On Grand Strategy
by John Lewis Gaddis · 3 Apr 2018 · 461pp · 109,656 words
maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers.” When Secretary of State John Quincy Adams made the Monroe Doctrine a motto for the “United States of America” in 1823, that country lacked the means of securing the “new world” against its “old” masters. It
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roads and canals, uniform weights and measures, a stronger navy and a naval academy, the promotion of global commerce, and vigorous diplomacy to bolster the Monroe Doctrine. Indulging his fascination with astronomy, Adams even called for a national observatory—an American version of Europe’s “lighthouses of the skies”—thus opening himself
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’t yet exist. Lincoln and Seward limited themselves to diplomatic protests despite pressures, some from their own supporters, to settle the Civil War, invoke the Monroe Doctrine, and send a combined Union-Confederate army south of the Rio Grande. Union victories over the Confederacy, they understood, would more quickly deflate French and
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, in 1895, Grover Cleveland’s secretary of state, Richard Olney, turned an old Venezuelan boundary dispute with British Guiana into a brash reassertion of the Monroe Doctrine. “Europe as a whole is monarchical,” he superfluously announced. “America, on the other hand, is devoted to the exactly opposite principle—to the idea that
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-Armesto’s Pathfinders: A Global History of Exploration (New York: Norton, 2006) places the terrestrial process in a broad comparative context. 3. Jay Sexton, The Monroe Doctrine: Empire and Nation in Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Hill and Wang, 2011), pp. 3–8. 4. Geoffrey Parker, “The Repulse of the English Fireships
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what would later become the presidential State of the Union address, but in the nineteenth century they weren’t given in person. 81. Sexton, The Monroe Doctrine, pp. 49–50. 82. Federalist #11, p. 65. 83. The quotations are from Adams’s diary, March 3 and November 29, 1820, quoted in Edel
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, pp. 157–59. Edel analyzes Adams’s dilemma in terms of Isaiah Berlin’s irreconcilable incompatibilities, discussed in chapter four. 84. Charles H. Sherrill, “The Monroe Doctrine and the Canning Myth,” The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 94 (July 1914), 96–97. See also Wendy Hinde, George
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a certain poetic license. Panama seems to bring out the need for one. 89. Bolívar, “Reply,” p. 111. 90. Ibid., p. 122. 91. Sexton, The Monroe Doctrine, provides the context at pp. 36–46. 92. Available online at: www.millercenter.org/president/jqadams/speeches/speech-3484. CHAPTER SEVEN: THE GRANDEST STRATEGISTS 1
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in U.S. Department of State, Papers Relating to the Foreign Affairs of the United States, 1895, vol. I, pp. 542–63. Jay Sexton, The Monroe Doctrine: Empire and Nation in Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Hill and Wang, 2011), pp. 201–8, provides context. 6. The classic account is Henry Kissinger
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Amistad case and, 220–21 death of, 221 diplomatic career of, 218, 221–22 in election of 1824, 217–19 Lincoln compared with, 250–51 Monroe Doctrine formulated by, 152 on Napoleon’s Russian invasion, 199–200 presidency of, 219–20 westward expansion and, 177–78 Aeneid (Virgil), 84, 85–86, 87
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, 246–47, 269, 270 Mission to Moscow (Davies), 286–87 Missouri Compromise (1820), 179, 220, 225, 226 monotheism, 94–95 Monroe, James, 178, 218, 222 Monroe Doctrine, 152, 178–79, 180, 219, 246, 257, 266 morality, politics and, 117, 223, 232 Moscow, Napoleon’s capture of, 11, 18, 189, 198 Moscow Conference
America in the World: A History of U.S. Diplomacy and Foreign Policy
by Robert B. Zoellick · 3 Aug 2020
. Foreign Policy in 1823: Problems and Principles The debates that led to Monroe’s declaration two months later—which came to be known as the Monroe Doctrine—stemmed from the need to address a problem. Canning had made a proposal about a specific situation; the United States needed to decide on an
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knew that the office of secretary of state had been the stepping-stone to the presidency. Professor Ernest May’s book The Making of the Monroe Doctrine develops a powerful case that the administration’s answer to Canning’s overture of 1823 was driven by domestic politics, and especially Adams’s adroit
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of the Post Office, the Cumberland Road, and finances, as well as foreign policy. The three nonsequential paragraphs that came to be known as the Monroe Doctrine took less than one thousand words. To place them in context, however, Monroe’s introductory and closing paragraphs are worth recalling. Monroe opened by stating
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opinion. The Times of London, rarely a friend of Washington, flattered Monroe’s statement as “a policy so directly British.” The Economist maintained that “the Monroe Doctrine might quite as fairly be called the Canning Doctrine.” Canning recovered by releasing the memorandum of his earlier warning to the French ambassador. By early
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resolution to declare this country an asylum for all fugitives from oppression.”50 From Declaration to Doctrine Over the years, Monroe’s declaration became the Monroe Doctrine. Later presidents would endow the statement of 1823 with meanings to fit changed circumstances, and those experiences helped define the potential—and pitfalls—of the
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by the United States on an [international] controversy that did not immediately touch its own citizens or territory.” Dexter Perkins, dean of historians of the Monroe doctrine, wrote that the Doctrine, “in its broad lines, is a prohibition on the part of the United States against the extension of European influence and
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state in the early twentieth century, who will make an appearance in chapters 8 and 9. Both were respected international lawyers. Both determined that the Monroe Doctrine was a declaration about acts that would threaten U.S. security, based on the right of self-protection. They eschewed alleged rights to interfere in
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weaker American states, rights of control, protectorates, or even a claim under international law. The Monroe Doctrine, the two men concluded, should not intrude on Pan-American cooperation or ties with other regions. They stressed that Monroe’s words stood for independence
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back. Most public reaction was congratulatory. A number of headlines proclaimed a great diplomatic victory, foreseeing a twentieth-century complement to the nineteenth century’s Monroe Doctrine. The New York Post, an anti-imperialist paper, recognized Hay’s and America’s diplomatic innovation: “No treaties; just an exchange of official notes. No
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’s mediation of the Russo-Japanese War and the Moroccan crisis, Roosevelt stepped in to “police” a troubled Santo Domingo (creating a “corollary” to the Monroe Doctrine) and organized the engineering project to dig the Panama Canal, his great achievement. The president had protected the North American and Caribbean homeland against threats
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of [such a] peace.” The president was also speaking to the American people and their elected representatives. His idea, Wilson explained, was to propose the Monroe Doctrine “as the doctrine of the world.” He rejected the intrigues and selfish rivalries of entangling alliances not only for America, but for the world. “There
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’ external defense perimeter. The United States might need to intervene to prevent foreign intrusions. Root felt that U.S. policy needed a legal footing. The Monroe Doctrine, Root understood, was a statement of U.S. policy, not international law. The peace treaty with Spain had transferred sovereignty over Cuba to the United
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addition to protecting the United States’ freedom to act under Article X and clarifying the procedure to withdraw from the League, the reservations protected the Monroe Doctrine. Root also urged a resolution pressing the president to negotiate stronger international arbitration and legal institutions. In March 1920, a Senate majority approved the treaty
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sense of irony, a State Department white paper described the treaty as the “most important step in American foreign policy since the promulgation of the Monroe Doctrine”—which John Quincy Adams had drafted to keep the United States out of Europe’s squabbles.167 More honestly, the State Department’s John Hickerson
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diplomatic traditions. He redefined neutrality as an agenda to rewrite the rules of international politics. He said that he was applying the ideas of the Monroe Doctrine to the world. Wilson still rejected old-style alliances, but he pledged to create a new type of collective security. At first, Wilson’s vision
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Colors over Louisiana, by Thure de Thulstrup, 1904. (7) Westerner and futurist. Portrait of Thomas Jefferson, by Rembrandt Peale, 1805. (8) The Birth of the Monroe Doctrine, by Clyde O. DeLand, 1912. John Quincy Adams, to the left of the globe, sits uncharacteristically silent. (9) American realist. Daguerreotype of John Quincy Adams
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Sons, 1921), 48–49. Chapter 3. John Quincy Adams and Henry Clay: American Realism and the American System 1. Ernest May, The Making of the Monroe Doctrine (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1975), 1. 2. James Traub, John Quincy Adams: Militant Spirit (New York: Basic Books, 2016), 203; Samuel
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. See Kissinger, World Restored. 4. For the circumstances of Canning’s proposal, see May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 1–4; Dexter Perkins, A History of the Monroe Doctrine (Boston: Little, Brown, 1955), 36–38; Jay Sexton, The Monroe Doctrine: Empire and Nation in Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Hill and Wang, 2011), 49–51. 5
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. For naval comparisons, see May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 4. 6. For the international comparison, see May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 11. 7. May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 6. For the original, see “Mr. Rush to Mr. John Quincy Adams,” August 23, 1823, no
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. 323, in The Clayton-Bulwer Treaty and the Monroe Doctrine: A Letter from the Secretary of State to the Minister of the United States at London (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1882), 36. 8. For
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Canning’s policy of cabinet maneuvers, see May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 122–28. 9. May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 190–91. 10. For Alexander and Russia, see May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 66–85. For the ukase and Russia in North America, see ibid., 79–80. For the
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., 66. For geographic references, see Traub, John Quincy Adams, 276–77. 11. For JQA’s discussions with Baron de Tuyll, see May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 194–96; Traub, John Quincy Adams, 276–77. 12. For Greece, including references to U.S. public opinion and the press, see May, Making of
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the Monroe Doctrine, 9–10. 13. For the background on Monroe, see May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 12–24. See also the Monroe biography by Harry Ammon, James Monroe: The Quest for National Identity (New York
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: McGraw-Hill, 1971). 14. For Monroe’s principles, see May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 21. For the original Monroe quote, see Monroe to Thomas Jefferson, January 11, 1807, in The Writings of James Monroe, vol. 5, 1807–1816, ed
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Bemis, John Quincy Adams and the Foundations of American Foreign Policy, 243. 17. Quoted in Traub, John Quincy Adams, 69, 78. 18. Quoted in Perkins, Monroe Doctrine, 29. For the original, see JQA, Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, vol. 4, 438. 19. Stratford Canning was Britain’s minister to the United States
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to Colin Powell, ed. Edward S. Mihalkanin (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2004), 23. 26. Traub, John Quincy Adams, 239. 27. See May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, x, xi, 35–36. For a differing view, see Traub, John Quincy Adams, 270. 28. On British bullying, see Traub, John Quincy Adams, 261. On
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condescension and arrogance, see Perkins, Monroe Doctrine, 39. JQA quoted in May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 28. For the original JQA quote, see JQA, The Writings of John Quincy Adams, vol. 1, 1779–1796, ed. Worthington Chauncey
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Ford (New York: Macmillan Company, 1913), 478. 29. Quoted in May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 28. For the original, see JQA, The Writings of John Quincy Adams, vol. 3, 1801–1810, ed. Worthington Chauncey Ford (New York: Macmillan Company, 1914
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. W. Norton, 1991); David S. and Jeanne T. Heidler, Henry Clay: The Essential American (New York: Random House, 2010). See also May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 50–57. Quotes from Remini, Henry Clay, 155. For the original, see Annals of Congress, 15th Congress, 1st Session (Washington, D.C.: Gales and Seaton
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and C. James Taylor (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2014), 252. 33. For Clay’s political strategy, see May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 173–81. 34. On Clay’s speech, see Remini, Henry Clay, 174–75. For the original speech, see Henry Clay, The Life, Correspondence, and Speeches
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, vol. 5, ed. Calvin Colton (New York: A. S. Barnes & Co., 1857), 243. 35. On Clay’s speech at Lexington, see May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 180. For the original speech, see Henry Clay, The Life, Correspondence, and Speeches of Henry Clay, vol. 1, ed. Calvin Colton (New York: A. S
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., 1857), 241. 36. Traub, John Quincy Adams, 258–59. 37. May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 191, 197. 38. For JQA discussions with de Tuyll see May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 196, 199; Traub, John Quincy Adams, 276–77, 279; Perkins, Monroe Doctrine, 40. 39. On the cabinet meeting discussion, see May, Making of the
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Monroe Doctrine, 198–200; Traub, John Quincy Adams, 279–80; Perkins, Monroe Doctrine, 41–42. 40. May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 200–208; Traub, John Quincy Adams
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, 280–81. 41. May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 204, 208–10. 42. May
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, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 210. 43. For Monroe’s draft
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and debate, see May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 211–18; Perkins, Monroe Doctrine, 43–44; Traub, John Quincy Adams, 281–82. 44. For Wirt, see May, Making
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of the Monroe Doctrine, 220–21; Traub, John Quincy Adams, 285; Sexton, Monroe Doctrine, 61. 45. On the length and context of Monroe’s message
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, see Sexton, Monroe Doctrine, 47–48. On the text, including the less noted opening and closing paragraphs, see ibid
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., 53–62. On “open diplomacy,” see Perkins, Monroe Doctrine, 62. On JQA’s anticolonialism, see Traub, John Quincy Adams, 285. 46. May, Making of the
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Monroe Doctrine, 219–28. For Monroe’s letter to Jefferson, see Monroe to Jefferson, December 4, 1823, in The
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. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1903), 342–45. 47. For Canning’s reaction and response, see May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 240–44; Sexton, Monroe Doctrine, 65–66. 48. Quoted in Perkins, Monroe Doctrine, 56–57. 49. Perkins, Monroe Doctrine, 57–58. 50. Quoted in Remini, Henry Clay, 221–22. For the original, see JQA, Memoirs of John
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Quincy Adams, vol. 6, ed. Charles Francis Adams (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott & Co., 1875), 224. 51. Cobbs Hoffman, American Umpire, 105; Perkins, Monroe Doctrine, 4, 387–89. 52. Traub, John Quincy Adams, 286. 53. Traub, John Quincy Adams, 286. 54. See the essays by Root and Hughes in The
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Monroe Doctrine: Its Modern Significance, ed. Donald Marquand Dozer (New York: Knopf, 1965), 51, 87, respectively. 55. Ammon, James Monroe, 491. 56. Sexton, Monroe Doctrine, 61. 57. On Bolivar, see Kinley Brauer, “Henry Clay,” in Mihalkanin, American Statesmen, 129
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. On the U.S. invitation to the Panama Congress, see Remini, Henry Clay, 285; Perkins, Monroe Doctrine, 71; Sexton, Monroe Doctrine, 74; Heidler and Heidler, Henry Clay, 194; Traub, John Quincy Adams, 342. 58. On Clay’s instructions, see Remini, Henry Clay, 297–300. For
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. Remini, Henry Clay, 297–300. 60. Remini, Henry Clay, 287–97. On the popularity of the Panama Congress, see Traub, John Quincy Adams, 345; Sexton, Monroe Doctrine, 75–80; Heidler and Heidler, Henry Clay, 195. 61. Remini, Henry Clay, 300–301. 62. Traub, John Quincy Adams, 259–60. 63. For an account
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, Root, vol. 1, 453; Leopold, Root, 72. 22. “Above all things” quote from Zimmermann, First Great Triumph, 146. For the original source, see Root, “The Monroe Doctrine: Address at the Ninety-Ninth Annual Banquet of the New England Society of New York,” December 22, 1904, in Elihu Root, Miscellaneous Addresses, eds. Robert
Presidents of War
by Michael Beschloss · 8 Oct 2018
London, Winston Churchill scoffed that no League could “substitute for the British fleet.” *17 The President also prevailed in demanding that the covenant respect the Monroe Doctrine, which warned European powers against trying to subvert the independent nations of North and South America. He knew that this provision would please Senators who
Cuba: An American History
by Ada Ferrer · 6 Sep 2021 · 723pp · 211,892 words
].”7 By the 1820s and 1830s, Jefferson’s casually stated desire had become a matter of national policy. The 1820s saw the enunciation of the Monroe Doctrine, which sought to limit the reach of Europe in newly independent Latin America, leaving the continent open to the growing power of the United States
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own policy unilaterally. Monroe announced it on December 2, 1823, in his annual message to Congress. The policy, which came to be known as the Monroe Doctrine, stipulated that the Western Hemisphere was henceforth closed to European colonization. He declared, “the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have
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nations to mount risky expeditions to Cuba. (And, just in case, the United States separately exerted pressure against that possibility, as well.) More important, the Monroe Doctrine kept Great Britain—at once the globe’s greatest naval power and the world’s new crusader against the slave trade—out of Latin America
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.21 The Monroe Doctrine thus allowed the United States to wait things out as “the laws of political gravitation” inevitably separated Cuba from Spain and propelled her into the
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1817 concession of free trade to the Cubans, the economies of the United States and Cuba were becoming intricately entangled. By the eve of the Monroe Doctrine, the North American republic was Cuba’s principal trading partner, far outpacing even Spain. For the United States, meanwhile, the island consistently ranked as one
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the agents trading the product—American citizens were involved in every part of Cuba’s slave regime.30 * * * IT WAS THIS EMERGING SYSTEM that the Monroe Doctrine protected and enabled. While the policy attempted to limit European power in all of Latin America, it played a very specific role with respect to
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naval power turned crusader against the slave trade—it bolstered slavery and safeguarded a whole range of US investments there. The Monroe Doctrine, simply put, protected Americans’ stake in Cuba. The Monroe Doctrine also stacked the deck—not just against a potential British takeover of Cuba, but also against the possibility of a Cuban
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incentive for Cuban elites to protect the status quo, even as so many other colonies around them became independent nations. Under the sway of the Monroe Doctrine, Cuba’s sugar revolution became also an American business. And the power of the United States—its government and its capitalists—became one more barricade
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fantasizing about it at the dawn of the nineteenth century. In the 1820s, James Monroe and John Quincy Adams had given it serious consideration. The Monroe Doctrine emerged precisely out of such deliberations. But it was in the years after the Escalera upheavals of 1843–44 and leading up to King’s
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remained Spanish until such a time as the US could make it American. Root insisted that the Platt Amendment was merely an updating of the Monroe Doctrine of 1823, as if this would serve as consolation to the Cubans. The situation was becoming increasingly clear: either the Cubans accepted the Platt Amendment
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.edu/. 17. Ferrer, Freedom’s Mirror, 325. 7: Adams’s Apple 1. Stephen Chambers, No God but Gain: The Untold Story of Cuban Slavery, the Monroe Doctrine, and the Making of the United States (New York: Verso, 2015), 3, 7–8, 99, 107, 145–48; TSTD, https://www.slavevoyages.org/voyage/database
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of Cuba, 1:141. 11. J. Q. Adams, Memoirs, 6:70; Foner, A History of Cuba, 1:141–42; Ernest May, The Making of the Monroe Doctrine (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1974), 43. 12. J. Q. Adams, Memoirs, 6:70–73. See also Foner, A History of Cuba, 1:141–43
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United States in an Age of American Revolutions (New York: Liveright, 2016), 156–58. 20. Adams, Memoirs, 6:177–78, 186. 21. Monroe Doctrine, www.ourdocuments.gov; Jay Sexton, The Monroe Doctrine: Empire and Nation in Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Hill & Wang, 2011), 51–53; R. Rojas, Cuba Mexicana, 113, 162–67, 234
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, 133 Haitian Revolution’s impact on, 72–73 independence celebrations in, 185–86 Indigenous people in, 14, 16–22 missile crisis and, 369–82, 398 Monroe Doctrine’s protection of US stake in, 94–95 Soviet relations with 338–39, 381, 399, 424, 436–38 suppression of dissident groups in, 448–49
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, 239, 241–42 workers’ demands and policies of, 243–44 Great Britain. See also England Cuban slave rebellion support from abolitionists in, 99, 100–101 Monroe Doctrine and, 91 rumors of takeover of Cuba by, 81–82, 87, 88, 97, 103 siege and occupation of Havana by, 44–54 slave trade ban
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de, 16–17 Las Casas, Luis de, 67–68, 69 Latin America Cuban policy in, 240, 327, 421–23 Martí’s “our America” and, 142 Monroe Doctrine and, 94 new constitutions in, 258 Spanish control over, 90 US foreign policy in, 94, 224, 241 Laurens, Henry, 60, 61 Le Coubre (ship) (1960
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) Castro and, 278–83, 286, 290, 421 later commemorations of, 279, 332, 371, 430 Monroe, James, 86–87, 89, 90, 91, 97, 103, 111, 151 Monroe Doctrine, 12, 91, 94–95, 111, 180 Monteagudo, José de Jesús, 210, 212 Mora, Alberto, 456 Moreno, Juan, 34, 36–37 Morris, Robert, 60, 61, 62
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United States in, 92–94, 95 fear of Haitian Revolution and, 72–73 labor unrest in, 229, 236, 240, 242–44, 245–46, 292–93 Monroe Doctrine’s protection of, 94–95 nationalization of, 240, 244 reciprocity treaty with United States and, 186, 191–92 seasonal workers in, 188–89 size of
The Deluge: The Great War, America and the Remaking of the Global Order, 1916-1931
by Adam Tooze · 13 Nov 2014 · 1,057pp · 239,915 words
the advent of strategic air power. America would see to it that its neighbours in the Caribbean and Central America were ‘orderly’ and that the Monroe Doctrine, the bar against external intervention in the western hemisphere, was upheld. Access must be denied to other powers. America would accumulate bases and staging posts
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war should be the total suppression of imperialist competition by the assertion of British control over the eastern Mediterranean and East Africa, establishing a British Monroe Doctrine in the Indian Ocean and its approaches. It was to be an all-empire project. The Indian Army played a decisive role in all the
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Washington in an embarrassing situation. His conversations with congressional leaders had made clear that the Covenant would not pass without an explicit inclusion of the Monroe Doctrine. Britain had no objection, for it had been one of the original instigators of the doctrine. And the Royal Navy had been its de facto
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week of April as the conference reached deadlock, Lloyd George made clear that there would be no British signature on an amended Covenant including the Monroe Doctrine unless Wilson agreed to refrain from an all-out naval arms race.46 Cecil was horrified at what he deemed Lloyd George’s cynicism. But
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hands of Britain and France. Why did Wilson not have the courage to explain to the American people that if they demanded recognition of the Monroe Doctrine, other nations were entitled to the consideration of their regional interests too?22 Wilson was ‘remaking his virginity’ at Italy’s expense.23 With tempers
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) 116, 197 and Ireland: conscription 192; Home Rule 191, 192; threat of massive repression 376 and the Middle East 195, 378, 381, 382 and the Monroe doctrine 269 and Mussolini 306 as pioneer of democracy 62 and Poincaré 431, 454 and the Poles 285 reflections on the war and its aftermath 5
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People’s Government Party, Japan) 485–6 Mirbach, Count Wilhelm von 164–5 modernity, US problematic entry into 27–9 Monnet, Jean 205, 290, 291 Monroe doctrine 15, 269, 310 Montagu, Edwin Samuel 186, 187–8, 195, 383, 384, 385, 387, 388, 389, 391, 392, 436 Montagu-Chelmsford reforms 188–9, 210
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saving Britain from insolvency 78; and the London Naval Conference see London Naval Conference (1930); and the Middle East 193–6, 378, 379; and the Monroe doctrine 269; and the naval blockade 35, 56, 473; opposition to increasing US dependence 40, 48, 296; political scientists influenced by Westminster model 41; and shared
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and the London Naval Conference 491–2, 493 and the Middle East 193–6, 378 militarized great power destiny 517 military spending 514 and the Monroe doctrine 15, 310 National Equal Rights League 339 nationalism: and exceptionalism 27; and US role in international economy 349; Wilson presidency as triumphant nationalism 348 navy
The Stack: On Software and Sovereignty
by Benjamin H. Bratton · 19 Feb 2016 · 903pp · 235,753 words
by other forms of transactional sovereignty. In Schmitt's history, this shift also validated transnational claims of sovereignty over entire continental zones, such as the Monroe Doctrine, which Schmitt greatly admired as a model of how a multipolar nomos should work. The catastrophes of World War I and II led to the
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ASCII, Grossraum), or “great spaces” or spheres of influences and domains of dominion over which dominant political cultures reserve systemic sovereignty, such as the US Monroe Doctrine claims over North and South American continental space. However, to establish what the nomos of the Cloud may or may not be, it is necessary
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makes and could make (and how hard it is to decide its inside from its outside). 7. The Nomos of the Cloud? For Schmitt, the Monroe Doctrine symbolized an end of older Jus Publicum European system of international relations and operated in a parallel domain to that arrangement of Westphalian modules, one
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model it represented appealed strongly to Schmitt, and his “advocation of a Großraum world-view … grew out of his admiration for the origins of the Monroe Doctrine, when it was a territorially delimited, hemispherical order. From economic origins, it had found continental coherence, but had then been distorted into a liberal, universal
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domains gave way, however, to what was for him most dubious thing about twentieth-century globalization. In Schmitt's positive vision for it, through the Monroe Doctrine, the United States is the sole sovereign in the Western Hemisphere and its will is fiat. The doctrine reintroduced transnational territorial lines of demarcation into
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established a certain claim on an embryonic political geography? Does “Google” (literally the cloud platform and the geography defined by it) represent something like a Monroe Doctrine of the Cloud, filling out and supervising a domain extended well beyond the North American continental shelf, across a more comprehensive composite spectrum? For Schmitt
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, the first Monroe Doctrine represented a break with an older order, and perhaps the new one (if it so exists) does too, but just as the first lost its
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. The willing and unwilling complicity of major commercial Cloud platforms in this endeavor associates them directly with the reach of that claim, and so the Monroe Doctrine of the Cloud and the Google Grossraum are seen by some to conceal only one another. This conflation may simplify things for those who prefer
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another type, some incarcerating Users and others offering lines of flight, and many of them reversible. The tangles thicken. Perhaps the regional amorphousness of a “Monroe Doctrine of the Cloud” is both the wrong nomic precedent to claim and the wrong profile of empire to be resisted. The Stack appears to be
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a stable relationship between great state powers. Carl Schmitt's term Grossraum, “the Large Space,” of a regional, supernational domain of sovereign control, like the Monroe Doctrine, is perhaps exemplary. For some, this suggests an ideal multipolar arrangement for global political entities and empires, and so as new claims on global space
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and Sociology (Tarde), 334 money, 199, 213, 329, 335–337, 458n11. See also currency money-into-virtuality, 199 monkeys, 222 Monroe, James, 45 Monroe Doctrine, 26, 31–32 Monroe Doctrine of the Cloud, 34–35, 37 Montana East Line Telephone Association, 29 moon, owning, 456n7 Moore Ruble Yudell, 322 Moore's law, 63, 80
The WikiLeaks Files: The World According to US Empire
by Wikileaks · 24 Aug 2015 · 708pp · 176,708 words
relationship to dictatorships in Latin America falls into three broad phases, each corresponding to its own imperial moment. The first is that signaled by the “Monroe Doctrine,” whereby the United States claimed a strategic preeminence against colonial rivals in South America—a period reaching its zenith with the colonial turn of 1898
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the Venezuelan coup, the United States was largely able to withdraw from military and paramilitary interventions, and let markets do the talking. Phase I: The “Monroe Doctrine” The Latin American continent and the Caribbean islands had long been regarded as America’s “backyard”—a colloquial expression of the doctrine outlined by US
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. But the larger picture was that the United States faced growing competition from European powers for influence in the island—and US policy since the Monroe Doctrine in 1823 had been to treat the Caribbean islands as American property, to be shielded from European penetration. The United States regarded Haitians as children
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as a manifestation of yanqui imperialism.68 Phase II: From Good Neighbors to the Cold War This policy of occupying Latin American countries, giving the Monroe Doctrine a substance it had not acquired during the incumbency of the president whose name it bore, was successful enough in creating reliable client regimes for
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and start planting bases in these islands. Where they could, they co-opted anticolonial leaders; where that was not possible, they applied relentless pressure. The Monroe Doctrine had reached the zenith of its influence. From the point of view of US capital, this was ideal. US investors had brought industrial expertise that
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Lyndon B. Johnson fulminated about “international Communism”—a “new type of imperialism.” It was alleged in a House resolution that the Russians had violated the Monroe Doctrine, to which there could only be one response: war. In due course, US bombs brought down the elected government and imposed the anticommunist dictator Colonel
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the Caribbean waters and much of Latin America. By the late nineteenth century, it had acquired sufficient military and technological prowess to fully operationalize the Monroe Doctrine (1823), which underpinned Washington’s long-term ambition of driving out European powers from the Western Hemisphere. Its victorious march against the crumbling Spanish Empire
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Dan Beeton In a speech at the Organization of American States (OAS) in 2013, US secretary of state John Kerry declared: “the era of the Monroe Doctrine is over.” A nearly 200-year-old hemispheric policy conceived in theory to protect Latin America from foreign intervention but in practice used to justify
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equals…”1 Much of the major English-language media coverage of the WikiLeaks cables on Latin America and the Caribbean support the thesis that the Monroe Doctrine has gone out of style, and that US diplomacy in the region is, nowadays, largely benign and non-interventionist. Many of the “revelations” highlighted in
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51, 57; Good Neighbor doctrine 50, 53, 54–8; human rights and neoliberal reform 58–60; ICC-related sanctions 169–77; military intervention 57–8; Monroe Doctrine 49–50, 51–4, 55; neoliberal reform 59–60; Project X 102; radicalization 57; regime change 17–18; right-wing coups 57 law, US forces
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–15 modernization theory 27 Mohammad, Binyam 199–200 Mohammed, Khalid Sheikh 110 Mojahedin-e-Khalq (MEK) 289 Moldova 164 monetary policy, control of 125–32 Monroe Doctrine 49–50, 51–4, 55, 435, 483 Monroe, Henry 51 Monsanto 187–95 Montealegre, Eduardo 493 Monterrey, Kitty 495–6 Morales, Evo 503–6, 507
Destined for War: America, China, and Thucydides's Trap
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campaign features prominently in high school textbooks read by every student in China today.) Proclaiming “Asia for the Asians,” in 1933 Tokyo announced a “Japanese Monroe Doctrine.” It declared that hereafter “Japan is responsible for the maintenance of peace and order in the Far East,” in what the country later christened the
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nation has dominated it in recent time . . . I look forward to the next ten years as probably the culminating period of America.”35 ENFORCING THE MONROE DOCTRINE Following the Spanish-American War, and after a brief stint as governor of New York, Roosevelt accepted the invitation to rejoin McKinley’s administration by
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forth by James Monroe in 1823: the Western Hemisphere was no longer open for European colonization or foreign interference.40 While sweeping in scope, the Monroe Doctrine was originally aspirational rather than operational and remained so for the remainder of the nineteenth century. Since the US lacked the means to enforce it
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of the peace faction has convinced me that this country needs a war.”43 The Cleveland administration eventually warned the British not to violate the Monroe Doctrine with encroachments from its colony in British Guiana into territory also claimed by Venezuela, asserting that “today the United States is practically sovereign on this
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who questioned whether it was sensible (or legal) for the US to threaten Britain over its actions in a remote part of South America. The Monroe Doctrine, Roosevelt wrote, “is not a question of law at all. It is a question of policy . . . To argue that it cannot be recognized as a
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Venezuelan waters and to settle their dispute at The Hague on terms satisfactory to the US. The results vindicated Roosevelt in his determination that “the Monroe Doctrine should be treated as the cardinal feature of American foreign policy.” But, he warned, “it would be worse than idle to assert it unless we
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audience, “If the American nation will speak softly and yet build, and keep at a pitch of the highest training, a thoroughly efficient navy, the Monroe Doctrine will go far.”47 The world would soon find out just how far Roosevelt intended to take it. THE PANAMA CANAL Since the sixteenth century
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, may in America, as elsewhere, ultimately require intervention by some civilized nation, and in the Western Hemisphere the adherence of the United States to the Monroe Doctrine may force the United States, however reluctantly, in flagrant cases of such wrongdoing or impotence, to the exercise of an international police power.”76 This
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resolution became known as the Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine. Political cartoon from the Montreal Star (1903) depicting the American eagle as a vulture in search of new prey following US actions in Panama and
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domain. In 1895, when a territorial dispute arose between Venezuela and British Guiana, Secretary of State Richard Olney demanded that Britain accept arbitration under the Monroe Doctrine, arguing that “the United States is practically sovereign on this continent.”25 London rejected Washington’s demands, with British colonial secretary Joseph Chamberlain insisting that
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factor in avoiding war. Over territorial disputes in Venezuela, for example, Britain ultimately agreed to the US demand that the British accept arbitration under the Monroe Doctrine. Similarly, Britain exempted the United States from the Two-Power Standard, which committed the UK to maintain naval forces equal to those of the next
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. [back] 20. Theodore Roosevelt, “The Strenuous Life,” April 10, 1899, http://voicesofdemocracy.umd.edu/roosevelt-strenuous-life-1899-speech-text/. [back] 21. Theodore Roosevelt, “The Monroe Doctrine,” The Bachelor of Arts 2, no. 4 (March 1896), 443. [back] 22. Louis Pérez Jr., Cuba in the American Imagination: Metaphor and the Imperial Ethos
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in the Caribbean. Roosevelt’s big stick . . . was directed at Europe, not Latin America.” See Collin’s Theodore Roosevelt’s Caribbean: The Panama Canal, the Monroe Doctrine, and the Latin American Context (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1990), xii. For details of Roosevelt’s suspicions about Germany’s designs on Venezuela
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Morris in both Theodore Rex, 183–91, and “A Few Pregnant Days,” 2–13. [back] 39. Morris, “A Few Pregnant Days,” 2. [back] 40. The Monroe Doctrine declared that countries in the Western Hemisphere were “not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers” and warned that the
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of Theodore Roosevelt, 112. [back] 44. The 1895 dispute is described in detail in Schoultz, Beneath the United States, 107–24. [back] 45. Roosevelt, “The Monroe Doctrine,” 437–39. [back] 46. See Theodore Roosevelt, “Second Annual Message,” December 2, 1902, UCSB American Presidency Project, www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=29543. [back
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, 311 n124 Molucca Islands, 340 n12 monarchy, 32, 43, 53 See also specific monarchs Monck, George, 256 Mongolia, xviii Monnet, Jean, 192 Monroe, James, 97 Monroe Doctrine, 45, 96–99, 104–5, 195, 222, 315 n41 Montreal Star, 105 Morocco, 73, 78, 222 Morris, Edmund, 97, 317 n65 mujahideen, 203, 225 Muslims
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by Michael Gross · 562pp · 177,195 words
. That inspired Henry to study the narrow subject of sovereignty over derelict islands, as well as the broader one of inter-American trade. After the Monroe Doctrine had claimed the Western Hemisphere as America’s exclusive sphere of influence, businessmen like Sanford became stalking horses of a nascent American imperialism, soon to
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, Peter, 32, 58 Mississippi, 161–162 Missouri Compromise, 133 Mohican tribe, 38 Monkey Trial, 320–321 Monroe, James, 93, 119, 134, 154, 165, 168–169 Monroe Doctrine, 208 Montagu, Ashley, 312 Morgan, Jack, 235 Morgan, John Taylor, 224 Morgan, Joseph, 244 Morgan, J. Pierpont, 3, 12, 198, 244–246, 247–248, 250
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Crisis: Competing Priorities and Northern Slavery Politics in the Early Republic,” JER 33, no. 4 (2013): 675–700. 26. Matthew Crocker, “The Missouri Compromise, the Monroe Doctrine, and the Southern Strategy,” Journal of the West 43 (2004): 45–52. The crisis was not over. Missouri passed a state constitution banning free people
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