Occupy movement

Dreaming in Public: Building the Occupy Movement

by Amy Lang and Daniel Lang/levitsky  · 11 Jun 2012  · 537pp  · 99,778 words

’ at a segregated lunch counter, or because David Mitchell refused to be drafted for a war in Vietnam that he considered a war crime. The Occupy movement exhibits these same characteristics to an astonishing degree. Who would have believed that this ‘structure of feeling’ could reappear after SNCC and SDS crashed and

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versions, remixes, and other developments of the same memes towards which these images can lead you. * * * Without the generosity of the tireless chroniclers of the Occupy movement, this volume would not have been possible. Our first and greatest thanks are to them, for their words, their pictures, their suggestions, and their advice

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this, what is there to demand except everything? Part, then, of what has been taken by insiders and outsiders alike as radically new in the Occupy movement is its stalwart refusal to proclaim an authoritative set of putatively answerable demands. To yield to the demand for ‘demands’ would be to credit existing

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on the Other Side of the border, to show our support. Saludos rebeldes, jóvenes en resistencia alternativa To the Peoples of the World To the Occupy Movement To the Oakland Commune To Our Sisters and Brothers in Struggle on the Other Side of the Border We don’t need to remind you

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Connecting such a movement globally was beyond even the wildest dreams of most visionaries, but has proven to be within reach in 2011. And your #Occupy movement has played a leading role in igniting it. While hunger and wars are planned and organized by a ruthless 1%, it is the responsibility of

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politics, and so did our comrades in Spain, Greece and Britain. Regardless of how one stands on the efficacy of elections or elected representatives, the Occupy movement seems outside the scope of this; your choice to occupy is, if nothing else, bigger than any election. Why then, should our elections be any

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by their impressionistic, casual tone, these accounts of Occupy sites report on conversations taking place around the country, on what people thought about their local Occupy movements – on the ‘sonic structure of belonging’. As Barbara Kingsolver’s ‘Another American Way’ makes clear, in Johnson City, Tennessee, as in many small cities across

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the US, local political traditions and regional culture shape and strengthen the Occupy movement, and give ‘the 99%’ a particular resonance. While media accounts of the early days of OWS puzzled endlessly over the relationship between movement participants and

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thought, since everyone would eventually find themselves in those circumstances. Demarco had only been at Ogawa for a few hours. He was curious about the Occupy movement, and felt that it embodied some of his feelings about economic and political problems he was experiencing. He was already excited, and considering the next

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and Dennis Kucinich. He also stressed that there were many Move On members who’d been involved in political activism for years, and that the Occupy movement should try to embrace, rather than alienate, them and the union members that would be involved in the event. That being said, he did

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their local affiliate park, because of a shrewd political calculation. Occupy Wall Street wasn’t the best tactic available to reach a political goal. The Occupy movement succeeded because several thousand people decided, for their own personal emotional reasons, that they really wanted to be one of those guys. I’m not

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telling the stories and having babies. I doubt OWS made these decisions consciously; I think something larger is happening. I think OWS, and all the Occupy movements around the world, and the Arab Spring for that matter, considered the affiliative narratives available in our global culture and rejected them all. There is

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their faces, telling them that their most passionately held beliefs are not ‘on process’. This marginalizes people, she said. It makes them feel like the Occupy movement is not for them or their concerns. Others objected to her that the hand signals and process guidelines are introduced before every meeting, and there

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afternoon in Ogawa Plaza, there’s a salsa class going on. Just a few feet away, a labor organizer is giving a workshop on the Occupy movements and the labor rank and file. Little kids are given space to play and express themselves creatively in the children’s tent. Across the camp

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both the letter and spirit of our Principles of Solidarity [3]. The elimination of systemic oppression against marginalized people is a core goal of the Occupy movement, but self-identified ‘womyn-born-womyn’ [4] do not constitute a marginalized group relative to other types of women. Throughout the world, trans women are

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-July, trans women have played a critical role in OWS, including the creation and operation of OccupyWallSt. org, the de facto voice of the global Occupy movement.1 Nonetheless, we are prepared to leave the New York General Assembly and its empowered Spokes Council en masse if trans-excluding groups, spaces, and

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have partnered with members of the NYCGA queer, women’s and people of color caucuses (as well as trans and trans-allied supporters of the Occupy movement more broadly) to author this statement. Notes 1. For the purposes of this document, we use trans women broadly to refer to all male-

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joy to witness. I hope I’m not overstating the case, but I truly believe that if Oakland Occupy – and more broadly most of the Occupy Movements – has any value at all it’s in this capacity of creating a place where the previously apolitical or politically unsophisticated can learn from each

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be resistance on the part of some. I’ve met occupiers who claimed the concerns of immigrants and black people had no place in the Occupy movement because they were ‘divisive’. They said this to me in an Atlanta park that the occupiers shared with a hundred homeless black men. A

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McCain and Representative Paul Gosar to reinstate uranium mining around the Grand Canyon. At Colorlines.com, which has covered the role of race in the Occupy movement, one commenter offered the example of Occupy Los Angeles – a city with a long history of collaborative economic justice campaigns with a clear race angle

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emulate. ‘The LA folks seem to be able to reconcile how to fold race, monetary and social issues all into their messages,’ she wrote. The Occupy movement is clearly unifying. Centralizing racial equity will help to sustain that unity. This won’t happen accidentally or automatically. It will require deliberate, smart, structured

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A BANKER Letter to Occupy Together Movement Harsha Walia 14 October 2011 I wish I could start with the ritual ‘I love you’ which the Occupy Movement is supposed to inspire. To be honest, it has been a space of turmoil. But also, virulent optimism. What I outline below are not

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criticisms of the Occupy movement. I am inspired that the dynamic of the movement thus far has been organic, so that all those who choose to participate are collectively responsible

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in wealth locally and globally. Learning from history and building on successes While it is clearly too early to comment on the future of the Occupy movement, I offer a few humble preliminary thoughts based on other people’s comments on the Occupy Wall Street occupation and the nature of the organizing

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local business owners and workers, many of them minorities. Jose Dueñas, the chief executive of the Hispanic Chamber of Commerce of Alameda County, blamed the Occupy movement for stalled economic activity. ‘We’ve got no events planned, people are pulling back,’ he told a local newspaper. ‘We don’t blame them.’ The

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people, not just Asian Americans, felt unsettled about the renaming of Frank H Ogawa Plaza. It was not hard to see the irony of an ‘occupy’ movement displacing a man of color with another man of color, both targets of different kinds of state violence. The idea for these images was sparked

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, to evasions of responsibility for the inaccessibility of the movement’s spaces – to the structural exclusion of people with disabilities. Larisa Mann argues that the Occupy movement’s growing solidarity with communities targeted by police violence accounts for the brutality of police response to OWS, and locates the radical potential of Occupy

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ignores these human tragedies. Meanwhile, the more the camps attract troubled and violent people, the more they alienate the vast majority of the 99% the Occupy movement is trying to speak for, and leave those comfortable with violence and disorder in control.’3 The logic of capitalist realism is overwhelming here – in

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sort of activity, reaching out to the communities in which we live, that I hope Occupiers are undertaking all over the country. I Every local Occupy movement of which I am aware has begun to explore the terrain beyond the downtown public square, asking, what is to be done next? This is

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It may seem to some readers that ‘Staughton is once again pushing his nonviolence rap’. However, although I am concerned that small groups in the Occupy Movement may contribute to unnecessary violence in Chicago, it is not violence as such that most worries me. While I have all my life been personally

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’ use of violence set out by Archbishop Oscar Romero of El Salvador in his Pastoral Letters. My fundamental concern is that the rhetoric of the Occupy Movement includes two propositions in tension with each other. We appear to say, on the one hand, that we must seek consensus, but on the

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]. In a characteristically wonderful phrase, Benjamin writes that the general strike ‘not so much causes as consummates’. Likely, one can already see why, for the ‘occupy movement’ that refuses to articulate ‘moderate’ demands, the general strike would be an apt form of resistance. But before rushing into a consideration of the upcoming

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praxis the right to theoretical reflection. Such a view restricts politics to the smaller realm of practical activity, then falsely asserts their coincidence. Although the Occupy movement is often ridiculed for being directionless, it would seem even more absurd to insist that people are entitled to make feasible demands, yet denied any

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From the second point, we might arrive at a third, namely the rejection of the idea that what is extra-legal is necessarily illegal. The occupy movement, among other things, is attempting to make possible a politics that is not subjected to the mill of legal process. If the formation and regulation

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– that is, the insistence on the importance of accessible education. Although the defense of public education may seem a remote or peripheral concern of the Occupy movement, the connection between the two is indisputable. There is a financial pipeline that travels from public universities directly to Wall Street, and what is trafficked

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; http://nin.tl/GSo641 Clarification on Nature of Call for West Coast Port Blockade Occupy Oakland Port Blockade Working Group 27 November 2011 West coast Occupy movements plan to blockade west coast ports on 12 December. This decision is not affected by a recent memo written by International Longshore and Warehouse Union

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that there is no confusion on intent and support for this significant action. 1. The port blockade is being called for by the west coast Occupy movements 2. The blockade is in solidarity with the ILWU local in Longview, WA, which is fighting a move by giant grain and shipping companies to

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joy to witness. I hope I’m not overstating the case, but I truly believe that if Oakland Occupy – and more broadly most of the Occupy Movements – has any value at all it’s in this capacity of creating a place where the previously apolitical or politically unsophisticated can learn from each

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class. But no one wants to champion the poor or even acknowledge their existence. This goes, too, for much of the discourse emerging from the Occupy movement. Just as much of society excludes the collective experience of the poor, so too has Occupy. From the very beginning of Occupy Boston, there was

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without an analysis of poverty. This is about the top 10% versus the bottom 20%. Occupy can choose to align itself with either. But an Occupy movement that joins its interests with the interests of a poor people’s movement in a shared vision of economic justice would be remarkable and bold

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and talk to their audience, before answering questions. I participated in numerous of these, and enjoyed responding to some of the critiques posed about the Occupy movement (how can you hope to change the world without taking power? being the most common). However, as I left the air-conditioned rooms and rigid

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and collections of individuals. We do not want to find the answer to this question, for it is question itself that guides us. A global Occupy movement, if we can call it that, is a patchwork of experiences and imaginations taking place in the minds and actions of individuals and collections of

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it was the news that Hungary has outlawed homelessness.2 It is now a criminal offense to find yourself without a home in Budapest. The Occupy Movement exists to be the amplified human megaphone of sanity, in the context of a world gone mad with a bloodlust for ‘making it’ and victim

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, http://nin.tl/HqDAuE 7 http://nin.tl/HU8Q9Y KEEP CALM AND OCCUPY LONDON We Need Caveats On Inclusivity Steven Maclean 13 February 2012 The Occupy movement is based on some core principles of structure and process: nonviolence, inclusivity, democratic decision-making and a non-hierarchical horizontal structure being the most obvious

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undesirable consequences. Absolutist positions are seldom sensible as they tend to ignore complexity and context, but the aspect I think is most problematic for the Occupy movement is total inclusivity. Now I’m not suggesting Occupy ought to be members only, and I realize the importance of outreach and trying to build

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country both against the war and against Bush. Then, of course, there is Egypt, whose 2011 Tahrir Square camp to some extent inspired the current ‘Occupy’ movement. In an interview with New Internationalist earlier this year, activist Gigi Ibrahim called it ‘a mini-example of what direct democracy looks like. People took

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one 15-M event – the movement has broken the barrier between political activists and ordinary citizens. It shares principles of nonviolence and nonpartisanship with the Occupy movement and other peaceful demonstrations around the world. But its central demand – for a direct, deliberative democracy in which citizens debate issues and seek solutions in

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of the Left, its model of directly deliberative democracy challenges the institutional limits of leftist parties and much of their theoretical imagination. As with the Occupy movement in the United States, it is hard to know how far 15-M can go in creating change. Spain’s recent national elections delivered an

Indelible City: Dispossession and Defiance in Hong Kong

by Louisa Lim  · 19 Apr 2022

IN TEXT that T-shirts had been produced to mark it: Ng Kang-chung and Christy Leung, “Eleven Arrests, Double the Tear Gas Fired During Occupy Movement and 81 Injured: Police Chief Paints Disturbing Picture of Hong Kong Extradition Bill Protests,” South China Morning Post, June 13, 2019. GO TO NOTE REFERENCE

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and British Rule in Hong Kong. Richmond, Surrey, UK: Curzon, 2000. Ng, Kang-chung, and Christy Leung. “Eleven Arrests, Double the Tear Gas Fired During Occupy Movement and 81 Injured: Police Chief Paints Disturbing Picture of Hong Kong Extradition Bill Protests.” South China Morning Post, June 13, 2019. Nissim, Roger. Land Administration

The Dream of Europe: Travels in the Twenty-First Century

by Geert Mak  · 27 Oct 2021  · 722pp  · 223,701 words

Street’, a new wave of protests began. One sign of the extent of the anger, especially among young people, was the speed with which the Occupy movement spread. Barely three weeks later, on 9 October, demonstrations were held in more than 950 cities, all across Europe and far beyond. In America, ‘occupy

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, 172, 229, 230, 234–5, 245, 260–1, 281, 282, 292, 327, 407, 408, 417, 418, 499–500, 502, 515 Occupied (television series) 39–40 Occupy movement 181–2 OECD 254 oil 3, 26, 53–4, 55–6, 65–6, 69, 70, 264–5, 267, 291, 292, 326, 328, 477, 493, 515

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; NATO and 260–1, 294, 433; neoliberalism in 26, 29; 9/11 19, 59–60, 63–9, 70, 71, 75; Obama presidency see Obama, Barack; Occupy movement in 181–2; Office of Special Plans 71; Pax Americana 439; populism in see Trump, Donald; presidential election (2016) 381–2, 407–16; presidential election

Fortune's Bazaar: the Making of Hong Kong: The Making of Hong Kong

by Vaudine England  · 16 May 2023  · 308pp  · 122,100 words

in return for the promise of continued freedoms—and Hong Kongers were on the streets for a record seventy-nine days in their self-styled “Occupy” movement. They were peacefully angry at the perceived loss of those freedoms, and the breaking of promises to allow a free choice of leaders. 41 The

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in failure to understand Hong Kongers’ unique culture, 237 mass exodus from, 257 mass protests in, 251–52, 253–54 National Security Law in, 254 Occupy movement in, 252 pro-democracy protests in, 246 Special Administrative status of, 4 Hong Kong, under Japanese occupation, 187–89, 191–214, 238 atrocities in, 191

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Noronha and Co., 28–29 North, R. A. C., 225 on Kotewall’s cooperation with Japanese, 229–30 Northcote (Governor), 184 Nowrojee, Dorabjee, 136, 198 Occupy movement (Hong Kong), 252 O’Connor, T. P., 123 Odd Volumes Society, 118 Odell, Harry, 150 Odell, Sophie Weill, 150 Ohel Leah Synagogue, 82 Olson, Ellen

The Inner Lives of Markets: How People Shape Them—And They Shape Us

by Tim Sullivan  · 6 Jun 2016  · 252pp  · 73,131 words

economy tend to be distributed according to a “power law.” (Power law distributions will often generate extreme inequality, making Pareto an unlikely hero of the Occupy movement.) Most memorably, though, he used his mathematical skills to extend Smith’s invisible hand arguments, introducing a particular criterion by which economists could assess social

Scotland’s Jesus: The Only Officially Non-Racist Comedian

by Frankie Boyle  · 23 Oct 2013

our viable eggs with a Dyson crevice tool to mix in a huge breeding pond to create the next generation of wage slaves? Maybe the Occupy movement was the last glimmer of hope, a chance to generate a few stories to tell in the sex camps. Two hundred and fifty people took

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get printed. The last five years or so have been a time of increasing conformity. News stories are presented to us differently now. During the Occupy movement, just like with the eviction of travellers from Dale Farm, we were presented with no characters – and actually almost no images of the protest – making

Money: The Unauthorized Biography

by Felix Martin  · 5 Jun 2013  · 357pp  · 110,017 words

problems—they have built up over decades. The crisis just exposed them and made them worse. I know you’ll laugh if I mention the Occupy movement or the indignados of Madrid—but these people are asking a question which seems perfectly sensible if you just look at the bare statistics: is

Inequality and the 1%

by Danny Dorling  · 6 Oct 2014  · 317pp  · 71,776 words

their resentment through resistance. That resistance is spreading, and is expressed in many ways, from street demonstrations to the graffiti and other art of the Occupy movement. London is where financial deregulation began, in the 1980s. It is London that benefited most, and it is in London that those with some of

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.5 Life Expectancy of Women aged sixty-five in the UK In Puerta del Sol, Madrid’s central square, on 7 June 2011 – before the Occupy movement took off elsewhere – a young woman who joined the indignados tried to explain what it felt like to make her voice heard: ‘It’s impossible

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of Professional Development, 25 February 2014, at cipd.co.uk. 33. As revealed by Canadian data, a proxy for the US/UK. S. Breau, ‘The Occupy Movement and the Top 1 Per Cent in Canada’, Antipode, 27 August 2013, at onlinelibrary.wiley.com. 34. Official website of the British Monarchy, at royal

Uneasy Street: The Anxieties of Affluence

by Rachel Sherman  · 21 Aug 2017  · 360pp  · 113,429 words

issue on the national stage.26 The 2008 housing market collapse and the subsequent “Great Recession” brought economic struggles front and center. In 2011 the Occupy movement’s critique of “the 1 percent” dominated even the mainstream media. In 2014 French economist Thomas Piketty’s 700-page book on inequality became a

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rapidly, pushing nonwealthy people farther into the outer boroughs. Issues of wealth and inequality are also extremely visible in the city. It is where the Occupy movement first appeared in the United States in 2011. Activists took over Zuccotti Park, in the heart of the financial district, thrusting these issues into the

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inseparable from extreme inequality, which is both pernicious to society and itself immoral? To some extent recent public discourses critical of inequality emerging from the Occupy movement, the Fight for Fifteen struggle for a $15 minimum wage, and the Bernie Sanders presidential campaign have raised exactly these questions. As we have seen

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as “normal,” 33, 73; parenting and, 198–99, 209–10, 228; popular culture and, 232; and self-identification as wealthy, 142 Obama, Barack, 43, 51 Occupy movement (protests against inequality), 10, 13, 51–52, 59, 236 “old money,” 12, 252, 271n14; vs. “new elite,” 14–15 “one percenters,” 13–14, 40–41

The New Tycoons: Inside the Trillion Dollar Private Equity Industry That Owns Everything

by Jason Kelly  · 10 Sep 2012  · 274pp  · 81,008 words

contend that they are not part of Wall Street, a point made repeatedly during the depths of the financial crisis, during the height of the Occupy movement, and to every regulator or legislator who would listen during all of that time, the debt part of the equation inextricably ties buyout firms to

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