Mahatma Gandhi

Inglorious Empire: What the British Did to India

by Shashi Tharoor  · 1 Feb 2018  · 370pp  · 111,129 words

of Bengal. 1913 Rabindranath Tagore wins Nobel Prize in Literature. 1914 Indian troops rushed to France and Mesopotamia to fight in World War I. 1915 Mahatma Gandhi returns to India from South Africa. 1916 Komagata Maru incident: Canadian government excludes Indian citizens from immigration. Lucknow Pact between Congress and Muslim League. 1917

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. Rowlatt Acts passed. 1920 Gandhi formulates the satyagraha strategy of non-cooperation and non-violence. Khilafat movement launched. 1922 Non-cooperation movement called off by Mahatma Gandhi after Chauri Chaura violence. 1927 & 1934 Indians permitted to sit as jurors and court magistrates. 1930 Jawaharlal Nehru becomes president of the Congress party. Purna

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Swaraj Resolution passed in Lahore. Will Durant arrives in India and is shocked by what he discovers of British rule. Mahatma Gandhi conducts the Salt March. 1935 Government of India Act. 1937 Provincial elections in eleven provinces; Congress wins eight. 1939 World War II breaks out. Resignation

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to view the imperial panoply, ‘theatre became life’. Appropriately enough, Curzon had the durbar filmed, using the-then novel technology of the moving image. (Though Mahatma Gandhi, in his autobiography, noted that many of the maharajas privately deplored the lengths to which they had to go, the elaborate costumes and finery they

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strictly policed racial and religious boundaries.’ This became apparent again as late as 1942 during the disastrous British retreat from Malaya, Singapore and Burma. As Mahatma Gandhi wrote in his newspaper column in August 1942: ‘Hundreds, if not thousands, on their way from Burma perished without food or drink, and the wretched

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: as an Indian reader, one can only wish that he, and the British in India, had. British Governance, the Swadeshi Movement and the Advent of Mahatma Gandhi Britain’s motives may have been entirely selfish, as I demonstrate in Chapter 1, but on the positive side, its imperialism brought in law and

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’, there was no serious intent to develop credible political institutions in India. There had been widespread expectations that, in response to India’s, and specifically Mahatma Gandhi’s, support for Britain in World War I, not to mention the sacrifices of Indian troops, India would, at the end of the conflict, be

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soldiers might have been seen in their homeland as a contribution to India’s freedom. But the British broke their word. As we have seen, Mahatma Gandhi, who had returned to his homeland for good from South Africa in January 1915, supported the war, as he had supported the British in the

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such incidents. Such painful disregard of Indian life cannot but produce a deep impression upon the heart of every Indian, and no wonder that, despite Mahatma Gandhi’s insistent advice regarding non-violence, revolutionary conspiracies are heard of in the misguided India. So long as this relation exists between the boot and

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be inadequate, or in some respects unsuited, for a country under foreign rule.’ Sedition was therefore explicitly intended as an instrument to terrorize Indian nationalists: Mahatma Gandhi was amongst its prominent victims. Seeing it applied in democratic India shocked many Indians. The arrest in February 2016 of students at New Delhi’s

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’. These were views widely held by other educated Indian Muslims, and had been expressed in almost identical terms by Justice Syed Mahmud four decades previously. Mahatma Gandhi, upon assuming the leadership of the Congress, also sought to make common cause with Muslim opinion by spearheading a Khilafat agitation in support of Indian

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horrors of Partition that eventually accompanied the collapse of British authority in 1947. A Saint Among Sinners The great Indian opponent of the British Raj, Mahatma Gandhi, opposed colonial rule in an unusual way: not by violence but by the strength of moral force. Gandhi’s life was, of course, his lesson

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voters choosing Muslim members from a reserved list—a further confirmation of divide et impera. Separate electorates were part of the British attempt to thwart Mahatma Gandhi’s mass politics, which for the first time had created a common national consciousness not just among the educated elite who had formerly dominated the

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sheer dint of merit, embraced separate electorates as a means of asserting their right to choose their own representatives. The Indian National Congress, led by Mahatma Gandhi, was already opposed to separate electorates for Muslims, Sikhs and Christians, since it saw the practice as designed to promote a sense that they were

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knew many Indian leaders; he considered Nehru a friend. Yet the Cripps Mission was welcomed by Jinnah, but foundered on the opposition of the Congress. Mahatma Gandhi objected principally because the British proposal appeared to concede the idea of Partition; he memorably called the offer ‘a post-dated cheque’ (an imaginative journalist

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the Raj and of the God-given right of every pink-jowled Englishman to sit on his veranda and…glory in the possession of India’. Mahatma Gandhi, increasingly exasperated by the British, argued that Nehru’s pro-Allied position had won India no concessions. His public message to the government was to

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the writings and reflections of the other leading Indian nationalists of the time that any of them had any better ideas. The only exception was Mahatma Gandhi: Gandhi went to Mountbatten and suggested that India could be kept united if Jinnah were offered the leadership of the whole country. Nehru and Patel

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of the government was compounded by its official reluctance to act generously. The Indian diaspora contributed large sums to the funds raised in British colonies: Mahatma Gandhi, for instance, organized collections in South Africa for Indian famines in 1897 and 1900. Various Indian relief organizations arose to fill the breach left by

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his knighthood to the king and a host of Indian appointees to British offices to turn in their commissions. And above all it entrenched in Mahatma Gandhi a firm and unshakable faith in the moral righteousness of the cause of Indian independence. He now saw freedom as indivisible from Truth, and he

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annually in the Council of State. The concern kept mounting as conditions worsened: the yearly averages for 1937–1941 were sixteen and twenty-five respectively. Mahatma Gandhi’s first crusade on his return to India was on behalf of the third-class traveller.) Yet the third-class passengers became a source of

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and culture, is simply unimaginable.’ This case is often made by well-meaning individuals, and perhaps it should not be necessary to point out that Mahatma Gandhi’s ideas of democracy and civil rights were developed in resistance to British rule, not in support of it. Still, the gift of the English

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the votes of the British and government-appointed members. What is less known, however, is that the bills were also opposed by the likes of Mahatma Gandhi and Surendra Nath Banerjea, staunch nationalists both. Gandhiji wrote in Hind Swaraj: ‘The ordinary meaning of education is knowledge of letters. To teach boys reading

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story, ‘The Juice of an Orange’: ‘Why is there unrest in India? Because its inhabitants eat only an occasional handful of rice. The day when Mahatma Gandhi sits down to a good juicy steak and follows it up with roly-poly pudding and a spot of Stilton, you will see the end

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of all this nonsense of Civil Disobedience.’) But Indians saw that the comment was meant to elicit laughter, not agreement. (Mahatma Gandhi himself was up to some humorous mischief when, in 1947, far from sitting down to steak, he dined with the king’s cousin and the

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much.’ Rabindranath Tagore put it gently to a Western audience in New York in 1930: ‘A great portion of the world suffers from your civilisation.’ Mahatma Gandhi was blunter: asked what he thought of Western civilization, he replied, ‘It would be a good idea’. ‘The question,’ Niall Ferguson writes in his defence

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of refusing to act upon it, mindful, no doubt, of the fact that one-ninth of the government’s annual revenues came from drugs. When Mahatma Gandhi, no less, mounted a campaign against opium in Assam and succeeded in halving its consumption, the British responded by jailing him and forty-four of

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for his jailers and tormentors. ‘I was taught by a great man,’ Nehru was said to have replied, in a reference to the recently assassinated Mahatma Gandhi, ‘never to hate—and never to fear.’ 8 THE MESSY AFTERLIFE OF COLONIALISM I shall say one last time that, in laying out this case

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Colonialism: The Appeal of Gandhism Part of the legacy of colonialism is the worldwide impact of the methods used to resist it. The case for Mahatma Gandhi’s global relevance, after the departure of the British from India, rests principally on his central tenet of non-violence and the followers it inspired

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into conceding defeat. The British, representing a democracy with a free press and conscious of their international image, were susceptible to such shaming. But in Mahatma Gandhi’s own day non-violence could have done nothing for the Jews of Hitler’s Germany, who disappeared into gas chambers far from the flashbulbs

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of a war-obsessed press. It is ironically to the credit of the British Raj that it faced an opponent like Mahatma Gandhi and allowed him to succeed. The power of non-violence rests in being able to say, ‘to show you that you are wrong, I punish

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grieved him. Universal peace, which the Mahatma considered so central to Truth, seems as illusionary as ever. As governments compete, so religions contend. The ecumenist Mahatma Gandhi who declared, ‘I am a Hindu, a Muslim, a Christian, a Zoroastrian, a Jew’ would find it difficult to stomach the exclusivist revivalism of so

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and courage which few will ever match. He was that rare kind of leader who was not confined by the inadequacies of his followers. So Mahatma Gandhi stands as an icon of anti-colonialism, a figure of his times who transcended them. The ultimate tribute to the British Raj might lie in

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. Hodson, The Great Divide, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997; Yasmin Khan, The Great Partition, New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008; Louis Fischer, The Life of Mahatma Gandhi, New York: Harper Collins, 1997; Nicholas Mansergh, The Transfer of Power 1942–47, London: HM Stationery Office, 1983; and Lord Archibald Wavell, Viceroy’s Journal

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Lessons for Global Power, New York: Basic Books, 2003. Fielding-Hall, H., Passing of the Empire, London: Hurst & Blackett, 1913. Fischer, Louis, The Life of Mahatma Gandhi, New York: Harper Collins, 1997. Forrest, George, The Life of Lord Clive: Volume 2, London: Frank Cassell, 1918. Forster, E. M., A Passage to India

Amritsar 1919: An Empire of Fear and the Making of a Massacre

by Kim Wagner  · 26 Mar 2019

were made, and patriotic poems recited, before the enthusiastic crowd, which intermittently broke out in what had by then become the familiar slogans at Amritsar: ‘Mahatma Gandhi ki jai’ and ‘Hindu-Mussalman ki jai’. It was only with great difficulty that the spectators were induced to quiet down so that the speakers

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clamping down on the protests, large crowds gathered in the area around Delhi railway station (now known as Old Delhi station), Queen’s Park (now Mahatma Gandhi Park) and Chandni Chowk. When armed police and British soldiers sought to push back the crowds, protesters started throwing stones and the troops subsequently opened

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. Someone was shouting that the shops were already closed in every quarter of the city. Then above the confused murmur he heard the cry of ‘Mahatma Gandhi-ki-jai’, and he remembered it was the hartal . . .32 In Amritsar, Melicent and Gerard continued to go about their ordinary routine, yet the pretence

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and rent the skies with the soul-entrancing swell of ‘Hindu Musalman ki-jai.’ Thousands raised their cries to bless Doctors Kitchlu and Satyapal and Mahatma Gandhi was not forgotten in the joyous enthusiasm of the day.61 Deputy Commissioner Irving was unexpectedly caught up in the processions and ended up watching

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but had done nothing to hamper their ability to organise. The crowds gathered at Gol Bagh were chanting the familiar cries of the Rowlatt Satyagraha, ‘Mahatma Gandhi ki jai’, but now with the names of the deported leaders added: ‘Dr Kitchlew ki jai’ and ‘Dr Satyapal ki jai’.26 Young boys and

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glib-tongued orators have been haranguing the populace, harping on the sins of the Government, the ini--quitous Rowlatt Act and the insult offered to Mahatma Gandhi by turning him back from the Punjab. The time is drawing near, they shout, for dealing properly with the ‘white monkeys’, and the looting will

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. 202. See also J.P. Thompson Diary, 8 Aug. 1919, BL, AAS, Mss Eur F/137. 9.Gandhi, 6 April 1919, The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, vol. 15 (Ahmedabad: The Publication Division, 1965), p. 186. 10.Gandhi, Evidence, DIC, II, p. 113. 11.Ibid., p. 114. 12.O’Dwyer, India as

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. 550, p. 712, and Satyapal, ibid., no. 551, p. 719. 30.Hans Raj, ACC, p. 73. 31.Gandhi, 7 April 1919, The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, vol.15, p. 191. 32.Candler, Abdication, pp. 5–6. 33.See Lord [F.S.] Roberts, Forty-One Years in India: From Subaltern to Commander

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, A, Oct. 1919, nos 421–4, p. 4. 71.See Gandhi, Evidence, DIC, II, p. 110. 72.Gandhi, 10 April 1919, The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, vol. 15, pp. 208–9. 4 Like Wildfire 1.Satyapal, CPI, II, p. 720. 2.Ibid. 3.Hans Raj, ACC, p. 76. 4.Massey, Evidence

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; and Mian Feroz Din, CPI, II, no. 2, p. 20. 21.Hans Raj, ACC, p. 76. 22.Gandhi, 6 April 1919, The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, vol. 15, p. 186. 23.Obaidullah, Evidence, DIC, III, p. 173. Full text in Annexure A, ibid., p. 34. 24.See also Amin, Event, Memory

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. 70. See also Hans Raj, ACC, pp. 36 and 83. 115.Hans Raj, ACC, p. 83. 116.Gandhi, 6 April 1919, The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, vol. 17, p. 187. 9 Massacre 1.Orwell, Shooting an Elephant, p. 239. 2.Dyer, Evidence, DIC, III, p. 203. From his vantage-point, Dyer

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.Ibid. 23.Robb, The Government of India and Reform, pp. 193–6. 24.Ibid., p. 210. 25.Gandhi, 18 April 1919, The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, vol. 15, p. 243; and 6 July, ibid., p. 436. 26.‘Rabindranath Tagore’, Globe, 18 June 1919. 27.Andrews to Editor of The Statesman, 18

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’Dwyer, ‘Law Report, 2 May 1924: High Court of Justice’, The Times, 3 May 1924. 14.Andrews, 25 Nov. 1919, in The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, vol. 16, p. 313. 15.Robb, The Government of India and Reform, p. 167. 16.Kitchlew, CPI, II, no. 550, p. 715. Not everyone was

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: George Allen & Unwin, 1926), p. 87. 19.Brown, Gandhi’s Rise to Power, pp. 244–52. 20.Gandhi, 14 July 1920, The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, vol. 18, pp. 45–6. See also Candler, Abdication, pp. 143–4. 21.Robb, The Government of India and Reform, p. 282. 22.Wathen, ‘Law

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1264–71 (National Bank Case). Primary published material 54th Sikhs (Frontier Force), The Quarterly Indian Army List, April 1919 (Calcutta, 1919). The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, 98 vols (Ahmedabad: The Publication Division, 1965). Congress Punjab Inquiry 1919–1920, vol. I: Report of the Commissioners Appointed by the Punjab Sub-committee of

A Concise History of Modern India (Cambridge Concise Histories)

by Barbara D. Metcalf and Thomas R. Metcalf  · 27 Sep 2006

and opponents Although Gandhi by 1919 had found a responsive audience for a new political practice – as crowds turned out in their thousands to shout ‘Mahatma Gandhi ki jai’ (Long live the Mahatma) – his appeal was never uniform across India, and many, while following him, made of him the ‘mahatma’ they wanted

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of India before our eyes’, and even, he admitted, ‘an agreeable sense of moral superiority over our opponents’. In Bihar and UP the cry of ‘Mahatma Gandhi ki jai’ radiated outwards to the foothills of the Himalayas and down to the oppressed tenantry of the region’s great landlords. Yet in these

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i g h t a n d t h e as sas s i n at i o n of gandhi On 30 January 1948 Mahatma Gandhi was murdered by a Hindu zealot as he was leading a prayer meeting in New Delhi. Jawaharlal Nehru spoke for a grief-striken nation when

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upon the appeal of the Congress as the party that had brought independence to India, and wrapping itself in the saintly legacy of the martyred Mahatma Gandhi, was hardly surprising. Support for the Congress Raj: democracy and development, 1950–1989 235 Congress was, however, by no means universal. Indeed, of the votes

Waging a Good War: A Military History of the Civil Rights Movement, 1954-1968

by Thomas E. Ricks  · 3 Oct 2022  · 482pp  · 150,822 words

the counter. Report all serious incidents to your leader. Refer information seekers to your leader in a polite manner. Remember the teachings of Jesus Christ, Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King. Love and nonviolence is the way. The role of the group leader was much like that of a squad leader in

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1918–March 1936, ed. Walter Earl Fluker (University of South Carolina Press, 2012), 337. “A civilization is to be judged”: Louis Fischer, The Life of Mahatma Gandhi (HarperCollins, 1997), 527. “survival kit”: James Lawson, quoted in Siracusa, Nonviolence Before King, 164. “people who stand with their backs against the wall”: Howard Thurman

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, November 12, 1985, Eyes on the Prize, repository.wustl.edu/downloads/7m01bn67n. “Non-violence demands the strictest honesty”: Quoted in Louis Fischer, The Life of Mahatma Gandhi (HarperCollins, 1997), 470. “part of a focusing in”: Quoted in Hogan, Many Minds, One Heart, 32. “We had a nonviolent academy”: Quoted in Lee, “The

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be rid of segregation”: Interview with Diane Nash in American Experience: Freedom Riders. “Every one of you should”: Quoted in Louis Fischer, The Life of Mahatma Gandhi (HarperCollins, 1997), 480. “IF YOU THINK FREE, YOU ARE FREE”: “Ruby Doris Smith (Robinson),” SNCC Digital Gateway, snccdigital.org/people/ruby-doris-smith-robinson/. “Since

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: Jonathan Shay, Odysseus in America: Combat Trauma and the Trials of Homecoming (Scribner, 2002), 242. “I am very imperfect”: Quoted in Fischer, The Life of Mahatma Gandhi, 464. “unacknowledged textual appropriations”: Martin Luther King, Jr., Papers Project, “The Student Papers of Martin Luther King, Jr.: A Summary Statement on Research,” Journal of

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broke down and cried”: Quoted in Garrow, Bearing the Cross, 148. “a palace”: Quoted in Fischer, The Life of Mahatma Gandhi, 542. “I am quite at peace”: Quoted in Fischer, The Life of Mahatma Gandhi, 119. “He talked loud and big”: The account of this meeting here and in the following paragraphs is largely

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North Carolina Press, 2009), 310–11. “It is our duty to dress them first”: M. K. Gandhi, “My Loin-Cloth,” in The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, vol. 28, BJP e-Library, library.bjp.org/jspui/handle/123456789/597, 369–71. A similar quotation appears in Joseph Lelyveld, Great Soul

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: Mahatma Gandhi and His Struggle with India (Vintage, 2012), 163. Funded in large part by the Marshall Field Foundation: Information on funding is from Interview with Dorothy

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Back’s Not Bent: The Role of the Citizenship Education Program in the Civil Rights Movement (Atria Books, 2012), 251. “I must undergo personal cleansing”: Mahatma Gandhi, “The Crime of Chauri Chauru,” in Selected Political Writings, ed. Dennis Dalton (Hackett Publishing, 1996), 33. he resembled Dwight Eisenhower: Thomas E. Ricks, The Generals

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A’Barrow, Death of a Nation: A New History of Germany (Book Guild, 2015). this was another tactic of Gandhi’s: Joseph Lelyveld, Great Soul: Mahatma Gandhi and His Struggle with India (Vintage, 2012), 328. Bevel had selected for King: Taylor Branch, At Canaan’s Edge: America in the King Years, 1965

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Michael K. Honey to author, email, July 13, 2021. the tactic was one that Gandhi had favored: See, for example, Louis Fischer, The Life of Mahatma Gandhi (HarperCollins, 1997), 225. “One of the things he said to me”: Interview with James Lawson by Joan Beifuss and David Yellin, July 8, 1970, “Sanitation

The Billionaire Raj: A Journey Through India's New Gilded Age

by James Crabtree  · 2 Jul 2018  · 442pp  · 130,526 words

achievements as chief minister zipped by the window, from technology parks and glass office buildings to the Mahatma Mandir, a giant convention center named after Mahatma Gandhi, who was born in the state and for much of his life lived in a modest ashram nearby. The scene was prosperous and orderly; a

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1948, shooting him in the chest on his way to an evening prayer meeting. Nehru outlawed the organization, claiming “these people had the blood of Mahatma Gandhi on their hands,” one of three occasions on which the group has been banned since Independence.12 But a year later it was allowed to

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of quoting India’s most famous national founder, claiming that his own model of business-friendly development would ultimately benefit the least privileged as well. “Mahatma Gandhi used to say: ‘What is there for the last man?’ ” Modi once told an interviewer. “So my development parameter is very simple. It is about

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out.19 Matters had barely improved by the twentieth century, as the clamor for independence grew ever louder. “We seem to have weakened from within,” Mahatma Gandhi raged in 1939, dismayed over financial misbehavior within his own party. “I would go to the length of giving the whole Congress a decent burial

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signs of recovery in the years since its defeat, as it staggers along under Rahul Gandhi’s ponderous and diffident leadership. The tolerant vision that Mahatma Gandhi and Nehru held dear had been in retreat long before Modi. In truth its decline began not with the BJP but with Nehru’s own

The Zero Marginal Cost Society: The Internet of Things, the Collaborative Commons, and the Eclipse of Capitalism

by Jeremy Rifkin  · 31 Mar 2014  · 565pp  · 151,129 words

Infrastructure” were the local grassroots activists who constituted the Appropriate Technology Movement. The movement began in the 1970s and was inspired by the writing of Mahatma Gandhi, and later E. F. Schumacher, Ivan Illich, and—if it’s not too presumptuous—a book I authored called Entropy: A New World View. A

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-first-century communities. A Neo-Gandhian World Watching the transformation taking place in India and around the world, I can’t help but reflect on Mahatma Gandhi’s insight set forth more than 70 years ago. When asked about his economic vision, Gandhi replied, “Mass production, certainly, but not based on force

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Smart Grids,” Kidela, November 20, 2012, http://www.kidela.com /resources/blackout-from-micro-grids-to-smart-grids/ (accessed September 30, 2013). 43. Ibid. 44. “Mahatma Gandhi on Mass Production,” interview, May 16, 1936, http://www.tinytechindia .com/gandhiji2.html (accessed April 21, 2013). 45. Surur Hoda, Gandhi and the Contemporary World

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(Indo-British Historical Society, 1997). 46. “Mahatma Gandhi on Mass Production.” 47. Ibid. 48. Ibid. 49. Hoda, Gandhi and the Contemporary World. 50. “Mahatma Gandhi on Mass Production.” 51. Hoda, Gandhi and the Contemporary World. 52. The Collected Works of

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Mahatma Gandhi, vol. 83, June 7, 1942–January 26, 1944 (New Delhi: Publications Division of the Government of India, 1999), 113, http://www

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.gandhiserve.org /cwmg/VOL083.PDF (accessed November 14, 2013). 53. Mahatma Gandhi, The Mind of Mahatma Gandhi: Encyclopedia of Ghandi’s Thoughts, ed. R. K. Prabhu and U. R. Rao (Ahmedabad, India: Jitendra T Desai Navajivan Mudranalaya, 1966), 243–44

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Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, ed. Edwin Cannan (London: Methuen, 1961), 1: 475. 55. “Mahatma Gandhi’s Views,” TinyTech Plants, http://www.tinytechindia.com/gandhi4.htm (accessed June 14, 2013). 56. Prarelal, Mahatma Gandhi: Poornahuti, vol. 10: The Last Phase, part 2 (Ahmedabad, India: Navajivan Trust, 1956), 522. Chapter 7 1

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, 2012, 6, http://awsassets.panda.org/downloads/1_lpr_2012_on line_full_size_single_pages_final_120516.pdf (accessed January 17, 2013). 6. Pyarelal, Mahatma Gandhi, vol. 10: The Last Phase, part 2 (Ahmedabad, India: Navajivan, 1956), 552. 7. “Ecological Footprint Accounting and Methodology,” Global Footprint Network, http://www .footprintnetwork.org

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. Greco Jr., Thomas H. Money: Understanding and Creating Alternatives to Legal Tender. White River Junction, VT: Chelsea Green, 2001. Gupta, Shanti. The Economic Philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, 1994. Haber, Samuel. Efficiency and Uplift: Scientific Management in the Progressive Era 1890–1920. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1964

1946: The Making of the Modern World

by Victor Sebestyen  · 30 Sep 2014  · 476pp  · 144,288 words

wife Mei-ling (© The LIFE Picture Collection / Getty Images) 20. Poverty and starvation in China (© Image Asset Management Ltd. / SuperStock) 21. Jawaharlal Nehru and Mohandas ‘Mahatma’ Gandhi (© The LIFE Picture Collection/Getty Images) 22. Mohammed Ali Jinnah (© AFP / Getty Images) 23. Communist partisans in Athens during the Greek Civil War (© Getty Images

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, 1995 ———, (ed.), After the War Was Over: Reconstructing the Family, Nation, and State in Greece, 1943–1960. Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ, 2000 Mehta, Ved, Mahatma Gandhi and his Apostles. Yale University Press, New Haven, CT, 1977 Menand, Louis, ‘Getting Real: George Kennan’s Cold War’, New Yorker, 14 November 2011 Menon

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, On the Other Side: To My Children: From Germany, 1940–1945. Persephone Books, London, 2007 Wolpert, Stanley, Gandhi’s Passion: The Life and Legacy of Mahatma Gandhi. Oxford University Press, New York, 2001 ———, Jinnah of Pakistan. Oxford University Press, New York, 1984 ———, Nehru: A Tryst with Destiny. Oxford University Press, New York

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, Liberty or Death, p. 293. 5. The Times, 20 August 1946. 6. In Moon, Divide and Quit, p. 133. 7. In Joseph Lelyveld, Great Soul: Mahatma Gandhi and his Struggle with India, Knopf, 2011. 8. In Wolpert, Gandhi’s Passion, p. 266, and Tunzelmann, An Indian Summer, p. 194. 9. Harris, Attlee

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one third of a box of matches.’ 21. The guiding spirits of Indian independence: Jawaharlal Nehru, who became India’s first Prime Minister, and Mohandas ‘Mahatma’ Gandhi. 22. The founding figure of Pakistan, Mohammed Ali Jinnah. He was nearly always impeccably dressed in Western clothes. It was said he possessed more than

In Spite of the Gods: The Rise of Modern India

by Edward Luce  · 23 Aug 2006  · 403pp  · 132,736 words

the rest of the village. Ambedkar helped them to reject the role to which they were born. Other lower-caste leaders were agitating, along with Mahatma Gandhi, for Dalits to be given access to temples and wells. But Ambedkar was dismissive of the chances of bringing about any real change in the

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Modi’s line of thinking, the accurate parallel would be for India to put an Islamic symbol on one of its notes. Jawaharlal Nehru and Mahatma Gandhi in conversation, 1946 (Empics) Sonia Gandhi and her son Rahul at the twenty-first anniversary of the death of Indira Gandhi (Empics) Indira, 1979. The

Living With the Himalayan Masters

by Swami Rama  · 1 Jan 1978

Various Paths A Renowned Lady Sage With My Heart on My Palms and Tears in My Eyes Karma Is the Maker In the Ashram of Mahatma Gandhi “Not Sacrifice but Conquest”—Tagore Setting History Straight Maharshi Raman Meeting with Sri Aurobindo The Wave of Bliss Three Schools of Tantra The Seven Systems

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world or outside it, lies in awareness toward the purpose of life and non-attachment. In the Ashram of Mahatma Gandhi In the late 1930s and early ’40s I had the opportunity to stay with Mahatma Gandhi in Vardha Ashram, where I met many gentle and loving souls. While I was there I observed

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Mahatma Gandhi serving a leper. The leper was a learned Sanskrit scholar who was frustrated and angry, but Mahatma Gandhi personally looked after him with great care and love. That was an example to all of us. The

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way in which he served the sick left a lasting impression on me. My master told me to observe Mahatma Gandhi particularly when he walked, and when I did so I found that his walk was quite different from the walk of other sages. He walked

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constantly prayed for others and who had no hatred for any religion, caste, creed, sex, or color. He had three teachers: Christ, Krishna, and Buddha. Mahatma Gandhi A pioneer in the realm of ahimsa-consciousness [non-violence], Gandhi always experimented in expanding man’s capacity to love. Such a man finds joy

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of consciousness. After meeting many wonderful and striking personalities—like Mahadev Desai, Mira Ben, and Prabhavati Bahen—I became friendly with Ram Dass, son of Mahatma Gandhi, and took him to Kausani, one of the fascinating and beautiful places of the Himalayas. “Not Sacrifice but Conquest”—Tagore When I was a teen

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and tries to destroy your culture, why can’t you defend yourself?” He was the most bitter swami I had ever met. I believed in Mahatma Gandhi’s philosophy, psychology, and movement, but I never took an active part in politics. I wanted to influence this swami to leave politics, and he

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a spy for the Indian Congress Party, which was then fighting the British government. There were two groups in India at that time: one was Mahatma Gandhi’s group, which practiced non-violence and used the methods of passive resistance and non-cooperation; the other was the Terrorist Party of India. I

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was not a member of either, but the political officer found two letters in my possession, one written by Pandit Nehru, and another from Mahatma Gandhi. These letters were non-political, but they caused the political officer to be even more suspicious, and I was put under house arrest and forced

Capitalism and Its Critics: A History: From the Industrial Revolution to AI

by John Cassidy  · 12 May 2025  · 774pp  · 238,244 words

heated debates his work has engendered. This follows a chapter about another critic of colonialism, the Indian economist J. C. Kumarappa, a longtime associate of Mahatma Gandhi who is increasingly recognized as a pioneer of ecological economics. Williams and Kumarappa were both deeply interested in the relationship between the core and the

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. Kumarappa, a thirty-seven-year-old accountant and economist who lived in Mumbai (which was then called Bombay), traveled to Ahmedabad, in Gujarat, to meet Mahatma Gandhi, the leader of the pro-independence Indian National Congress. Kumarappa had recently returned to India from New York, where he had obtained a master’s

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’s recollection. 75.   Turner, Joan Robinson and the Americans, 206. 19. J. C. Kumarappa and the Economics of Permanence   1.   Mark Lindley, J. C. Kumarappa: Mahatma Gandhi’s Economist (Mumbai: Popular Prakashan, 2007); and Venu Madhav Govindu and Deepak Malghan, The Web of Freedom: J. C. Kumarappa and Gandhi’s Struggle for

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