle
by Chris Hedges
Published 12 Jul 2009

The family, the state, and religion engendered a variety of patterns of moral regulation to control desire and ensure compliance with the system of production. However, as capitalism developed, consumer culture and leisure time expanded. The principles that operated to repress the individual in the workplace and the home were extended to the shopping mall and recreational activity. The entertainment industry and consumer culture produced what Herbert Marcuse called “repressive desublima tion.” Through this process individuals unwittingly subscribed to the degraded version of humanity.14 This cult of distraction, as Rojek points out, masks the real disintegration of culture. It conceals the meaninglessness and emptiness of our own lives. It seduces us to engage in imitative consumption.

Why the Jews?: The Reason for Antisemitism
by Dennis Prager and Joseph Telushkin
Published 1 Nov 2007

In 1970, a Harris study showed that 23 percent of Jewish college students termed themselves “far Left” versus 4 percent of Protestants and 2 percent of Catholics. American radical Jews’ similarity to the non-Jewish Jews who attacked Weimar Germany is remarkable. For example, just as the only thing about democratic Germany that Kurt Tucholsky could admit to liking was its scenery, so, too, the leftist philosopher Herbert Marcuse (who declared the United States to be Fascist) could find only one beautiful thing about America: its scenery. The New York Times Book Review reported: “When Professor Marcuse, who had insisted that he loved and understood America, was pressed to specify which aspects of American life he found attractive, he fumbled for an answer, said he loved the hippies, with their long hair, and after some more fumbling, mentioned the beautiful American scenery, threatened by pollution.

On Paradise Drive: How We Live Now (And Always Have) in the Future Tense
by David Brooks
Published 2 Jun 2004

Writers of this school—dissident conservative academics, mostly—argue that the noble American traits have been corrupted by intellectual currents coming out of France, Germany, and the universities, as if the American soul were such a delicate flower that it could be dissolved by the acid influence of Herbert Marcuse. Finally, there are the freelance pessimists who believe that whatever condition made America great—the family farm, the Greatest Generation, the Depression mentality—has vanished or been forsaken in the land of shopping malls and theme parks. If you scan these documents all at once, or even if, like a normal person, you absorb them over the course of a lifetime, you find that their depictions congeal into the same sorry scene.

Whiteshift: Populism, Immigration and the Future of White Majorities
by Eric Kaufmann
Published 24 Oct 2018

One survey found the share advocating violence to be as high as 30 per cent when the wording was ‘using hate speech or making racially charged comments’.16 A Cato Institute survey found 51 per cent of ‘strong liberals’ felt it was okay to ‘punch a Nazi’ compared to 21 per cent of strong conservatives.17 For Woessner, students’ views reflect the new social-justice framework which permeates both secondary and university education and has displaced the primacy of free speech. She traces this to Herbert Marcuse, a paragon of New Left thinking, who coined the phrase ‘repressive tolerance’: Tolerance is extended to policies, conditions, and modes of behavior which should not be tolerated because they are impeding, if not destroying, the chances of creating an existence without fear and misery. This sort of tolerance strengthens the tyranny of the majority against which authentic liberals protested … Liberating tolerance, then, would mean intolerance against movements from the Right and toleration of movements from the Left.

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LEFT-MODERNISM: THE HISTORY OF AN IDEOLOGY The events at Evergreen State and other institutions represent the latest stage in the historical development of left-modernism. The evolution and progressive advance of modernist and egalitarian ideas culminated in the so-called ‘cultural turn’ of the left in the 1960s, of which Herbert Marcuse was one exponent. This marked a shift away from a story of the working class as the advance guard of socialism to a new narrative of cultural minorities as the vanguard of multiculturalism. On the moderate left, it resulted in a higher profile for identity politics and cultural grievances, resulting in less emphasis on the left’s traditional economic message.

We-Think: Mass Innovation, Not Mass Production
by Charles Leadbeater
Published 9 Dec 2010

People like Felsenstein, Moore and Brand turned to computers in part to realise Illich’s ideas. Illich spent his life transgressing boundaries and counfounding conventional wisdom. Trained as a priest and rapidly promoted in the Catholic hierarchy, he became a fierce critic of the Vatican. For much of the 1970s he was a darling of the left, sharing common ground with Herbert Marcuse in his critique of a one-dimensional society run by large corporations. He was an environmentalist before the movement had a name. Yet Illich was also a libertarian who dismayed many of his left-wing fans with a withering attack on Castro’s Cuba and enraged feminists with his defence of traditional gender roles.

The Precariat: The New Dangerous Class
by Guy Standing
Published 27 Feb 2011

Their intellectual heroes included Pierre Bourdieu (1998), who articulated precarity, Michel Foucault, Jürgen Habermas, and Michael Hardt and Tony Negri (2000), whose Empire was a seminal text, with Hannah Arendt (1958) in the background. There were also shades of the upheavals of 1968, linking the precariat to the Frankfurt School of Herbert Marcuse’s (1964) One Dimensional Man. It was liberation of the mind, a consciousness of a common sense of insecurity. But no ‘revolution’ comes from simple understanding. There was no effective anger yet. This was because no political agenda or strategy had been forged. The lack of a programmatic response was revealed by the search for symbols, the dialectical character of the internal debates, and tensions within the precariat that are still there and will not go away.

The Enigma of Capital: And the Crises of Capitalism
by David Harvey
Published 1 Jan 2010

The federal government was in effect running a nationalised economy (and doing so very efficiently). The US was in alliance with the communist Soviet Union in the war against fascism. Strong social movements with socialist inclinations had emerged during the 1930s and leftist sympathisers were integrated into the war effort (the Marxist philosopher Herbert Marcuse worked in the organisation that later became the CIA). Popular questioning of the legitimacy and effectiveness of corporate capitalism was rife. A hefty dose of political repression of the left was therefore initiated by the ruling classes of the time to preserve their power. McCarthyism, the witchhunt against the ‘reds under the bed’, signs of which were already in evidence in 1942 in the Un-American Activities Committee hearings in the US Congress, provided the means to deal with all forms of anti-capitalist opposition after 1950 or so.

Four Arguments for the Elimination of Television
by Jerry Mander
Published 1 Jan 1977

The technology can produce its own sub- ordinated society, as though it were alive, like Solaris. Eight Ideal Conditions for the Flowering of Autocracy The three fictional works I have described, when combined with those rare political writers who approach autocratic form from the point of view of technology (Jacques Ellul, Ivan Illich, Guy Debord, Herbert Marcuse), begin to yield a sys- tem of preconditions from which we can expect monolithic systems of control to emerge. These may be institutional autocracies or dictatorships. For the moment, it will be sim- pler to use the dictatorship model. Imagine that like some kind of science fiction dictator you intended to rule the world.

Utopias: A Brief History From Ancient Writings to Virtual Communities
by Howard P. Segal
Published 20 May 2012

University of Chicago Magazine, 59 (October 1966), 6–10, reprinted in Technology and the Future, ed. Albert H. Teich, 7th edn. (New York: St. Martin’s, 1997), 56, 64 (emphasis in original). See Loeb, Life in a Technocracy, ch. 4 and new introduction by Segal. Franz Neumann, The Democratic and the Authoritarian State: Essays in Political and Legal Theory, ed. Herbert Marcuse (New York: Free Press, 1964), 8. See Simon Ramo, Cure for Chaos: Fresh Solutions to Social Problems Through the Systems Approach (New York: McKay, 1969). See also Ramo, What’s Wrong with Our Technological Society—And How to Fix It (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1983). Theodore Roszak, Where the Wasteland Ends: Politics and Transcendence in Postindustrial Society (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1972), 36.

The Digital Divide: Arguments for and Against Facebook, Google, Texting, and the Age of Social Netwo Rking
by Mark Bauerlein
Published 7 Sep 2011

This sociological jargon, once the preserve of the hippie counterculture, has now become the lexicon of new media capitalism. Yet this entrepreneur owns a $4 million house a few blocks from Steve Jobs’s house. He vacations in the South Pacific. His children attend the most exclusive private academy on the peninsula. But for all of this he sounds more like a cultural Marxist—a disciple of Gramsci or Herbert Marcuse—than a capitalist with an MBA from Stanford. In his mind, “big media”—the Hollywood studios, the major record labels and international publishing houses—really did represent the enemy. The promised land was user-generated online content. In Marxist terms, the traditional media had become the exploitative “bourgeoisie,” and citizen media, those heroic bloggers and podcasters, were the “proletariat.”

The Myth of Capitalism: Monopolies and the Death of Competition
by Jonathan Tepper
Published 20 Nov 2018

Wyatt Wells, Antitrust and the Formation of the Postwar World (Columbia University Press, 2003). 28. Arthur Schweizer, Big Business in the Third Reich (Indiana University Press), 1964. 29. Herbert Block, “Industrial Concentration versus Small Business: The Trend of Nazi Policy,” Social Research 10, no. 2 (May 1943): 175–199. 30. Franz Neumann, Herbert Marcuse, and Otto Kirchheimer, Secret Reports on Nazi Germany: The Frankfurt School Contribution to the War Effort, edited by Raffaele Laudani (Princeton University Press, 2013). 31. Philip C. Newman, “Key German Cartels under the Nazi Regime,” The Quarterly Journal of Economics 62, no. 4 (1948): 576–595.

100 Years of Identity Crisis: Culture War Over Socialisation
by Frank Furedi
Published 6 Sep 2021

He concluded that the ‘real impact of scientism is upon our values’.442 Whyte highlighted how apparently politically neutral ‘experts in human relations’ succeeded in challenging prevailing values and replacing them with their own. Numerous social commentators in the 1950s and 1960s − Whyte, David Riesman, Herbert Marcuse − sounded their concern about the diverse forms of psychological techniques used to manipulate public opinion. Vance Packard’s bestseller, Hidden Persuaders (1957) offered a sensationalist account of the way consumers’ desires were manipulated by the advertising industry. Although many of these commentaries went far too far in their evocation of the omnipotent forces of manipulation, there is little doubt that psychology was increasingly deployed − with varying degree of success − to manage public opinion.

The Government of No One: The Theory and Practice of Anarchism
by Ruth Kinna
Published 31 Jul 2019

The arrival of the nuclear age, the onset of the Cold War, the grip of the consumer cultures that Goodman and others abhorred and the appearance of communitarian counter-cultural movements in the 1960s, together with a wave of urban guerrilla groups in the 1970s, are some of the factors behind this. The arms race advertised the nature of the monopoly of nuclear violence concentrated in the superpowers’ hands and provided a fillip to non-violent antimilitarist activism. At the same time what Herbert Marcuse called the one-dimensionality of late capitalism raised questions about the effects of domination – repression, alienation, isolation, obedience and restraint – and the quality of personal relationships fostered by hierarchy and exploitation. Armed struggle seemed irrelevant in this analysis.

MegaThreats: Ten Dangerous Trends That Imperil Our Future, and How to Survive Them
by Nouriel Roubini
Published 17 Oct 2022

Class conflict and episodes of domestic terrorism garnered frequent headlines. About a third of Italian voters embraced a Communist Party. As a teenager, I was drawn to works by left-leaning intellectuals. Karl Marx steered me toward the field of economics before I learned about John Maynard Keynes. The philosopher Herbert Marcuse, who fled Germany when the Nazis gained control and later became a hero to the new left, introduced me to the tumultuous intersection of economics, political theory, and the theory of socioeconomic alienation. Yet overall, it was a time of rising prosperity in Italy and throughout the West. The 1970s challenged my assumptions about stability and risk.

Coding Freedom: The Ethics and Aesthetics of Hacking
by E. Gabriella Coleman
Published 25 Nov 2012

Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Marcus, George E., and Michael Fischer. 1986. Anthropology as Cultural Critique: An Experimental Moment in the Human Sciences. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Marcuse, Herbert. 1965. Repressive Tolerance. In A Critique of Pure Tolerance, ed. Robert Paul Wolff, Barrington Moore, and Herbert Marcuse, 95–118. Boston: Beacon Press. Marshall, Patrick. 1993. Software Piracy: Can the Government Help Stop the Drain on Profits? CQ Researcher 3 (May 21): 19. Martin, Randy. 1998. Critical Moves: Dance Studies in Theory and Practice. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Marwick, Alice. 2010. Status Update: Celebrity, Publicity, and Self-Branding in Web 2.0.

Postcapitalism: A Guide to Our Future
by Paul Mason
Published 29 Jul 2015

In 1955, the US sociologist Daniel Bell argued that ‘the proletariat is being replaced by a salariat, with a consequent change in the psychology of the workers’. Noting the massive rise in white-collar workers compared to blue-collar workers, Bell – at this point a leftist – warned: ‘these salaried groups do not speak the language of labour. Nor can they be appealed to in the old class conscious terms.’33 The social theorist Herbert Marcuse concluded in 1961 that new technology, consumer goods and sexual liberation had decisively weakened the proletariat’s alienation from capitalism: ‘The new technological work-world thus enforces a weakening of the negative position of the working class: the latter no longer appears to be the living contradiction to the established society.’34 In Italy, pioneering research by the shop-floor activist Romano Alquati discovered that new levels of workplace automation had left workers alienated from the factory as any kind of arena for political self-expression.

Free Market Missionaries: The Corporate Manipulation of Community Values
by Sharon Beder
Published 30 Sep 2006

.’; • engaging in specially selected court cases to support business interests; • mobilizing stockholders, perhaps through establishment of a national organization with enough corporate backing – ’muscle’ – to be influential, and utilizing shareholder reports and magazines ‘far more effectively as educational media’ aimed at enlisting their political support; • attacking critics of the system, such as Ralph Nader and Herbert Marcuse, and penalizing those who oppose free enterprise. Powell’s memorandum was circulated to members but the Chamber of Commerce decided it was unwilling to take the lead in such a campaign. Although the memo was confidential, it was leaked to the media and publicized when Powell was appointed by President Richard Nixon to the Supreme Court, as evidence of his inability to be objective.

Break Through: Why We Can't Leave Saving the Planet to Environmentalists
by Michael Shellenberger and Ted Nordhaus
Published 10 Mar 2009

See also Darrel Rowland, “How Bush Pulled It Off in Ohio,” Columbus Dispatch, May 15, 2005, and Goldberg, Kingdom Coming, 57–69. [back] 6. Goldberg, Kingdom Coming, 21. [back] 7. Ibid., 181. [back] 8. Ibid., 191. [back] 9. Isaac Kramnick, introduction to Democracy in America, by Alexis de Tocqueville (New York: Penguin, 2003), xx; Herbert Marcuse, One-Dimensional Man (New York: Beacon, 1964, 1991). [back] 10. Tocqueville, Democracy, 596. [back] 11. Robert D. Putnam, Bowling Alone (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2000). [back] 12. Miller McPherson, Lynn Smith-Lovin, and Matthew E. Brashears, “Social Isolation in America: Changes in Core Discussion Networks over Two Decades,” American Sociological Review, June 2006, 353–73.

Fortunes of Change: The Rise of the Liberal Rich and the Remaking of America
by David Callahan
Published 9 Aug 2010

Any number of radical efforts have emerged from exclusive universities—including, of course, Students for a Democratic Society and its extremist spinoff, the Weather Underground. In his 1971 memo that rallied business leaders to oppose attacks on the free enterprise system, Lewis Powell identified universities as the “single most dynamic source” of that attack. Today’s upper-class students at places such as Columbia and Brown may no longer be imbibing Herbert Marcuse, and don’t expect them to be assembling pipe bombs any time soon. But the climate in which today’s college students are being educated is actually more institutionally liberal than at any time in U.S. history, including the 1960s—an era in which student radicalism was commonplace, yet university leadership and policies remained quite conservative.

Chaos: Making a New Science
by James Gleick
Published 18 Oct 2011

The whole campus lay atop a hill, so that every so often you would happen upon the view south across the sparkling waves of Monterey Bay. Santa Cruz opened in 1966, and within a few years it became, briefly, the most selective of the California campuses. Students associated it with many of the icons of the intellectual avant-garde: Norman O. Brown, Gregory Bateson, and Herbert Marcuse lectured there, and Tom Lehrer sang. The school’s graduate departments, building from scratch, began with an ambivalent outlook, and physics was no exception. The faculty—about fifteen physicists—was energetic and mostly young, suited to the mix of bright nonconformists attracted to Santa Cruz.

Nomad Citizenship: Free-Market Communism and the Slow-Motion General Strike
by Eugene W. Holland
Published 1 Jan 2009

We have not just a vicious circle in each case but also a pattern of resonance among the three instances—which turns the vicious circles into an ever-tightening noose. Of course, to speak of “registers” in this way is partly an artifice of our analysis. And im portant work has already recognized some of the intersections among them: with the categories of the “performance prin­ ciple” and “surplus-repression,” Herbert Marcuse linked the pressure of economic exploitation in the economic sphere directly to the repression exercised by the superego originating in the family.49 With the category of “biopower,” Foucault forged a link between the dynamics of modern State governance and the capitalist imperative to increase productivity.50 In a similar vein, the schizoanalytic categories of Motherland and Father­ land underscore the relations between children’s investments in the family and citizens’ investments in the imagined-Imaginary community of the nation-State.

Whole Earth Discipline: An Ecopragmatist Manifesto
by Stewart Brand
Published 15 Mar 2009

Herman distinguishes two forms of the lament: historical pessimism (Jacob Burckhardt, Oswald Spengler, Henry Adams, Arnold Toynbee, Paul Kennedy) and a much more frightening cultural pessimism (Arthur Schopenhauer, Friedrich Nietzsche, Martin Heidegger, Jean-Paul Sartre, Frantz Fanon, Michel Foucault, Herbert Marcuse, Noam Chomsky, and many contemporary Greens). Herman writes:The historical pessimist sees civilization’s virtues under attack from malign and destructive forces that it cannot overcome; cultural pessimism claims that those forces form the civilizing process from the start. The historical pessimist worries that his own society is about to destroy itself, the cultural pessimist concludes that it needs to be destroyed.

Remix
by John Courtenay Grimwood
Published 15 Nov 2001

He couldn’t help it, though, he was late thirties going on forever. And she... hell, he’d probably been twice as old as this kid was when he was still only half her age. She didn’t answer his first question, the one about having a home. So Fixx ran down his list of usual questions: did she fancy coming back to his studio? (No). What did she think of Herbert Marcuse? (Herbert who?) Did she prefer crystalMeth to sulphate? (She just looked blank.) “How about a deck?” Fixx asked finally. He could just imagine her fingers flicking across the keys, writing code or snapping notes out of mid-air. She didn’t have a deck. He could tell that just by looking at her face.

Why We Drive: Toward a Philosophy of the Open Road
by Matthew B. Crawford
Published 8 Jun 2020

Some vestiges of this stance so typical of the self-made man of the nineteenth century are certainly still alive today. But I doubt they are still characteristic of us.”13 In discussing these matters with his fellow émigré intellectuals in southern California before writing the essay (the company included Bertolt Brecht and Herbert Marcuse), Anders noted, “The artificiality of human beings increases in the course of history, because humans become the product of their own products . . . . A discrepancy, a widening gulf opens between the human and its products, because human beings can no longer live up to the demands that their own products place on them.”14 These demands may be out of proportion to our natural powers, or different in kind.

Green Philosophy: How to Think Seriously About the Planet
by Roger Scruton
Published 30 Apr 2014

Munich, Beck, 2010. 251 Alexander and Margarete Mitscherlich, Die Unfähigkeit zu trauern: Grundlagen kollektiven Verhaltens, Munich, 1967. 252 Joisten, op. cit; Krebs, op. cit., and ‘Naturethik im Überblick’, in Krebs, ed., Naturethik, Frankfurt, 1977. 253 Schlink, op. cit. 254 Philosophie ist eigentlich Heimweh, ein Trieb überall zu Hause zu sein – ‘Philosophy is indeed homesickness, a longing above all to be at home’. Das allgemeine Brouillon, Materialien zur Enzyklopädistik, 1798/99, No. 857. 255 See The West and the Rest and The Need for Nations. 256 See, for example, Theodor W. Adorno, Minima Moralia, Berlin, 1951; Adorno and Max Horkheimer, Dialectic of Enlightenment, London, reprinted 2008; Herbert Marcuse, One-Dimensional Man, London, 1964. 257 See ‘The Lion and the Unicorn’, in My Country Right or Left 1940–1943: Collected Essays, Journalism and Letters of George Orwell, vol. 2, New York, 1968. 258 See Alan D. Sokal and Jean Bricmont, Fashionable Nonsense, London, 2003. 259 See Roger Scruton, Modern Culture, London, 2004. 260 Against the home and the family, Foucault, Laing, Esterson; against the nation, Pilger, Chomsky, Zinn. 261 Kant, Critique of Judgement, Oxford, 2008; Roger Scruton, Beauty, Oxford, 2009. 262 For more on this point, and on the concept of intrinsic value generally, see John O’Neill, ‘The Varieties of Intrinsic Value’, The Monist, 1992, in Keller, ed., op. cit., and also Krebs, Ethics of Nature, which explores the many ways in which we might discover and enjoy intrinsic values in nature. 263 This approach to value is second nature to economists, and ‘environmental economics’ has been subjected to severe criticism for this very reason by Sagoff, op. cit. 264 For some of the tendencies here see Krebs, Ethics of Nature. 265 See Martin Seel, Eine Ästhetik der Natur, Frankfurt, 1991. 266 See Scruton, Beauty. 267 Milan Kundera, The Unbearable Lightness of Being, New York, 1984. 268 See José Bové and François Dufour, The World is Not for Sale: Farmers Against Junk Food, London, 2001, and the websites of Slow Food International and Slow Food UK. 269 I defend this view in Art and Imagination, London, 1974, and Beauty. 270 Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, New York, 1961; Nicolai Oroussoff, ‘Outgrowing Jane Jacobs and Her New York’, New York Times, 30 April 2006. 271 Nathaniel Baum-Snow, ‘Changes in Transportation Infrastructure and Commuting Patterns in US Metropolitan Areas, 1960–2000’, American Economic Review: Papers and Proceedings, May 2010. 272 James Howard Kunstler, The Geography of Nowhere: The Rise and Decline of America’s Man-Made Landscape, New York, 1993, and The Long Emergency: Surviving the Converging Catastrophes of the Twenty-First Century, New York, 2005. 273 Joel Kotkin, The Next Hundred Million: America in 2050, New York, 2010. 274 Robert Bruegmann, Sprawl, Chicago, 2005.

Machines of Loving Grace: The Quest for Common Ground Between Humans and Robots
by John Markoff
Published 24 Aug 2015

For Barlow, cyberspace would become a utopian world free from crime and degradation of “meatspace.” In contrast, Turkle describes a world in which computer networks increasingly drive a wedge between humans, leaving them lonely and isolated. For Weizenbaum, computing systems risked fundamentally diminishing the human experience. In very much the same vein that Marxist philosopher Herbert Marcuse attacked advanced industrial society, he was concerned that the approaching Information Age might bring about a “One-Dimensional Man.” In the wake of the creation of Eliza, a group of MIT scientists, including information theory pioneer Claude Shannon, met in Concord, Massachusetts, to discuss the social implications of the phenomenon.8 The seductive quality of the interactions with Eliza concerned Weizenbaum, who believed that an obsessive reliance on technology was indicative of a moral failing in society, an observation rooted in his experiences as a child growing up in Nazi Germany.

Overdosed America: The Broken Promise of American Medicine
by John Abramson
Published 20 Sep 2004

Kuhn’s work helps us understand how so many well-meaning doctors can be distracted by such a narrow swath of the scientific evidence—such as the focus on cholesterol instead of the real determinants of our risk of heart disease. “[The Mirage of Health] has been drawing me back toward a holistic view of health and disease since I first read it in medical school.” ONE-DIMENSIONAL MAN (1964), BY HERBERT MARCUSE Warning: this is a very difficult book, written by a brilliant social theorist thinking in German and writing in English. That said, more than forty years ago Marcuse articulated two fundamental tendencies of our liberal market-based society. First, people’s basic instincts are repressed by society’s “rules” (perceived as the boundaries of acceptable social behavior) and then released (“desublimated”) in ways specifically in accord with prevailing economic interests.

The People vs. Democracy: Why Our Freedom Is in Danger and How to Save It
by Yascha Mounk
Published 15 Feb 2018

The hope that machines might one day do the labor traditionally required of humans, freeing humans for more high-minded pursuits, is of course very old. See Karl Marx, “German Ideology,” in Karl Marx, Early Political Writings, ed. Joseph J. O’Malley (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 132; and Herbert Marcuse, An Essay on Liberation (Boston: Beacon Press, 1969), especially p. 6. For a more recent take in a somewhat similar vein, see Rutger Bregman, Utopia for Realists: The Case for a Universal Basic Income, Open Borders, and a 15-hour Workweek (New York: Little, Brown and Company, 2017). 14. As the 2018 World Inequality Report chronicles, there is a lot of variation in the degree to which different countries have allowed their citizens to share in the growth of the local economy.

The Coddling of the American Mind: How Good Intentions and Bad Ideas Are Setting Up a Generation for Failure
by Greg Lukianoff and Jonathan Haidt
Published 14 Jun 2018

Writing during the nineteenth-century Industrial Revolution, Karl Marx focused on conflict between economic classes, such as the proletariat (the working class) and the capitalists (those who own the means of production). But a Marxist approach can be used to interpret any struggle between groups. One of the most important Marxist thinkers for understanding developments on campus today is Herbert Marcuse, a German philosopher and sociologist who fled the Nazis and became a professor at several American universities. His writings were influential in the 1960s and 1970s as the American left was transitioning away from its prior focus on workers versus capital to become the “New Left,” which focused on civil rights, women’s rights, and other social movements promoting equality and justice.

The Net Delusion: The Dark Side of Internet Freedom
by Evgeny Morozov
Published 16 Nov 2010

Those of us concerned about the future of democracy around the globe must stop dreaming and face reality: The Internet has provided so many cheap and easily available entertainment fixes to those living under authoritarianism that it has become considerably harder to get people to care about politics at all. The Huxleyan dimension of authoritarian control has mostly been lost on policymakers and commentators, who, thanks to the influence of such critics of modern capitalism as Herbert Marcuse and Theodor Adorno, are mostly accustomed to noticing it only in their own democratic societies. Such bland glorification of those living under authoritarianism will inevitably lead to bad policies. If the ultimate Western objective is inciting a revolution or at least raising the level of political debate, the truth is that providing people with tools to circumvent censorship will be nearly as effective as giving someone with no appreciation of modern art a one-year pass to a museum.

Flow: The Psychology of Optimal Experience
by Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi
Published 1 Jul 2008

Some good examples of how social controls are enforced by creating chemical dependencies are the case of the Spaniards’ introduction of rum and brandy into Central America (Braudel 1981, pp. 248–49); the use of whiskey in the expropriation of American Indian territories; and the Chinese Opium Wars. Herbert Marcuse (1955, 1964) has discussed extensively how dominant social groups coopt sexuality and pornography to enforce social controls. As Aristotle said long ago, “The study of pleasure and pain belongs to the province of the political philosopher” (Nicomachean Ethics, book 7, chapter 11). Genes and personal advantage.

Life Inc.: How the World Became a Corporation and How to Take It Back
by Douglas Rushkoff
Published 1 Jun 2009

She discredited his work and got him kicked out of the International Psychoanalytical Association. He was later treated as a madman and imprisoned. The court ordered that all his books and records be burned. The battle lines in the psych wars were drawn—but both sides were ultimately fighting for the same thing. By the 1960s, the German philosopher Herbert Marcuse had revived much of the spirit of Reich—this time for an audience already dissatisfied with the spiritual vacuum offered by consumerism. He was the most vocal member of the Frankfurt School, and spoke frequently at student and antiwar protests. Marcuse blamed the Freudians—as well as the government and corporate authorities who used their stultifying techniques—for creating a world in which people were reduced to expressing their feelings and identities through mass-produced objects.

The End of Work
by Jeremy Rifkin
Published 28 Dec 1994

The partial transfer of personal loyalties and commitments away from the market and the public sector and to the informal, social economy foreshadows fundamental changes in institutional alignments and a new social compact as different from the one governing the market era as it, in tum, is different from the feudal arrangements of the medieval era that preceded it. PA R T V THE DAWN OF THE POST-MARKET ERA · 15 · Re-engineering the Work Week N EARLY FIFfY YEARS AGO, at the dawn of the computer revolution, the philosopher and psychologist Herbert Marcuse made a prophetic observation-one that has come to haunt our society as we ponder the transition into the Information Age: '1\utomation threatens to render possible the reversal of the relation between free time and working time: the possibility of working time becoming marginal and free time becoming full time.

Open Standards and the Digital Age: History, Ideology, and Networks (Cambridge Studies in the Emergence of Global Enterprise)
by Andrew L. Russell
Published 27 Apr 2014

Historians such as Paul Edwards, Ted Friedman, and Fred Turner have analyzed, more than I have attempted to do here, the close links between counterculture ideals and skepticism toward unrestrained technological power. They point to films such as Desk Set (1957), Dr. Strangelove (1964), 2001: A Space Odyssey (1968), Blade Runner (1982), and The Terminator (1984) as well as books such as Herbert Marcuse’s One Dimensional Man (1964), E. F. Schumacher’s Small Is Beautiful (1973), and Ted Nelson’s Computer Lib/Dream Machines (1974) as indicators of an emerging critical approach to capitalist technology. These ideas took root in the freewheeling corporate cultures in Silicon Valley, which nurtured a fusion between the hacker critique of centralized control and a libertarian strain of individual freedom and empowerment.57 It would be oversimplifying matters, however, to reduce the critiques of centralized control that matured in the 1960s and 1970s to some sort of irresistible triumph of a populist or democratic control over technology.

1946: The Making of the Modern World
by Victor Sebestyen
Published 30 Sep 2014

* Many of the first de-Nazifiers who invented the questionnaires were exiled Jews from Germany who had gone to the US in the 1930s. They had the language skills, but were unpopular – predictably – among the Germans, but also among the senior brass in the US Army and in Congress. The best-known were leftist intellectuals, philosophers and economists from the Frankfurt School, like Franz Neumann and Herbert Marcuse – the latter became highly fashionable in California in the 1960s. Eisenhower was worried about their influence and wrote to Clay in early 1946 pointing out that some of them ‘had been citizens of the US for only two to three years and are using their positions either to communise Germany or to indulge in vengeance.’

The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America
by Victor Davis Hanson
Published 15 Nov 2021

And this elite cultural prison had to be dismantled via a long march of liberation through academia, the bureaucracy, the arts, business, and cultural institutions. As a result of that recognition, some “cultural Marxists”—such as Louis Althusser (“Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses”), Herbert Marcuse (One-Dimensional Man), and Saul Alinsky (Rules for Radicals), drawing on the work of the cultural Marxist Antonio Gramsci (The Prison Notebooks) and anticolonialist Frantz Fanon (The Wretched of the Earth)—began to focus on the elite’s supposed cultural and racial power rather than its economic dominance.

Ayn Rand Cult
by Jeff Walker
Published 30 Dec 1998

Philosopher George Walsh is one of the very few already-mature intellectuals who ever converted to Objectivism. Useful as he thereby was to her cause, Rand would put up with minor acts of insubordination on his part that she wouldn’t abide in others. Walsh recalls that when he was writing an article on radical 1960s Marxist icon Herbert Marcuse for the Objectivist, “she would make editorial changes sometimes which I didn’t agree with.” On one occasion Walsh was giving a factual exposition of some idea of Freud’s, and Rand inserted the word ‘obscene’—“the obscene doctrines of Freud.” “So I said . . . I would withdraw the whole article if she didn’t agree to drop it, and she agreed after a short argument.”

Operation Chaos: The Vietnam Deserters Who Fought the CIA, the Brainwashers, and Themselves
by Matthew Sweet
Published 13 Feb 2018

asked a little girl named Ika, in a classroom not far from Stockholm. “We would get several years in prison,” replied Bill. “And deserters in American prisons are treated very badly.” Book projects were also under way. Beacon Press, the progressive publishers of James Baldwin’s Notes of a Native Son and Herbert Marcuse’s One-Dimensional Man, commissioned the American journalist Susan George to compile a volume of interviews with the deserters. George was based in Paris, where her presence at anti-war meetings earned her a mention in the dispatches of the MHCHAOS asset code-named PETUNIA. Mike Vale was pursuing his own deal with Grove Press, the company that distributed Deserter USA in the States, and arranged for Richard Bucklin, a gaunt and bug-eyed army private from Colorado, who seemed to survive solely on Coca-Cola, to begin conducting taped interviews with his comrades.

How to Change the World: Reflections on Marx and Marxism
by Eric Hobsbawm
Published 5 Sep 2011

Moreover, their political views tended to be very much more radical than those of most workers, even when (as in France in May 1968) both were simultaneously engaged in militant action. The intellectual ‘new left’ therefore sometimes tended to dismiss the workers as a class as no longer revolutionary, because integrated into capitalism – perhaps even ‘reactionary’ – the locus classicus for this analysis being Herbert Marcuse’s One Dimensional Man (London, 1964). Or they tended at least to dismiss the existing mass labour movements and parties, whether social-democratic or communist, as reformed betrayers of socialist aspirations. Conversely, in virtually all countries of developed capitalism, and even to some extent outside, the mobilised students were by no means popular among the masses, at least insofar as they were regarded as privileged children of the middle classes or as a potential privileged ruling class.

Goddess of the Market: Ayn Rand and the American Right
by Jennifer Burns
Published 18 Oct 2009

Rand’s focus on the philosophical roots of the campus disturbances also highlighted a basic theoretical difference between left and right. Unlike their counterparts on the left, Objectivists saw the problems of society in entirely abstract terms. The left certainly had theorists analogous to Rand, namely Herbert Marcuse and Jean-Paul Sartre. But students on the left tended to see injustice as firmly embedded in the material world, be it racism, sexism, militarism, or class oppression. Conversely, contrast Rand and her followers identified the ills of the world in purely philosophical terms. This was a tendency that permeated the right more broadly.

Behemoth: A History of the Factory and the Making of the Modern World
by Joshua B. Freeman
Published 27 Feb 2018

The idea that the Soviet Union and the United States were converging soon gained traction among American social scientists. The leading sociologist of the post–World War II era, Talcott Parsons, was an early adopter of “convergence theory,” which came to be embraced, in one form or another, by such luminaries as C. Wright Mills, Alex Inkeles, Herbert Marcuse, and Walt Rostow. Leftists like Mills and Marcuse fretted that the stifling bureaucracy of Soviet life was being re-created in the West, while Parsons and other liberal proponents of modernization theories thought that the Soviet Union would inevitably become more like the United States. What these theories shared was the belief that economic development was behind convergence.

Anarchy State and Utopia
by Robert Nozick
Published 15 Mar 1974

One possible structure of the moral views of a person who makes particular moral judgments, yet is unable to state moral principles that he is confident have no exceptions, is discussed in my “Moral Complications and Moral Structures,” Natural Law Forum, 13, 1968, pp. 1-50. 11 We are here speaking of questions of emigration out of a community. We should note that someone may be refused entry into a community he wishes to join, on individual grounds or because he falls under a general restriction designed to preserve the particular character of a community. 12 See Herbert Marcuse, “Repressive Tolerance,” in A Critique of Pure Tolerance, ed. Robert P. Wolff et al. (Boston: Beacon, 1969). 13 “There is no really satisfactory theoretical solution of the problem. If a federal government possesses a constitutional authority to intervene by force in the government of a state for the purpose of insuring the state’s performance of its duties as a member of the federation, there is no adequate constitutional barrier against the conversion of the federation into a centralized state by vigorous and resolute central government.

Evil Geniuses: The Unmaking of America: A Recent History
by Kurt Andersen
Published 14 Sep 2020

Strangelove, said not to worry, keep loving the new—automation would lead in no time to four-day workweeks and three months of vacation for everybody. And to the utopian youth of the late 1960s, computer-generated ultra-prosperity looked sweet: if work would soon become unnecessary, conventional ambition could be abandoned. The New Left’s favorite living Marxist, Herbert Marcuse, wrote that automation was “the first prerequisite for freedom” to give every individual “his time, his consciousness, his dreams.” In fact, Marx himself, a century earlier in notebooks first unearthed and published in the 1960s, foresaw a pleasant future with “an automatic system of machinery…itself the virtuoso, with a soul of its own,” to which “the human being comes to relate more as watchman and regulator to the production process itself.”

Animal Spirits: The American Pursuit of Vitality From Camp Meeting to Wall Street
by Jackson Lears

RETHINKING THE UNTHINKABLE Roszak was one of the few interpreters of the antiwar counterculture to explore its moral and even religious seriousness, though like Mailer he treated it too narrowly as a generational phenomenon rather than a broad, heterogenous movement. For Roszak, the counterculture’s greatest significance lay in its challenge to technocratic thinking, a challenge articulated by intellectuals from Herbert Marcuse and Norman O. Brown to Paul Goodman and Alan Watts (all of whom Roszak discussed) and enacted by countercultural dissenters. They resurrected what the technocracy deemed “a purely negative catch-all category”—subjective experience, which included not only private thoughts and feelings but also a variety of mental states beyond normal waking consciousness.

Empire of Things: How We Became a World of Consumers, From the Fifteenth Century to the Twenty-First
by Frank Trentmann
Published 1 Dec 2015

To say that consumption is totalitarian, for example, can obviously be challenged by pointing to the very real differences between power in one of Stalin’s labour camps and that exerted by luxury brands, however seductive. More interesting is to explore how such thinking travels in the furrows ploughed by earlier thinkers. The critique of consumerism as a new fascism goes back to the 1960s, to Pier Paolo Pasolini, the Italian film director and writer, and the Marxist émigré Herbert Marcuse. Marcuse warned of the coming of a One-dimensional Man, a book that became a best-selling consumer article in its own right. While Marcuse’s pessimistic diagnosis of social control and repression may have gone out of fashion, a good deal of today’s public debate continues to take its lead from the critique of consumerism that flourished during the post-war boom.

…

Compare Horowitz, Anxieties of Affluence, ch. 2; David Bennett, ‘Getting the Id to go Shopping’, in: Public Culture 17, no. 1, 2005: 1–26; and Stefan Schwarzkopf & Rainer Gries, eds., Ernest Dichter and Motivation Research (Basingstoke, 2010). 138. Betty Friedan, The Feminine Mystique (New York, 1963). 139. Ernest Dichter, Handbook of Consumer Motivations: The Psychology of the World of Objects (New York, 1964), 5; 458–69 on saving and life insurance. 140. Herbert Marcuse, One-dimensional Man: Studies in the Ideology of Advanced Industrial Society (London, 1964/2002), 150. 141. See Richard S. Tedlow, New and Improved: The Story of Mass Marketing in America (New York, 1990); and Stuart Ewen, Captions of Consciousness: Advertising and the Social Roots of the Consumer Culture (New York, 1976). 142.

Empire
by Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri
Published 9 Mar 2000

Numerous other works followed in the description ofdisciplinary society and its implacable development as a ‘‘biopolitical society,’’ works coming out of different cultural and intellectual traditions but completely coherent in defining the tendency. For the two strongest and most intelligent poles ofthis range ofstudies, see Herbert Marcuse, One-Dimensional Man (Boston: Beacon Press, 1964), for what we might call the Anglo-German pole; and Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish, trans. Alan Sheridan (New York: Pantheon, 1977), for the Latin pole. 9. Freda Kirchwey, ‘‘Program ofAction,’’ Nation, March 11, 1944, pp. 300–305; cited in Serge Guilbaut, How New York Stole the Idea of Modern Art: Abstract Expressionism, Freedom, and the Cold War, trans.

The end of history and the last man
by Francis Fukuyama
Published 28 Feb 2006

Pye, “Political Science and the Crisis of Authoritarianism,” American Political Science Review 84, no. 1 (March 1990): 3-17. 5 Even in the case of these older industries, however, socialist economies have fallen considerably behind their capitalist counterparts in modernizing manufacturing processes. 6 Figures given in Hewett (1988), p. 192. 7 Aron quoted in Jeremy Azrael, Managerial Power and Soviet Politics (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1966), p. 4. Azrael also cites Otto Bauer, Isaac Deutscher, Herbert Marcuse, Walt Rostow, Zbigniew Brzezinski, and Adam Ulam to this effect. See also Allen Kassof, “The Future of Soviet Society,” in Kassof, ed., Prospects for Soviet Society (New York: Council on Foreign Relations, 1968), p. 501. 8 For a discussion of the ways in which the Soviet system adapted to the demands of increasing industrial maturity, see Richard Lowenthal, “The Ruling Party in a Mature Society,” in Mark G.

Culture and Imperialism
by Edward W. Said
Published 29 May 1994

The results could be immense havoc, an intensification of the social contradictions within developing societies today.20 No one has denied that the holder of greatest power in this configuration is the United States, whether because a handful of American trans-national corporations control the manufacture, distribution, and above all selection of news relied on by most of the world (even Saddam Hussein seems to have relied on CNN for his news), or because the effectively unopposed expansion of various forms of cultural control that emanate from the United States has created a new mechanism of incorporation and dependence by which to subordinate and compel not only a domestic American constituency but also weaker and smaller cultures. Some of the work done by critical theorists—in particular, Herbert Marcuse’s notion of one-dimensional society, Adorno and Enzensberger’s consciousness industry—has clarified the nature of the mix of repression and tolerance used as instruments of social pacification in Western societies (issues debated a generation ago by George Orwell, Aldous Huxley, and James Burnham); the influence of Western, and particularly American media imperialism on the rest of the world reinforces the findings of the McBride Commission, as do also the highly important findings by Herbert Schiller and Armand Mattelart about the ownership of the means of producing and circulating images, news, and representations.21 Yet before the media go abroad so to speak, they are effective in representing strange and threatening foreign cultures for the home audience, rarely with more success in creating an appetite for hostility and violence against these cultural “Others” than during the Gulf crisis and war of 1990–91.

A Culture of Growth: The Origins of the Modern Economy
by Joel Mokyr
Published 8 Jan 2016

Psychiatry was a messy body of knowledge until Freud came along. Scholarship on the great cultural entrepreneurs in history is vast. Multitudinous bookshelves are devoted to the works of Adam Smith and Sigmund Freud, and even more minor cultural entrepreneurs such as Ayn Rand, Joseph Schumpeter, Michel Foucault, and Herbert Marcuse. Some may find a great deal of interest in parsing and exegesizing the exact words of cultural entrepreneurs to find out what the Master “really meant.” However, because my purpose is to uncover how cultural change affected actual events and outcomes, what is of concern to us is what people actually extracted and learned from the cultural entrepreneurs and how they changed their economic behavior as a result.

The Social Life of Money
by Nigel Dodd
Published 14 May 2014

Notes from the Balkans: Locating Marginality and Ambiguity on the Greek–Albanian Border, Princeton, NJ, Princeton University Press. Green, S. F. (2008). “Eating Money and Clogging Things Up: Paradoxes of Elite Mediation in Epirus, North-Western Greece.” The Sociological Review 56 (S1): 260–82. Greenham, D. (2001). “Norman O. Brown, Herbert Marcuse and the romantic tradition.” Ph.D. thesis, University of Nottingham, U.K. Gregory, C. A. (1997). Savage Money, Amsterdam, Taylor & Francis. Gregory, C. A. (2012). “On Money Debt and Morality: Some Reflections on the Contribution of Economic Anthropology.” Social Anthropology 20 (4): 380–96.

The True and Only Heaven: Progress and Its Critics
by Christopher Lasch
Published 16 Sep 1991

The writings that gave shape and direction to my thinking in the early sixties—Randolph Bourne's war essays, C. Wright Mills's Power Elite, William Appleman Williams's Tragedy of American Diplomacy, John Kenneth Galbraith's Affluent Society, Jacques Ellul's Technological Society, Paul Goodman's Growing Up Absurd, Herbert Marcuse's Eros and Civilization, Norman O. Brown's Life against Death—contained certain common themes, I now see: the pathology of domination; the growing influence of organizations (economic as well as military) that operate without regard to any rational objectives except their own self-aggrandizement; the powerlessness of individuals in the face of these gigantic agglomerations and the arrogance of those ostensibly in charge of them

Roller-Coaster: Europe, 1950-2017
by Ian Kershaw
Published 29 Aug 2018

These included the French philosophers Jean-Paul Sartre, Louis Althusser (an increasingly strange and mentally disturbed figure and opponent of attempts to relate Marxism to humanism) and Michel Foucault, whose work emphasized the repressive power and controlling discipline of social institutions and agencies. Among the most prominent influences on student radicals was Herbert Marcuse, the German-born American critic of ‘late capitalism’, who saw contemporary society as dehumanizing, advocating revolution and the total rejection of the false gods of a Western consumerist culture. Marxist ideas in different guises served to fire the imagination of the generational rebellion of a relatively well-educated and articulate social group, driven by an urge to create a better world, to produce a fairer, more egalitarian society.

The Meritocracy Trap: How America's Foundational Myth Feeds Inequality, Dismantles the Middle Class, and Devours the Elite
by Daniel Markovits
Published 14 Sep 2019

The assumption behind this metaphor—that innovation necessarily favors skill—is so powerful and so pervasive that it resembles the air that we breathe, being almost entirely unnoticed even as everything else depends on it. Even when they describe technological innovation’s skill bias and its consequences for rising economic inequality in elaborate detail, conventional views never even ask why technology works in just this way, just now. to develop and implement: See, e.g., Herbert Marcuse, One Dimensional Man (Boston: Beacon, 1964), 154 (describing how “‘man-made creations’ issue from and re-enter a societal ensemble”); Frederick Ferré, Philosophy of Technology (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1995), 38–42 (differentiating between theoretical and practical intelligence while connecting both back to the society in which they are formed).

The Atlantic and Its Enemies: A History of the Cold War
by Norman Stone
Published 15 Feb 2010

There was Hanns Eisler, whose brother Gerhart was not just Communist, but chief link with the Chinese Party (and who broke with his sister, Ruth Fischer, when her Communism turned dissident) - the very type of astute Communist who knew how to stage-manage front organizations. At Berkeley, philosophers came, of whom the last, Herbert Marcuse, taught heady stuff as to liberation. Berkeley set itself up as a rival to nearby Stanford, which was privately funded and dominated by a business school. Here, two Americas confronted each other: the one anarchic and on-the-road, the other briefcase-wielding and besuited before its time. The Berkeley anarchists of course behaved absurdly, and Ronald Reagan could make some political capital out of them (‘a haircut like Tarzan, walked like Jane and smelled like Cheetah’).

Enlightenment Now: The Case for Reason, Science, Humanism, and Progress
by Steven Pinker
Published 13 Feb 2018

Epithets aside, the idea that the world is better than it was and can get better still fell out of fashion among the clerisy long ago. In The Idea of Decline in Western History, Arthur Herman shows that prophets of doom are the all-stars of the liberal arts curriculum, including Nietzsche, Arthur Schopenhauer, Martin Heidegger, Theodor Adorno, Walter Benjamin, Herbert Marcuse, Jean-Paul Sartre, Frantz Fanon, Michel Foucault, Edward Said, Cornel West, and a chorus of eco-pessimists.1 Surveying the intellectual landscape at the end of the 20th century, Herman lamented a “grand recessional” of “the luminous exponents” of Enlightenment humanism, the ones who believed that “since people generate conflicts and problems in society, they can also resolve them.”

A History of Modern Britain
by Andrew Marr
Published 2 Jul 2009

The star speaker was the American Black Power leader Stokely Carmichael. The event finished with a speech of abject apology from one of the British organizers on behalf of ‘we deracinated white intellectuals, we who are bourgeois and colonizing in essence’. The conference’s intellectual guru was a Californian exile from Germany, Herbert Marcuse, whose central message was that the affluent society was oppressive, based on the creation of ‘false needs’ and impossible to change by conventional political revolution. In the same year a French revolutionary named Guy Debord came to England with a call to arms. When he arrived at a Notting Hill flat to meet the promised group of twenty hardcore revolutionaries only three had turned up, and they spent the afternoon drinking cans of McEwan’s Export and watching Match of the Day.18 Not surprisingly, Debord gave up on the Anglo-Saxons.

State of Emergency: The Way We Were
by Dominic Sandbrook
Published 29 Sep 2010

Yet while the great majority were essentially indifferent to the abortion controversy, it was a powerful reminder that the sexual revolution came at a price. During the late 1960s and early 1970s, there had been plenty of childish waffle about sex as liberating, radical, even subversive, inspired by the legacy of fashionable cod-Marxist thinkers such as Wilhelm Reich and Herbert Marcuse.* By the mid-1970s, however, it was already clear that there was a darker side to the sexual revolution, typified by the last scene in The History Man, in which, even as the predatory academic Howard is seducing a colleague at one of his debauched parties, his wife Barbara is slashing her own arm open in an apparent suicide attempt.

In Europe
by Geert Mak
Published 15 Sep 2004

In this way, the universities in particular developed into ‘islands of young people’. The second impetus behind this ‘perfect storm’ was the exceptionally international, even intercontinental, nature of the revolt. In every student town from Barcelona to Berlin, one saw the same books in shop windows: Herbert Marcuse (the individual is merely a means of production, divorced from all joy and pleasure), Marshall McLuhan (‘the medium is the message’ and the omnipotence of the modern media) and the new proclamation as gospel of the works of Karl Marx. The London fashion – boots, brightly coloured stockings, jeans and miniskirts – designed by the youthful Mary Quant in her boutique in Chelsea, was to determine the look of young people all over Europe and North America.

The Coming Plague: Newly Emerging Diseases in a World Out of Balance
by Laurie Garrett
Published 31 Oct 1994

Two years later, with some course work yet to be completed at the University of Paris Medical School, Tarantola signed on for a two-year stint in Africa in a small hospital in newly decolonized Burkina Faso. Tarantola was a product of his times. While he studied the intricate workings of human kidneys, riots raged in the streets of Paris. Students formed alliances with factory workers and, inspired by such heroes of the day as Mao Zedong, Che Guevara, Ho Chi Minh, Herbert Marcuse, and Kwame Nkrumah, challenged the very existence of the De Gaulle government. Such bold, youthful actions were reflected all over the world, from Washington to Jakarta, as college-age young adults challenged the established order of things. A mood of activism and boldness infected the usually staid halls of medical schools internationally, inspiring would-be physicians like Tarantola to dream of a world in which villagers in Burkina Faso had as much a right to expect an eighty-year life span as did les parisiennes bourgeois.

The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined
by Steven Pinker
Published 24 Sep 2012

One of them was a self-handicapping of the criminal justice Leviathan. Though rock musicians seldom influence public policy directly, writers and intellectuals do, and they got caught up in the zeitgeist and began to rationalize the new licentiousness. Marxism made violent class conflict seem like a route to a better world. Influential thinkers like Herbert Marcuse and Paul Goodman tried to merge Marxism or anarchism with a new interpretation of Freud that connected sexual and emotional repression to political repression and championed a release from inhibitions as part of the revolutionary struggle. Troublemakers were increasingly seen as rebels and nonconformists, or as victims of racism, poverty, and bad parenting.

France (Lonely Planet, 8th Edition)
by Nicola Williams
Published 14 Oct 2010

By the late 1960s de Gaulle was appearing more and more like yesterday’s man. Loss of the colonies, a surge in immigration Click here and the rise in unemployment had weakened his government. De Gaulle’s government by decree was starting to gall the anti-authoritarian baby-boomer generation, now at university and agitating for social change. Students reading Herbert Marcuse and Wilhelm Reich found much to admire in Fidel Castro, Che Guevara and the black struggle for civil rights in America, and vociferously denounced the American war in Vietnam. * * * GAULLISH FACTS Charles de Gaulle was a record breaker: he is included in the Guinness Book of Records as surviving more assassination attempts – 32 to be precise – than anyone else in the world.

Lonely Planet France
by Lonely Planet Publications
Published 31 Mar 2013

THE ROAD TO PROSPERITY & EUROPE By the late 1960s de Gaulle was appearing more and more like yesterday’s man. Loss of the colonies, a surge in immigration and rise in unemployment had weakened his government. De Gaulle’s government by decree was starting to gall the anti-authoritarian baby-boomer generation, now at university and agitating for change. Students reading Herbert Marcuse and Wilhelm Reich found much to admire in Fidel Castro, Che Guevara and the black struggle for civil rights in America, and vociferously denounced the war in Vietnam. Student protests of 1968 climaxed with a brutal overreaction by police to a protest meeting at the Sorbonne, Paris’ most renowned university.