America in the World: A History of U.S. Diplomacy and Foreign Policy
by Robert B. Zoellick · 3 Aug 2020
. Foreign Policy in 1823: Problems and Principles The debates that led to Monroe’s declaration two months later—which came to be known as the Monroe Doctrine—stemmed from the need to address a problem. Canning had made a proposal about a specific situation; the United States needed to decide on an
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knew that the office of secretary of state had been the stepping-stone to the presidency. Professor Ernest May’s book The Making of the Monroe Doctrine develops a powerful case that the administration’s answer to Canning’s overture of 1823 was driven by domestic politics, and especially Adams’s adroit
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of the Post Office, the Cumberland Road, and finances, as well as foreign policy. The three nonsequential paragraphs that came to be known as the Monroe Doctrine took less than one thousand words. To place them in context, however, Monroe’s introductory and closing paragraphs are worth recalling. Monroe opened by stating
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opinion. The Times of London, rarely a friend of Washington, flattered Monroe’s statement as “a policy so directly British.” The Economist maintained that “the Monroe Doctrine might quite as fairly be called the Canning Doctrine.” Canning recovered by releasing the memorandum of his earlier warning to the French ambassador. By early
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resolution to declare this country an asylum for all fugitives from oppression.”50 From Declaration to Doctrine Over the years, Monroe’s declaration became the Monroe Doctrine. Later presidents would endow the statement of 1823 with meanings to fit changed circumstances, and those experiences helped define the potential—and pitfalls—of the
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by the United States on an [international] controversy that did not immediately touch its own citizens or territory.” Dexter Perkins, dean of historians of the Monroe doctrine, wrote that the Doctrine, “in its broad lines, is a prohibition on the part of the United States against the extension of European influence and
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state in the early twentieth century, who will make an appearance in chapters 8 and 9. Both were respected international lawyers. Both determined that the Monroe Doctrine was a declaration about acts that would threaten U.S. security, based on the right of self-protection. They eschewed alleged rights to interfere in
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weaker American states, rights of control, protectorates, or even a claim under international law. The Monroe Doctrine, the two men concluded, should not intrude on Pan-American cooperation or ties with other regions. They stressed that Monroe’s words stood for independence
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back. Most public reaction was congratulatory. A number of headlines proclaimed a great diplomatic victory, foreseeing a twentieth-century complement to the nineteenth century’s Monroe Doctrine. The New York Post, an anti-imperialist paper, recognized Hay’s and America’s diplomatic innovation: “No treaties; just an exchange of official notes. No
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’s mediation of the Russo-Japanese War and the Moroccan crisis, Roosevelt stepped in to “police” a troubled Santo Domingo (creating a “corollary” to the Monroe Doctrine) and organized the engineering project to dig the Panama Canal, his great achievement. The president had protected the North American and Caribbean homeland against threats
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of [such a] peace.” The president was also speaking to the American people and their elected representatives. His idea, Wilson explained, was to propose the Monroe Doctrine “as the doctrine of the world.” He rejected the intrigues and selfish rivalries of entangling alliances not only for America, but for the world. “There
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’ external defense perimeter. The United States might need to intervene to prevent foreign intrusions. Root felt that U.S. policy needed a legal footing. The Monroe Doctrine, Root understood, was a statement of U.S. policy, not international law. The peace treaty with Spain had transferred sovereignty over Cuba to the United
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addition to protecting the United States’ freedom to act under Article X and clarifying the procedure to withdraw from the League, the reservations protected the Monroe Doctrine. Root also urged a resolution pressing the president to negotiate stronger international arbitration and legal institutions. In March 1920, a Senate majority approved the treaty
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sense of irony, a State Department white paper described the treaty as the “most important step in American foreign policy since the promulgation of the Monroe Doctrine”—which John Quincy Adams had drafted to keep the United States out of Europe’s squabbles.167 More honestly, the State Department’s John Hickerson
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diplomatic traditions. He redefined neutrality as an agenda to rewrite the rules of international politics. He said that he was applying the ideas of the Monroe Doctrine to the world. Wilson still rejected old-style alliances, but he pledged to create a new type of collective security. At first, Wilson’s vision
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Colors over Louisiana, by Thure de Thulstrup, 1904. (7) Westerner and futurist. Portrait of Thomas Jefferson, by Rembrandt Peale, 1805. (8) The Birth of the Monroe Doctrine, by Clyde O. DeLand, 1912. John Quincy Adams, to the left of the globe, sits uncharacteristically silent. (9) American realist. Daguerreotype of John Quincy Adams
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Sons, 1921), 48–49. Chapter 3. John Quincy Adams and Henry Clay: American Realism and the American System 1. Ernest May, The Making of the Monroe Doctrine (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1975), 1. 2. James Traub, John Quincy Adams: Militant Spirit (New York: Basic Books, 2016), 203; Samuel
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. See Kissinger, World Restored. 4. For the circumstances of Canning’s proposal, see May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 1–4; Dexter Perkins, A History of the Monroe Doctrine (Boston: Little, Brown, 1955), 36–38; Jay Sexton, The Monroe Doctrine: Empire and Nation in Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Hill and Wang, 2011), 49–51. 5
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. For naval comparisons, see May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 4. 6. For the international comparison, see May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 11. 7. May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 6. For the original, see “Mr. Rush to Mr. John Quincy Adams,” August 23, 1823, no
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. 323, in The Clayton-Bulwer Treaty and the Monroe Doctrine: A Letter from the Secretary of State to the Minister of the United States at London (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1882), 36. 8. For
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Canning’s policy of cabinet maneuvers, see May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 122–28. 9. May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 190–91. 10. For Alexander and Russia, see May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 66–85. For the ukase and Russia in North America, see ibid., 79–80. For the
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., 66. For geographic references, see Traub, John Quincy Adams, 276–77. 11. For JQA’s discussions with Baron de Tuyll, see May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 194–96; Traub, John Quincy Adams, 276–77. 12. For Greece, including references to U.S. public opinion and the press, see May, Making of
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the Monroe Doctrine, 9–10. 13. For the background on Monroe, see May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 12–24. See also the Monroe biography by Harry Ammon, James Monroe: The Quest for National Identity (New York
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: McGraw-Hill, 1971). 14. For Monroe’s principles, see May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 21. For the original Monroe quote, see Monroe to Thomas Jefferson, January 11, 1807, in The Writings of James Monroe, vol. 5, 1807–1816, ed
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Bemis, John Quincy Adams and the Foundations of American Foreign Policy, 243. 17. Quoted in Traub, John Quincy Adams, 69, 78. 18. Quoted in Perkins, Monroe Doctrine, 29. For the original, see JQA, Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, vol. 4, 438. 19. Stratford Canning was Britain’s minister to the United States
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to Colin Powell, ed. Edward S. Mihalkanin (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2004), 23. 26. Traub, John Quincy Adams, 239. 27. See May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, x, xi, 35–36. For a differing view, see Traub, John Quincy Adams, 270. 28. On British bullying, see Traub, John Quincy Adams, 261. On
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condescension and arrogance, see Perkins, Monroe Doctrine, 39. JQA quoted in May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 28. For the original JQA quote, see JQA, The Writings of John Quincy Adams, vol. 1, 1779–1796, ed. Worthington Chauncey
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Ford (New York: Macmillan Company, 1913), 478. 29. Quoted in May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 28. For the original, see JQA, The Writings of John Quincy Adams, vol. 3, 1801–1810, ed. Worthington Chauncey Ford (New York: Macmillan Company, 1914
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. W. Norton, 1991); David S. and Jeanne T. Heidler, Henry Clay: The Essential American (New York: Random House, 2010). See also May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 50–57. Quotes from Remini, Henry Clay, 155. For the original, see Annals of Congress, 15th Congress, 1st Session (Washington, D.C.: Gales and Seaton
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and C. James Taylor (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2014), 252. 33. For Clay’s political strategy, see May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 173–81. 34. On Clay’s speech, see Remini, Henry Clay, 174–75. For the original speech, see Henry Clay, The Life, Correspondence, and Speeches
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, vol. 5, ed. Calvin Colton (New York: A. S. Barnes & Co., 1857), 243. 35. On Clay’s speech at Lexington, see May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 180. For the original speech, see Henry Clay, The Life, Correspondence, and Speeches of Henry Clay, vol. 1, ed. Calvin Colton (New York: A. S
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., 1857), 241. 36. Traub, John Quincy Adams, 258–59. 37. May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 191, 197. 38. For JQA discussions with de Tuyll see May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 196, 199; Traub, John Quincy Adams, 276–77, 279; Perkins, Monroe Doctrine, 40. 39. On the cabinet meeting discussion, see May, Making of the
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Monroe Doctrine, 198–200; Traub, John Quincy Adams, 279–80; Perkins, Monroe Doctrine, 41–42. 40. May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 200–208; Traub, John Quincy Adams
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, 280–81. 41. May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 204, 208–10. 42. May
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, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 210. 43. For Monroe’s draft
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and debate, see May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 211–18; Perkins, Monroe Doctrine, 43–44; Traub, John Quincy Adams, 281–82. 44. For Wirt, see May, Making
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of the Monroe Doctrine, 220–21; Traub, John Quincy Adams, 285; Sexton, Monroe Doctrine, 61. 45. On the length and context of Monroe’s message
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, see Sexton, Monroe Doctrine, 47–48. On the text, including the less noted opening and closing paragraphs, see ibid
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., 53–62. On “open diplomacy,” see Perkins, Monroe Doctrine, 62. On JQA’s anticolonialism, see Traub, John Quincy Adams, 285. 46. May, Making of the
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Monroe Doctrine, 219–28. For Monroe’s letter to Jefferson, see Monroe to Jefferson, December 4, 1823, in The
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. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1903), 342–45. 47. For Canning’s reaction and response, see May, Making of the Monroe Doctrine, 240–44; Sexton, Monroe Doctrine, 65–66. 48. Quoted in Perkins, Monroe Doctrine, 56–57. 49. Perkins, Monroe Doctrine, 57–58. 50. Quoted in Remini, Henry Clay, 221–22. For the original, see JQA, Memoirs of John
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Quincy Adams, vol. 6, ed. Charles Francis Adams (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott & Co., 1875), 224. 51. Cobbs Hoffman, American Umpire, 105; Perkins, Monroe Doctrine, 4, 387–89. 52. Traub, John Quincy Adams, 286. 53. Traub, John Quincy Adams, 286. 54. See the essays by Root and Hughes in The
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Monroe Doctrine: Its Modern Significance, ed. Donald Marquand Dozer (New York: Knopf, 1965), 51, 87, respectively. 55. Ammon, James Monroe, 491. 56. Sexton, Monroe Doctrine, 61. 57. On Bolivar, see Kinley Brauer, “Henry Clay,” in Mihalkanin, American Statesmen, 129
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. On the U.S. invitation to the Panama Congress, see Remini, Henry Clay, 285; Perkins, Monroe Doctrine, 71; Sexton, Monroe Doctrine, 74; Heidler and Heidler, Henry Clay, 194; Traub, John Quincy Adams, 342. 58. On Clay’s instructions, see Remini, Henry Clay, 297–300. For
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. Remini, Henry Clay, 297–300. 60. Remini, Henry Clay, 287–97. On the popularity of the Panama Congress, see Traub, John Quincy Adams, 345; Sexton, Monroe Doctrine, 75–80; Heidler and Heidler, Henry Clay, 195. 61. Remini, Henry Clay, 300–301. 62. Traub, John Quincy Adams, 259–60. 63. For an account
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, Root, vol. 1, 453; Leopold, Root, 72. 22. “Above all things” quote from Zimmermann, First Great Triumph, 146. For the original source, see Root, “The Monroe Doctrine: Address at the Ninety-Ninth Annual Banquet of the New England Society of New York,” December 22, 1904, in Elihu Root, Miscellaneous Addresses, eds. Robert
The Tragedy of Great Power Politics
by John J. Mearsheimer · 1 Jan 2001 · 637pp · 199,158 words
influence and warning the other great powers not to help China in its struggle with Japan. In effect, Japan fashioned its own version of the Monroe Doctrine for East Asia.27 Japan finally launched a full-scale assault against China in the late summer of 1937.28 By the time Hitler invaded
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Destiny” and 2) minimizing the influence of the United Kingdom and the other European great powers in the Americas, a policy commonly known as the “Monroe Doctrine.” Manifest Destiny The United States started out in 1776 as a weak confederation cobbled together from the thirteen colonies strung along the Atlantic seaboard. The
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twentieth century, the United Kingdom would almost surely have abandoned the Western Hemisphere to its offspring, which had definitely come of age by then. The Monroe Doctrine American policymakers in the nineteenth century were not just concerned with turning the United States into a powerful territorial state, they were also deeply committed
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had belonged to the United Kingdom, France, and Spain, thus weakening their influence in the Western Hemisphere. But it also used the Monroe Doctrine for that same purpose. The Monroe Doctrine was laid out for the first time in President James Monroe’s annual message to Congress on December 2, 1823. He made three
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the time to check the British everywhere in the Western Hemisphere. Indeed, the United States probably did not have sufficient military might to enforce the Monroe Doctrine in the first decades after it was enunciated. Nevertheless, this problem proved illusory, as the European empires shrivelled away over the course of the nineteenth
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States, they were the dangerous potential aggressors. The best way to hold them off was to acquire the periphery. This was the meaning of the Monroe Doctrine in the age of Manifest Destiny.”49 THE UNITED STATES AND EUROPE, 1900–1990 Offensive realism predicts that the United States will send its army
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that are so powerful that those other states would not dare challenge it. We would also expect China to develop its own version of the Monroe Doctrine, directed at the United States. Just as the United States made it clear to distant great powers that they were not allowed to meddle in
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States and Right-Wing Dictatorships, 1921–1965 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999), chaps. 4–6; Gaddis Smith, The Last Years of the Monroe Doctrine, 1945–1993 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1994); Tony Smith, America’s Mission: The United States and the Worldwide Struggle for Democracy in the Twentieth
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Labs,” Security Studies 1, No. 3 (Spring 1992), pp. 448–82. 4. See Steven J. Valone, “’Weakness Offers Temptation’: Seward and the Reassertion of the Monroe Doctrine,” Diplomatic History 19, No. 4 (Fall 1995), pp. 583–99. As discussed in Chapter 7, the United States has worried throughout its history about the
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Quagmire: Japan’s Expansion on the Asian Continent, 1933–1941 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983), pp. 3–230. 27. George H. Blakeslee, “The Japanese Monroe Doctrine,” Foreign Affairs 11, No. 4 (July 1933), pp. 671–81. 28. Ikuhiko Hata, “The Marco Polo Bridge Incident, 1937,” trans. David Lu and Katsumi Usui
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Bemis, John Quincy Adams, esp. chaps. 28–29; Ernest R. May, The Making of the Monroe Doctrine (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1975); and Dexter Perkins, A History of the Monroe Doctrine (Boston: Little, Brown, 1963). For a copy of Monroe’s address laying out the doctrine, from which the quotes in this paragraph
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: University of Georgia Press, 1975). 47. This subject is discussed at length in Frederick Merk, The Monroe Doctrine and American Expansionism, 1843–1849 (New York: Knopf, 1966). Also see Pletcher, Diplomacy of Annexation. 48. Quoted in Merk, Monroe Doctrine, p. 6. Also see Sam W. Haynes, James K. Polk and the Expansionist Impulse (New
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York: Longman, 1997). 49. Merk, Monroe Doctrine, p. 289. 50. There is evidence that the founders’ resistance to a continental commitment was
The Internationalists: How a Radical Plan to Outlaw War Remade the World
by Oona A. Hathaway and Scott J. Shapiro · 11 Sep 2017 · 850pp · 224,533 words
U.S. Senate, Kellogg explained that the treaty would not interfere with the right of self-defense. He even said it would not disturb the Monroe Doctrine—which prohibited European intervention in the Western Hemisphere.4 These assurances persuaded the Japanese Foreign Ministry that the concept of self-defense in the Pact
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1898 Spanish-American War, though he rejected incorporating them as states because of their “inferior” populations. And he supported the 1904 Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, under which the U.S. would intervene to ensure that other nations in the Western Hemisphere fulfilled their obligations to international creditors so that European
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1, 1939, he set out a new alternative: the theory of the Grossraum—literally, “Great Space.” The inspiration for Schmitt’s Grossraum theory was the Monroe Doctrine. Just as the Americans had prevented European nations from intervening in the Western Hemisphere, Germany had the legal right to exclude intruders from its own
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asserted the right of a Great Power to protect its friends against their common enemies. Schmitt’s speech on the Grossraum and the new “German Monroe Doctrine” was reported in the British press. The Daily Mail, in fine tabloid style, commented not only on his proposal, but on his appearance. “Herr Hitler
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would feel if Germany asked for the same assurances. “In this event Mr. Roosevelt would, I must admit, have every right to refer to the Monroe Doctrine and to decline to comply with such a request as an interference in the internal affairs of the American Continent.” Hitler was simply asserting the
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the talking.”133 He also drew up a talking points memo. His advisers were to say that “[j]ust as on the basis of the Monroe Doctrine the United States would firmly reject any interference by European governments in Mexican affairs, for example, Germany regards the Eastern European area as her sphere
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likely, he had his eyes shut because he was reciting Hitler’s instructions from memory. Ribbentrop parroted over and over that “Germany must have her ‘Monroe Doctrine’ in Central Europe.”137 Ribbentrop was lecturing the wrong person. In his scholarly study on the Dominican Republic Welles had authored during his exile from
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his extensive diplomatic experience in Latin America, he had also helped conceive Roosevelt’s Good Neighbor Policy, which was effectively a rejection of a muscular Monroe Doctrine.139 Once Ribbentrop finished speaking, Welles explained that “the Minister was laboring under a misapprehension as to the nature of that policy.”140 Though the
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United States may have used the Monroe Doctrine as an instrument of political control in the past, it no longer views it in this way now. “At this moment, I was glad to
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say, a new relationship existed in the Western Hemisphere.”141 Hitler deployed Schmitt’s Monroe Doctrine idea the next day when he met Welles, and he repeated it in other venues as well.142 Schmitt had regained his influence. But, as
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, 1904, accessed January 31, 2016, http://www.ourdocuments.gov/print_friendly.php?page=transcript&doc=56&title=Transcript+of+Theodore+Roosevelt%27s+Corollary+to+the+Monroe+Doctrine+(1905). 63. Benjamin Franklin remarked that Vattel’s book had “been continually in the hands of the members of our Congress now sitting.” Francis Wharton
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Mississippi, 135–36 Mitteis, Heinrich, 524n Molé, Count, 64 Molina, Mario, 385 Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact (1939), 318–19, 506n monopolies, 22–23, 50 monopsony, 50 Monroe Doctrine, 159, 163, 241–43 Montreal Protocol on Substances That Deplete the Ozone Layer (1987), 387 Moore, John Bassett, 170, 171 Moore, R. Walton, 188, 197
Destined for War: America, China, and Thucydides's Trap
by Graham Allison · 29 May 2017 · 518pp · 128,324 words
campaign features prominently in high school textbooks read by every student in China today.) Proclaiming “Asia for the Asians,” in 1933 Tokyo announced a “Japanese Monroe Doctrine.” It declared that hereafter “Japan is responsible for the maintenance of peace and order in the Far East,” in what the country later christened the
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nation has dominated it in recent time . . . I look forward to the next ten years as probably the culminating period of America.”35 ENFORCING THE MONROE DOCTRINE Following the Spanish-American War, and after a brief stint as governor of New York, Roosevelt accepted the invitation to rejoin McKinley’s administration by
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forth by James Monroe in 1823: the Western Hemisphere was no longer open for European colonization or foreign interference.40 While sweeping in scope, the Monroe Doctrine was originally aspirational rather than operational and remained so for the remainder of the nineteenth century. Since the US lacked the means to enforce it
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of the peace faction has convinced me that this country needs a war.”43 The Cleveland administration eventually warned the British not to violate the Monroe Doctrine with encroachments from its colony in British Guiana into territory also claimed by Venezuela, asserting that “today the United States is practically sovereign on this
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who questioned whether it was sensible (or legal) for the US to threaten Britain over its actions in a remote part of South America. The Monroe Doctrine, Roosevelt wrote, “is not a question of law at all. It is a question of policy . . . To argue that it cannot be recognized as a
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Venezuelan waters and to settle their dispute at The Hague on terms satisfactory to the US. The results vindicated Roosevelt in his determination that “the Monroe Doctrine should be treated as the cardinal feature of American foreign policy.” But, he warned, “it would be worse than idle to assert it unless we
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audience, “If the American nation will speak softly and yet build, and keep at a pitch of the highest training, a thoroughly efficient navy, the Monroe Doctrine will go far.”47 The world would soon find out just how far Roosevelt intended to take it. THE PANAMA CANAL Since the sixteenth century
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, may in America, as elsewhere, ultimately require intervention by some civilized nation, and in the Western Hemisphere the adherence of the United States to the Monroe Doctrine may force the United States, however reluctantly, in flagrant cases of such wrongdoing or impotence, to the exercise of an international police power.”76 This
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resolution became known as the Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine. Political cartoon from the Montreal Star (1903) depicting the American eagle as a vulture in search of new prey following US actions in Panama and
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domain. In 1895, when a territorial dispute arose between Venezuela and British Guiana, Secretary of State Richard Olney demanded that Britain accept arbitration under the Monroe Doctrine, arguing that “the United States is practically sovereign on this continent.”25 London rejected Washington’s demands, with British colonial secretary Joseph Chamberlain insisting that
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factor in avoiding war. Over territorial disputes in Venezuela, for example, Britain ultimately agreed to the US demand that the British accept arbitration under the Monroe Doctrine. Similarly, Britain exempted the United States from the Two-Power Standard, which committed the UK to maintain naval forces equal to those of the next
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. [back] 20. Theodore Roosevelt, “The Strenuous Life,” April 10, 1899, http://voicesofdemocracy.umd.edu/roosevelt-strenuous-life-1899-speech-text/. [back] 21. Theodore Roosevelt, “The Monroe Doctrine,” The Bachelor of Arts 2, no. 4 (March 1896), 443. [back] 22. Louis Pérez Jr., Cuba in the American Imagination: Metaphor and the Imperial Ethos
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in the Caribbean. Roosevelt’s big stick . . . was directed at Europe, not Latin America.” See Collin’s Theodore Roosevelt’s Caribbean: The Panama Canal, the Monroe Doctrine, and the Latin American Context (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1990), xii. For details of Roosevelt’s suspicions about Germany’s designs on Venezuela
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Morris in both Theodore Rex, 183–91, and “A Few Pregnant Days,” 2–13. [back] 39. Morris, “A Few Pregnant Days,” 2. [back] 40. The Monroe Doctrine declared that countries in the Western Hemisphere were “not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers” and warned that the
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of Theodore Roosevelt, 112. [back] 44. The 1895 dispute is described in detail in Schoultz, Beneath the United States, 107–24. [back] 45. Roosevelt, “The Monroe Doctrine,” 437–39. [back] 46. See Theodore Roosevelt, “Second Annual Message,” December 2, 1902, UCSB American Presidency Project, www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=29543. [back
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, 311 n124 Molucca Islands, 340 n12 monarchy, 32, 43, 53 See also specific monarchs Monck, George, 256 Mongolia, xviii Monnet, Jean, 192 Monroe, James, 97 Monroe Doctrine, 45, 96–99, 104–5, 195, 222, 315 n41 Montreal Star, 105 Morocco, 73, 78, 222 Morris, Edmund, 97, 317 n65 mujahideen, 203, 225 Muslims
Paris 1919: Six Months That Changed the World
by Margaret Macmillan; Richard Holbrooke; Casey Hampton · 1 Jan 2001
Latin American examples, since most of his formative experiences in foreign relations had been there. He had recast, at least to his own satisfaction, the Monroe Doctrine, that famous defiance hurled at the Europeans in 1823 to warn them off attempting to colonize the New World again. The doctrine had become a
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; and the mandates over the former German colonies and the Ottoman empire still had to be awarded. There was also the tricky matter of the Monroe Doctrine, underpinning U.S. policy toward the Americas. Would the League have the power, as many of Wilson’s conservative opponents feared, to override the doctrine
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to men he loathed, he agreed on his return to Paris to negotiate a special reservation saying that nothing in the League covenant invalidated the Monroe Doctrine.32 He found himself embroiled, this time with the British, in the sort of diplomatic game that he had always regarded with contempt. Although Cecil
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success to get an agreement with the United States to prevent a naval race; he now hinted that he might oppose any reservation on the Monroe Doctrine. There was also a difficulty with the Japanese, who, it was feared, might ask for recognition of an equivalent doctrine for Japan warning other nations
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, Wilson introduced a carefully worded amendment to the effect that nothing in the League covenant would affect the validity of international agreements such as the Monroe Doctrine, designed to preserve the peace. The French, resentful over their failure to get a League with teeth, attacked with impeccable logic. There was already a
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in the covenant saying that all members would make sure that their international agreements were in accordance with the League and its principles. Was the Monroe Doctrine not in conformity? Of course it was, said Wilson; indeed, it was the model for the League. Then, said Bourgeois and Larnaude, why did the
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Monroe Doctrine need to be mentioned at all? Cecil tried to come to Wilson’s rescue: the reference to the Monroe Doctrine was really a sort of illustration. Wilson sat by silently, his lower lip quivering. Toward midnight
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very long and learned speech, which started with Aristotle and ended with Woodrow Wilson, about peace. The delegate from Honduras spoke in Spanish about the Monroe Doctrine clause but, since few people understood him, his objections were ignored. Clemenceau, as chairman, moved matters along with his usual dispatch, limiting discussion of hostile
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had steered the covenant in the direction he wanted; he had blocked demands for a military force; and he had inserted a reservation on the Monroe Doctrine that should ensure its passage in the United States. The League, he felt confident, would grow and change over the years. In time, it would
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was celebrated by poetry and transformed into a martyr by his execution.” In a spirit of compromise (and perhaps to get the amendment on the Monroe Doctrine that he wanted in the League covenant), Wilson finally agreed to a clause accusing Wilhelm of “a supreme offence against international morality and the sanctity
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to agree to it. To Benson that would have been treason to his own country.” The British threatened to oppose the special amendment on the Monroe Doctrine in the covenant of the League. Lloyd George told Daniels over breakfast on April Fool’s Day that the League would be useless if the
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11, the commission met until late in the evening, trying to come up with a formula that would allow the United States to keep the Monroe Doctrine and join the League. Everyone was exhausted when the Japanese finally moved that a reference to racial equality be included in the preamble to the
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not exist without China and the Japanese people could not stand without the Chinese.”10 That was why the Japanese often referred to an “Asian Monroe Doctrine.” Just as the United States for its own security treated Latin America as its backyard, so Japan had to worry about China and neighbors such
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be done which could be interpreted as a recognition of a special position of Japan,” he warned, “either in the form of a so-called Monroe Doctrine or in any other way, forces will be set in action which make a huge armed conflict absolutely inevitable within one generation. There is no
Flight of the WASP
by Michael Gross · 562pp · 177,195 words
. That inspired Henry to study the narrow subject of sovereignty over derelict islands, as well as the broader one of inter-American trade. After the Monroe Doctrine had claimed the Western Hemisphere as America’s exclusive sphere of influence, businessmen like Sanford became stalking horses of a nascent American imperialism, soon to
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, Peter, 32, 58 Mississippi, 161–162 Missouri Compromise, 133 Mohican tribe, 38 Monkey Trial, 320–321 Monroe, James, 93, 119, 134, 154, 165, 168–169 Monroe Doctrine, 208 Montagu, Ashley, 312 Morgan, Jack, 235 Morgan, John Taylor, 224 Morgan, Joseph, 244 Morgan, J. Pierpont, 3, 12, 198, 244–246, 247–248, 250
The Greek Revolution: 1821 and the Making of Modern Europe
by Mark Mazower · 4 Nov 2021 · 887pp · 242,125 words
independent nation. That she may obtain that rank is the object of our most ardent wishes. This is the often forgotten Greek dimension of the Monroe Doctrine – a justification as much as a warning. It was a formulation that carefully trod a middle path between Secretary of State John Adams’s desire
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never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy to do so.’ It was a statement to keep the philhellenes at bay. The Monroe Doctrine served to set an imaginary line between Europe and the Americas; it stated that the political norms applicable in one hemisphere were inapplicable in the
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, ‘The United States and Spain in 1822’, AHR, 20:4 (July 1915), 781–800, here 798 10 Cited in W. P. Cresson, ‘Chateaubriand and the Monroe Doctrine’, North American Review, 217:809 (April 1923), 475–87 11 For a detailed treatment of the entire story see the classic work by Temperley, The
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, ‘La curieuse vie de l’Abbé de Pradt’, Revue des études historiques, 95 (1929), 295; On de Pradt and his possible influence on the Monroe Doctrine: T. R. Schellenberg, ‘Jeffersonian origins of the Monroe Doctrine’, Hispanic American Historical Review, 14:1 (Feb. 1934), 1–31, and Laura Bornholdt, ‘The Abbé de Pradt and the
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Monroe Doctrine’, Hispanic American Historical Review, 24:2 (May 1944), 201–21, for both sides of the argument. 13 De Pradt, Vrai Système de l’Europe relativement
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American independence’, AHR, 112:3 (June 2007), 742–63 Bogdanovich, E. V., Navarin, 1827–1877 (Moscow, 1877) Bornholdt, L., ‘The Abbé de Pradt and the Monroe Doctrine’, Hispanic American Historical Review, 24:2 (May 1944), 201–21 Boukalas, P., ed., The Klephtic Ballads: An Anthology of 19th-Century Greek Popular Songs (Athens
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of Greek Independence (Cambridge, 1930) —‘A forgotten prophecy (Greece 1820–21)’, Cambridge Historical Journal, 1:2 (1924), 209–13 Cresson, W. P., ‘Chateaubriand and the Monroe Doctrine’, North American Review, 217:809 (April 1923), 475–87 Dakin, D., British and American Philhellenes during the War of Greek Independence, 1821–1833 (Thessaloniki, 1955
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edn.), 308–30 Sakellariou, S., I Filiki Etaireia (Odessa, 1909) Sarantakes, N., To zorbaliki ton rayiadon (Athens, 2020) Schellenberg, T. R., ‘Jeffersonian origins of the Monroe Doctrine’, Hispanic Atlantic Historical Review, 14:1 (Feb. 1934), 1–31 Sfoini, A., ‘“Epanastasi”: chriseis kai simasies tis lexis sta keimena tou ’21’, in D. Dimitropoulos
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, 429 joint fleet to enforce Treaty of London, 409–18 liberal principle of non-intervention, 399–401 Mavrokordatos’s paper on the Ottomans, 97–8 Monroe Doctrine, 399–401 and plight of Greek non-combatants, 379–82, 451–2 post-1828 Great Power policy, 427–8 pre-national era, xxi, xxvi–xxvii
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American Civil War, 453 and Chateaubriand, 401, 402 coronavirus pandemic, xxxiv gaining of independence, xxi Greek Committee of New York, 379, 380, 382, 452, 458 Monroe Doctrine, 399–401 philhellene’s tolerance of American slavery, 452 presence in eastern Mediterranean, 429 Varnakiotis, Georgios, 103–4, 105–6, 116, 169 battle of Aetos
The Stack: On Software and Sovereignty
by Benjamin H. Bratton · 19 Feb 2016 · 903pp · 235,753 words
by other forms of transactional sovereignty. In Schmitt's history, this shift also validated transnational claims of sovereignty over entire continental zones, such as the Monroe Doctrine, which Schmitt greatly admired as a model of how a multipolar nomos should work. The catastrophes of World War I and II led to the
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ASCII, Grossraum), or “great spaces” or spheres of influences and domains of dominion over which dominant political cultures reserve systemic sovereignty, such as the US Monroe Doctrine claims over North and South American continental space. However, to establish what the nomos of the Cloud may or may not be, it is necessary
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makes and could make (and how hard it is to decide its inside from its outside). 7. The Nomos of the Cloud? For Schmitt, the Monroe Doctrine symbolized an end of older Jus Publicum European system of international relations and operated in a parallel domain to that arrangement of Westphalian modules, one
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model it represented appealed strongly to Schmitt, and his “advocation of a Großraum world-view … grew out of his admiration for the origins of the Monroe Doctrine, when it was a territorially delimited, hemispherical order. From economic origins, it had found continental coherence, but had then been distorted into a liberal, universal
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domains gave way, however, to what was for him most dubious thing about twentieth-century globalization. In Schmitt's positive vision for it, through the Monroe Doctrine, the United States is the sole sovereign in the Western Hemisphere and its will is fiat. The doctrine reintroduced transnational territorial lines of demarcation into
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established a certain claim on an embryonic political geography? Does “Google” (literally the cloud platform and the geography defined by it) represent something like a Monroe Doctrine of the Cloud, filling out and supervising a domain extended well beyond the North American continental shelf, across a more comprehensive composite spectrum? For Schmitt
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, the first Monroe Doctrine represented a break with an older order, and perhaps the new one (if it so exists) does too, but just as the first lost its
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. The willing and unwilling complicity of major commercial Cloud platforms in this endeavor associates them directly with the reach of that claim, and so the Monroe Doctrine of the Cloud and the Google Grossraum are seen by some to conceal only one another. This conflation may simplify things for those who prefer
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another type, some incarcerating Users and others offering lines of flight, and many of them reversible. The tangles thicken. Perhaps the regional amorphousness of a “Monroe Doctrine of the Cloud” is both the wrong nomic precedent to claim and the wrong profile of empire to be resisted. The Stack appears to be
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a stable relationship between great state powers. Carl Schmitt's term Grossraum, “the Large Space,” of a regional, supernational domain of sovereign control, like the Monroe Doctrine, is perhaps exemplary. For some, this suggests an ideal multipolar arrangement for global political entities and empires, and so as new claims on global space
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and Sociology (Tarde), 334 money, 199, 213, 329, 335–337, 458n11. See also currency money-into-virtuality, 199 monkeys, 222 Monroe, James, 45 Monroe Doctrine, 26, 31–32 Monroe Doctrine of the Cloud, 34–35, 37 Montana East Line Telephone Association, 29 moon, owning, 456n7 Moore Ruble Yudell, 322 Moore's law, 63, 80
Liberalism at Large: The World According to the Economist
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peeps out’). Karl Marx, The Civil War in the United States, New York 1961, pp. 5, 12–13, 42–43, 128, 145–46. 138.‘The Monroe Doctrine in 1823 and 1863’, 14 November 1863. 139.‘Negotiations for Peace’, 18 February 1865. 140.‘Abandonment of Transportation’, 25 February 1865. 141.‘Mr. Gladstone on
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were ‘ludicrously unfit’ for them. ‘A policy of annexation introduces a conflict of principle into the Republic.’ Other consequences included a ‘practical renunciation of the Monroe Doctrine, on the intelligible ground that one cannot eat one’s cake and have it’. It also meant greater taxation, and centralization of power, to support
Second World: Empires and Influence in the New Global Order
by Parag Khanna · 4 Mar 2008 · 537pp · 158,544 words
UZBEKISTAN AND TURKMENISTAN: MEN BEHAVING BADLY 13 AFGHANISTAN AND PAKISTAN: TAMING SOUTH-CENTRAL ASIA CONCLUSION: A CHANGE OF HEART PART III: THE END OF THE MONROE DOCTRINE 14 THE NEW RULES OF THE GAME 15 MEXICO: THE UMBILICAL CORD 16 VENEZUELA: BOLÍVAR’S REVENGE 17 COLOMBIA: THE ANDEAN BALKANS? 18 BRAZIL: THE
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classic imperialist quest for land and labor, but it succeeded in supplanting European powers through a mix of pocketbook diplomacy and military conquest.3 The Monroe Doctrine, articulated by the U.S. president in 1823, promised to complete the ejection of European powers and ensure unfettered American dominance in perpetuity. America’s
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, sought not only to vanquish Spain but also to control the Philippines, which the United States simultaneously seized. Almost a century after America instituted the Monroe Doctrine, the Roosevelt Corollary was an imperial anticolonialism that justified American interference. Roosevelt’s guiding premise was clear: “Peace cannot be had until the civilized nations
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Caracas is named for its native son El Libertador, and it is Venezuela—not China or Europe—that most powerfully embodies the death of the Monroe Doctrine. Venezuela without oil would be just another third-world agricultural backwater with populist leaders and the occasional coup, but Venezuela with oil is something altogether
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Cold War–era thinking, America for over a decade has reactively sought simply to avoid losing ground in Latin America, but the elements of the Monroe Doctrine—that America would prevent any foreign power from influencing Latin America, intervene at will to protect its interests, and manipulate each nation’s economic affairs
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interests likely to yield face-saving decisions while marginalizing controversial or outside (read: U.S.-imposed) topics.12 “What we have now is a Chinese ‘Monroe Doctrine,’” the Malaysian analyst declared. “We should get it over with and accept this Chinese order. That way we can peacefully resolve the problems of Taiwan
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