Gaming the Vote: Why Elections Aren't Fair (And What We Can Do About It)
by William Poundstone · 5 Feb 2008
• Wall Street· Ross Perot· Larry King· nude photos· George H. W, Bush· Bill Clinton· Bob Dole· POWs • Vietnamese· Black Panthers· Ed Rollins • FDR • Harry Levine· Ralph Nader· Hiroshima· AI Gore· Lewis Carroll • Tweedledee • Tweedledum • George W. Bush· Michael Moore· John McCain • Karl Rove· Mother Teresa· universal negatives· Tarek Milleron • Cadillac tail Iins
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enough votes from one of the from-runners to hand the election to his rival. This happened in the 2000 presidential race, when Green candidate Ralph Nader tipped the balance from AI Gore to George W. Bush in Florida, and thus determined the election. Vote splitting is an invisible hand misguiding the
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been more acute. Vote splitting is increasingly part of campaign strategizing. In 2004 Republican donors briefly made headlines by funding a nationwide effort to help Ralph Nader make state ballots. The hope was that Nader would again take crucial votes from the Democratic candidate (John Kerry), perhaps winning a state or two
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that when people's political views fall on a linear, liberal-to-conservative spectrum, the paradox of voting cannot occur. Let the three candidates be Ralph Nader, Al Gore, and George W, Bush. There are six possible ways of ranking the three candidates, though not all of them make political sense. Whatever
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any "irrelevant" third-party C. To give one final example, the obvious one, whether AI Gore beats George W. Bush should not depend on whether Ralph Nader is in the race. As both the figure-skating and the political examples show, people can get pretty upset when this condition is violated. You
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the electoral college as well as by the imponderables common to any game of historical make-believe. Pundits have routinely assumed that a majority of Ralph Nader voters in 2000 "would have" voted for AI Gore. They're supposing that, had Nader's plane crashed a few days before the election, most
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there is no better illustration of that than the 2000 election. Harry Levine is a sociologist at Queens College. An ardent liberal, he long admired Ralph Nader and had used one of Nader's books in his classes. But Levine was alanned at the prospect of Nader becoming a spoiler in the
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line. Bush and Cheney were real right-wingers, he said. AI Gore and Joe Lieberman were far from perfect, but anyone who cared about what Ralph Nader stood for had to find them preferable. Moore nodded without saying much. Levine went on. There should be a website telling progressives in which states
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ultimately withdrew from the race and endorsed his fanner opponent. But he likely would have beaten Gore more decisively than Bush was able to do. Ralph Nader had a hard time keeping political consultants. Like a Mafioso, he had decided he could trust only blood. He had anointed a nephew, Tarek Milleron
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stonily refused to endorse them. "We opposed it," Nader's campaign manager Theresa Amato explained. "Our campaign theme was, vote your conscience, not your fears. Ralph Nader's position was that people should vote for who they want and not engage in elaborate schemes." A week before the election, California auorney general
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religious right was left unsaid. Fortunately for George W. Bush, Harry Browne and Pat Buchanan together polled less than a third of the votes that Ralph Nader did. In the final days of the race, Buchanan stopped campaigning in battleground states. He chose not to risk being responsible for a Gore victory
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most shocking line came from from Michael Dukakis: 'Til strangle the guy with my bare hands." The longtime foe of capital punishment was talking about Ralph Nader, of course. For weeks, Nader campaign workers had existed in a bubble of denial. They hoped that Gore would win, Bush would lose, and Nader
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states. Ultimately, the Supreme Court ruled on procedural details of the Florida count, Bush won by five electoral votes (and lost in the popular vote). Ralph Nader's 2,883, I05 votes were concentrated in liberal states on the coasts that Gore already had locked up. There are only two states where
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- low the Green Party's plans for the 2004 presidential election. They were to be disappointed. The Greens nominated David Cobb, and Cobb was no Ralph Nader. The media scarcely paid any attention. Better news for the Bush reelection campaign was that Nader was running again, this time as an independent. Nader
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. Derek Lee, of a company called Lee Petitions, told blogger Max Blumenthal that two of Sproul's canvassers were paid to collect signatures to get Ralph Nader on the Arizona ballot. Blumenthal contacted the two canvassers (Aaron James and Diane Burns) by phone. Both were "dearly nonplussed; when asked if they were
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be costing Karl Rove any sleep-yet," wrote Salon's Fred Clarkson. "But the chance that the popular conservative judge could do to Bush what Ralph Nader did to AI Gore in 2000-split his ideological base, and cost him the presidency-has analysts crunching numbers and weighing Moore's chances." In
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Bush's hold on Colorado and Oregon, too, to the benefit of John Kerry. "It's time for Democrats to stop shaking their fists at Ralph Nader," wrote Timothy Noah, "and to start flattering and cajoling /'vIoore. They need this man to run for president." Noah proposed that Bill Clinton favor Moore
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dishonest about this. A nice feature of approval voting is that no one betrays a favorite. The voter can always vote her conscience. Jackie loves Ralph Nader, will settle for Al Gore, and definitely doesn't want George W. Bush. She can cast an approval vote for Nader, confident that it will
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. This suggests that most would be happy with a zero-to-ten scale. A minority of voters did use the full resolution. One voter gave Ralph Nader a one out of one hundred, for instance. A three-valued system called "evaluative voting" has been proposed by D. S. Felsenthal, Claude Hillinger, and
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; the Republican party of Alaska, the Reform Party, the Green Party, the Libertarian Party, and the Democratic parties of California, Colorado, Maine, and Massachusetts. Even Ralph Nader has given IRV the nod, which is something like a spirochete endorsing penicillin. "I'm in favor of trying it," he told Time magazine in
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example. Smith has said that, in the 2004 presidential election, he would have cast this range vote (on a scale of zero to one hundred): Ralph Nader, John Kerry, and David Cobb (Green Party): one hundred points each. George W. Bush, Michael Peroutka (Constitution Party): zero points each. Michael Badaranik (Libertarian), Roger
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era, delights in its failings, and schemes to recover power. Eventually the pendulum does swing the other way. And even that's not so bad. Ralph Nader was candid enough to admit what many on the left and right must feel inside. When you're on a mission from God, it sometimes
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'}', May 1990, 88-89, Budoff, Carrie (2006). "Santorum Calls Casey a 'Thug' in Residency Flap." PhiuuieJphm Daily News, May 20, 2006, Buchanan, Pal, and Ralph Nader (2004). "Ralph Nader: Conservatively Speaking," The American Consen'ative, June 21, 2004. Bueno De Mesquita, Bruce, and Kenneth Shepsle (201)1). "William Harrison Riker, "Washinglon, D,C.: Nalional
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, Levin, j., and Barry Nalebuff, (1995). "An Introduction to Vote-counting Schemes." jour' nal of Economic Perspectivel9, no. I 3-26. Levine, Harry G, {2004}. "Ralph Nader as Mad Bomber," www.hereinstead.comlRalphNader-As-Mad-Bomber.htmL Lines, Marjorie {1986}, "Approval Voting and Strategy Ana[ysis: A Venetian Example." TheOf}'unJ Decision
Reaganland: America's Right Turn 1976-1980
by Rick Perlstein · 17 Aug 2020
judge in the South, Frank Johnson, to head the FBI, and an antiwar activist, Sam Brown, to head the Peace Corps. That enraged Washington conservatives. Ralph Nader had first met Jimmy Carter in an Atlanta hotel room early in the primary season. He announced, back then: “Jimmy Carter is something special.… I
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as a “dog eat dog” world that “cares too little about the individual.” Another major factor, however, was the emergence of a single determined individual. Ralph Nader was born in 1934 to Lebanese-American parents who ran a restaurant in industrial Winsted, Connecticut. They were Antiochian Greek Orthodox Christian—but the true
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person who sold the most books today for Mr. Nader was the Senator from Nebraska.” * * * THE BUMPTIOUS GENTLEMAN FROM NEBRASKA was not, it soon arrived, Ralph Nader’s only harasser. While he was working on Unsafe at Any Speed, Nader had complained to friends that strange men were following him. That an
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company. That, the night before his congressional testimony, at the $80-a-month boardinghouse where he rented a room, he got several harassing phone calls. Ralph Nader had always been an odd duck. Now his friends wondered whether he might actually be insane. Then, a journalist discovered that General Motors had hired
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a detective agency to spy on him. GM denied involvement—before admitting they had merely “initiated a routine investigation… to determine whether Ralph Nader was acting on behalf of litigants or their attorneys in Corvair design cases pending against General Motors.” That Nader might be acting on principle had
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York Times bestseller list. The National Highway Traffic and Motor Vehicle Safety Act passed the Senate and the House unanimously. (“When they started looking in Ralph Nader’s bedroom, we all figured that they must be really nervous,” a senator explained. “We began to believe that Nader must be right.”) Lyndon Johnson
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change the world. It had once been said that what was good for General Motors was good for the U.S. That was the attitude Ralph Nader laid to rest—for approximately a decade, that is, until business started getting class conscious. * * * IDEALISTIC YOUNG LAWYERS FLOCKED TO the organizations Nader began forming
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I first came here.” There were now eighty-six public interest law firms in the capital, half founded since 1968. The Massachusetts attorney general placed Ralph Nader’s name on the 1976 Democratic presidential primary ballot and said he wouldn’t remove it unless Nader said he would not serve as president
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that most witnesses at Senate regulatory hearings represented industry, introduced a bill to establish a cabinet-level Department of Consumer Affairs. It went nowhere. When Ralph Nader revised it a decade later he proposed a striking innovation: an agency funded at a mere $15 million per year—compared, say, to the $203
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) sent a mass mailing warning that the Senate was about to pass a law that “permanently federalizes and subsidizes the consumer movement as conceived by Ralph Nader.” The Grocery Manufacturers of America sent out “Businessmen’s Responsiveness Kits” on the “Nader Enabling Act” with form letters to send to Capitol Hill railing
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this supposedly spontaneous outburst of concern had been drummed up by the trade groups spreading false information. And in the next Congress, impaneled in 1973, Ralph Nader was able to fight back by assembling ninety-five major firms, like Levi-Strauss and Gulf & Western, to lobby for his side. He was taking
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scandal sheet, of the sample pieces he sent them one was a jeremiad against the consumer bill—“which really should be called the Friends of Ralph Nader Act.” The consumerists were hardly concerned. The other side had a washed-up, extremist former governor. They had the guest host of Saturday Night Live
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reason for the declining profit of U.S. corporations was that fewer and fewer people wanted to buy their products: so much easier to blame Ralph Nader than their failure to build a better widget. Be that as it may: after a decade of pummeling by liberals, the denizens of America’s
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, and child in America, a congressional conservative seriously proposed they be investigated for bribery. As the consumer side grew increasingly dispirited, long-submerged complaints about Ralph Nader began surfacing: his arrogance, his insistence on making perfection the enemy of the good, his eagerness to cast his critics into the outer darkness: “Ralph
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bill, which was scheduled for a vote in the House on February 8—the challenge the president now appeared the least interested in fighting for. Ralph Nader visited the White House with a list of twenty-four undecided congressmen. Carter rang up six of them, got six hard no’s, and gave
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from Wisconsin explained. “He can’t ignore them. Any time you give him an expression of how they feel, he’s going to think twice.” Ralph Nader’s hubris helped the anti-Nader cause. Democratic Representatives Pat Schroeder of Colorado and Mark Foley of Massachusetts had voted for the consumer agency in
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primary.” A corporate lobbyist gloated that from now on one wouldn’t “have to feel ashamed as a member of Congress to vote against something Ralph Nader wanted.” The media described it as a spontaneous anti-government uprising: “Representatives were listening to their constituencies, and what they were hearing signaled some real
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, and after that, and after that. * * * RONALD REAGAN CELEBRATED THE DEFEAT of the consumer bill with a victory column. Consumerism, he wrote, was “swimming upstream.” Ralph Nader would “no doubt come back thundering on one issue or another, but will anybody listen?” Reagan himself was doing quite a bit better. His newspaper
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one company. Each “rule-making” process under Magnuson-Moss was a monumental endeavor, requiring years of research and thousands of pages of testimony. By 1978 Ralph Nader’s old friend and ally Pertschuk was riding herd on more than seventeen of them, with at least a dozen more in prospect. One would
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demands for instant gratification, usurping parental authority to decide what their children should eat—what politician would go to bat against that? Pertschuk boasted to Ralph Nader that he had discovered his Chevy Corvair. Nader strenuously disagreed. He said the issue would not galvanize the public—and that “if you take on
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from the old left, which I think is killing the country, than I’ve ever seen from the New Right,” singling out the followers of Ralph Nader.) When an undecided Republican, John Danforth of Missouri, broke for the treaties in response to McIntyre’s speech, political handicappers wondered whether it wasn’t
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he joined Robert Bartley’s Wall Street Journal’s board of editorial contributors. In one of his regular features there, written at the height of Ralph Nader’s reign of terror, he offered a plan of action. “Some corporate executives seem to think that their corporate philanthropy is a form of charity
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putting downward pressure on profit margins. Aggressive labor settlements with cost of living adjustments built in were driving an inflation that threaten profit margins further. Ralph Nader’s minions were still out there, demanding more and more costly regulation. Unions, given an inch, might decide it was time to start demanding a
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money spent by a corporation was a form of free speech, guaranteed by the First Amendment. The second was a gut-punch to one of Ralph Nader’s favorite laws, the Occupational Safety and Health Act. That case involved an air-conditioning company in Pocatello, Idaho, owned by one Ferrol G. “Bill
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mislead: it sounded like the trusted Nader-linked organization Citizen Action. Ronald Reagan conferred his blessings upon the fiction in a radio commentary that November: “Ralph Nader’s various enterprises,” he said, were “launched with indignant attacks on various straw men,” hitching “their indignant wagon to the college student’s idealistic star
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the poor, but we’ve ripped off the middle class. We have to change the country in a new direction and help our working people.” (Ralph Nader’s Tax Reform Research Group said that, actually, under the Republican plan families making $20,000 to $30,000, in the dead center of the
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only carried signs. They read, “We do not wish to harm you. We only wish to set-in [sic].” It was only because of a Ralph Nader–like concern for employee safety that the invaders were able to get inside the main embassy building, the chancery. Following the February breach, its windows
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were one of the reasons voters in Southey, Cicero, and Milwaukee were so angry—and blamed racial scapegoats for their plight. The truth, however, which Ralph Nader had been arguing since 1965, was that the decline was almost entirely of American industry’s own making. America’s Big Three automakers—General Motors
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a “fanaticism,” his hometown Atlanta Journal-Constitution observed, “that only a starved dog can understand when it spots a foundling lamb.” 39. 40. 41. 42. Ralph Nader (First Image) was a folk hero from the left. His unbroken train of victories constraining corporate power had people talking him up for president all
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. On John Connally: James Reston Jr. On George H. W. Bush: John Meacham. On John Anderson: Jim Mason. On Three Mile Island: Natasha Zaretsky. On Ralph Nader: Justin Martin. On Roone Arledge: Travis Vogan. On conservative think tanks: Jason Stahl. On energy: Daniel Horowitz and Meg Jacobs. On New York City: Jonathan
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Jones-Hennin, John Judis, Fred Kaplan, Cricket Keating, David Keene, Lew and Joanne Koch, Sharon Lerner, Christopher Lydon, Dr. Stanley Margulies, Joseph McCartin, Bill Moyers, Ralph Nader, Adam Nagourney, Emi Nakamura, Melanie Nathan, David Neiwert, Allen Nichols, Howard Park, Michael Pertschuk, Samuel Popkin, David Rubenstein, Frank Schaeffer, Robert Scheer, Adele Stan, Roger
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found that “The Denim Inaugural.” “If, after the inauguration” HE, December 18, 1976. William Simon ENIR, November 27, 1976. Frank Johnson HE, January 1, 1977. Ralph Nader Justin Martin, Nader: Crusader, Spoiler, Icon (New York: Basic Books, 2002), 180. “old-line, money establishment” HE, December 18. 1976. redneck brother “A Brotherly Good
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: The 100-Year War Between Monopoly Power and Democracy (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2019), 325. Frederick Donner Vogel, Fluctuating Fortunes, 43. college seniors Ibid., 54. Ralph Nader Justin Martin, Nader: Crusader, Spoiler, Icon (New York: Basic Books, 2002), passim. “barely contained fury” Pertschuk, Revolt Against Regulation, 32. New York Times acknowledged “Lawyer
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, 44; Pertschuk, Revolt Against Regulation, 21. “nut behind the wheel” Pertschuk, Revolt Against Regulation, 41. “second collision” Ralph Nader, Unsafe at Any Speed (New York: Dunlop & Grossmans, 1965), Chapter Three. “written almost exclusively” “Statement by Ralph Nader Before the Senate Subcommittee on Executive Reorganization,” Traffic Safety: Examination and Review of Efficiency, Economy, and Coordination
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at David; Individual Conscience Soars,” WP, March 27, 1966; Vogel, Fluctuating Fortunes, 45; Halberstam, The Reckoning, 491. New York Times profiled “Man in the News: Ralph Nader,” March 23, 1966. “one of the bedrocks” “The Corvair Caper,” WP, March 26, 1966. “When they started looking” Vogel, Fluctuating Fortunes, 45. $425,000 legal
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York: Dial Press, 1971). Children begged Dr. Seuss, The Lorax (New York: Random House, 1971). Gore Vidal published Gore Vidal, “The Best Man, 1972: Would Ralph Nader Buy a Used Office from this Country?” Esquire, June 1971. Mike Royko’s readers Green, Bright, Infinite Future, 59. Bryce Harlow “Advertising: Nixon Aide on
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Successful Fight Against a Federal Consumer Protection Agency,” MSU Business Topics 27 (Summer 1979), 45–57. Ralph Nader’s hubris Ibid.; Walter Guzzardi Jr., “Business Is Learning How to Win in Washington,” Fortune, March 27, 1978, 36; Ralph Nader, “ ‘Mushy Liberals’ Slide Away,” Philadelphia Daily News, October 3, 1977; ever since 1962 Vogel, Fluctuating
We the Corporations: How American Businesses Won Their Civil Rights
by Adam Winkler · 27 Feb 2018 · 581pp · 162,518 words
the freedmen, but Conkling and the Southern Pacific Railroad pushed the Supreme Court to use it to protect the rights of corporations. In the 1970s, Ralph Nader won a landmark case on behalf of consumers that established a First Amendment right to advertise—a right that corporations, including tobacco and gaming companies
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confidence” in corporate leaders, but by 1974–1976, that number had dropped precipitously to 20 percent.2 The unquestioned leader of the reform movement was Ralph Nader, a tireless populist advocate for curbing corporate power whom Newsweek magazine featured on its cover dressed as a knight in shining armor. Time magazine called
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1970s has been well documented, one aspect of that transformation warrants closer examination: how the remade court dealt with the constitutional rights of corporations. Both Ralph Nader and Lewis Powell would play starring roles in that drama. Nader and his advocacy group Public Citizen spearheaded a landmark case on behalf of consumers
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, “The need is for greater protection—not of criminals but of law-abiding citizens.”8 Another issue about which Powell had very rigid views was Ralph Nader’s progressive reform movement. Like Sinclair Lewis’s Babbitt, Powell still believed in the promise and potential of business, even as it faced new regulations
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Street Journal. One editorial Sydnor sent focused on perhaps the most publicized conflict of the era between a reformer and big business—the battle between Ralph Nader and General Motors. Nader became America’s most famous anticorporate crusader thanks to the bumbling way that General Motors, America’s biggest car company, tried
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“equal time” for pro-business views demanded; and “scholarly articles” on the benefits of capitalism should be produced and disseminated widely to shape Americans’ attitudes. RALPH NADER CAME TO REPRESENT THE MOVEMENT TO REFORM AMERICAN BUSINESS IN THE 1960S AND 1970S. To win this war of ideas required business to greatly enhance
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, was how influential the Powell Memorandum would turn out to be for both the Chamber and the country.15 * * * IN 1969, AT THE HEIGHT of Ralph Nader’s popularity, his father Nathra, a Lebanese immigrant, was asked about the activist’s exceptional record of defeating America’s most powerful corporations. “We’re
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of almost 650 percent. Without going from pharmacy to pharmacy, patients would never know there was a cheaper alternative.20 ALAN MORRISON (LEFT), WHO LED RALPH NADER’S CONSUMER ADVOCACY LITIGATION GROUP, DEVELOPED AN INNOVATIVE AND INFLUENTIAL THEORY OF FREE SPEECH THAT ULTIMATELY HELPED COMMERCIAL SPEAKERS. Morrison learned of Jordan’s survey
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read to call into doubt advertising bans by other professionals, like physicians and lawyers. Lewis Powell was not one to lean instinctively in favor of Ralph Nader and Public Citizen, and he explicitly disagreed with the listeners’ rights theory of the First Amendment. During deliberations in the pharmacy case, Powell jotted down
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over the referendum process in Massachusetts, enabled him to write his vision of politically active business corporations into the First Amendment of the Constitution. And Ralph Nader and Alan Morrison’s victory in the Virginia Pharmacy case would help him do it. * * * THE CONTROVERSY OVER MASSACHUSETTS’S referendum process had begun years
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in the deliberations over Virginia Pharmacy that he did not believe that listeners had a “right to know,” he could nonetheless use Alan Morrison and Ralph Nader’s theory, developed in the context of individuals, to keep Blackmun’s vote and win broader rights for corporations.60 The idea to focus on
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and after his appointment to the Supreme Court. When he wrote the Powell Memorandum in 1971, the law was moving in the progressive direction of Ralph Nader, and business interests were on the defensive. Yet Powell’s passionate cri de coeur gave voice to the prevailing fear within the business community—and
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motto, “In the Case of The Government v. Business, NCLC Is Your Strongest Ally,” the Chamber’s litigation arm fought for free enterprise the way Ralph Nader and Alan Morrison’s Public Citizen Litigation Group fought for consumers. The NCLC filed cases and amicus briefs seeking to restrict class actions, limit punitive
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comes from a corporation rather than an individual.” Here the Supreme Court was following the listeners’ rights theory of the First Amendment first proposed by Ralph Nader’s Public Citizen Litigation Group in the Virginia Pharmacy case and then applied to corporate speech in ballot measure campaigns by Powell. If the speech
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memorandum to the Chamber of Commerce outlining how business could better defend its interests. 1976: Virginia Pharmacy Board v. Virginia Citizens Consumer Council – Siding with Ralph Nader’s consumer rights group, the Supreme Court adopts the listeners’ rights theory of free speech to protect commercial speech. 1978: First National Bank of Boston
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Transformation of American Law, 1870–1960: The Crisis of Legal Orthodoxy (1992), 80. 14. See Horwitz, The Transformation of American Law, 1870–1960, 83–87; Ralph Nader et al., Taming the Giant Corporation (1976), 52. 15. See Dobson, Bulls, Bears, Boom, and Bust, 203; Geisst, Wall Street: A History, 100, 106; Charles
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Perspective, ed. Thomas K. McCraw (1981), 155, 162. On faith in industry, see Thomas Byrne Edsall, The New Politics of Inequality (1985), 113. 3. “Meet Ralph Nader,” Newsweek, January 22, 1968, cover, 65; “The U.S.’s Toughest Customer,” Time, December 12, 1969, cover, 89. 4. On the Powell Memorandum and its
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, Stormy, Rumpled, Relentless Week on the Road with Ralph Nader,” Life, January 21, 1972, 45; Jack Doyle, “GM & Ralph Nader, 1965–1971,” PopHistoryDig.com, March 31, 2013, available at http://www.pophistorydig.com/?tag=ralph-nader-time-magazine; Barbara Hinkson Craig, Courting Change (2004), 1–32. See Ralph Nader, Unsafe at Any Speed: The Designed-In Dangers of
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the American Automobile (1966). 11. Justin Martin, Nader: Crusader, Spoiler, Icon (2002), 57. 12. See Doyle, “GM & Ralph Nader”; “The U.S.’s Toughest Customer
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,” Time, December 12, 1969, 89. 13. Charles McCarry, Citizen Nader (1972), 29; Doyle, “GM & Ralph Nader” (quoting the Washington Post); McCarry, “Relentless Week,” 91; “Nader’s Zenith,” Washington Post, August 30
Moral Ambition: Stop Wasting Your Talent and Start Making a Difference
by Bregman, Rutger · 9 Mar 2025 · 181pp · 72,663 words
legendary photograph. 2 On a Friday evening in November 1968, a young lawyer addressed a full lecture hall at Harvard Law School. His name was Ralph Nader and his message was clear: you’re about to throw your life away. The average law student, said Nader, is being conditioned into spending the
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: Princeton, Harvard, Yale. A movement that wouldn’t fight for the haves, but for the have-nots. Not for big business, but for the people. Ralph Nader, the son of Lebanese immigrants, knew the cause needed dogged individuals – people who were willing to throw themselves into the fight and weren’t afraid
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evening in 1968, there’s an alternative. Let’s first go through his life story, because it’s full of fantastic anecdotes. Like Arnold Douwes, Ralph Nader was a zero – but a zero in a suit instead of an overall. At fourteen, he was already reading long transcripts of Congressional debates, and
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50,000 Americans died in traffic accidents every year, and car manufacturers were doing next to nothing to make their vehicles safer. Car safety became Ralph Nader’s first mission. He wrote a ripper of an indictment targeting the auto industry and one manufacturer in particular: General Motors. The industry giant topped
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a bestselling book – mercilessly exposed the problems with the Chevrolet Corvair, a car that seemed designed to kill its driver.6 General Motors soon saw Ralph Nader as Public Enemy No. 1. Management sicced private investigators on him, who proceeded to tap Nader’s phone and hire prostitutes to damage his squeaky
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. The CEO of General Motors was called before the Senate to testify on the matter in a televised hearing, where he apologised to the young Ralph Nader. Five months later, President Lyndon B. Johnson signed the Traffic Safety Act and the Highway Safety Act into law. lbj signs two road safety bills
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as nader looks on, read the headline in the Washington Post.7 It’s not overstating things to say that Ralph Nader’s name should be on every seatbelt in every American car. In 2015, a couple of traffic experts calculated that these two federal laws had
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much done), the British movement was powered by merchants and businessmen. 4 Pragmatic revolutionaries can make all the difference – something you also see reflected in Ralph Nader’s next career moves and the cult he founded in the 1960s. After his victory over General Motors, Nader continued to work as a one
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. We need protesters in the streets and bookworms in the bureaucratic trenches who can take what Nader started and run with it. In September 2015, Ralph Nader was back on campus at Harvard Law. Much had changed since his day. The law students then were almost all white men; now, the student
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this chapter: Is he going to talk about the havoc Nader wreaked in 2000? And you’re right, there’s more to his story. If Ralph Nader had retired in the early 1990s, he would have gone down in history as one of the greatest Americans of all time. But today, his
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as the 43rd president of the United States. Bush had defeated Al Gore in Florida by the thinnest of margins: 537 votes. Mention the name Ralph Nader today, and many Americans think of the dramatic outcome of the November 2000 election. That, and everything that came out of the Bush administration: tax
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us to the most important lesson of the next chapter. 4 See winning as your moral duty God spare me the purists. Joe Biden on Ralph Nader in November 2000, a few days after the presidential election Al Gore lost 1 When it comes to the question of how cults can change
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(and largely neglected) challenges are things we can tackle, as long as we land on the right approach. Think Thomas Clarkson’s struggle against slavery, Ralph Nader’s crusade against General Motors, or Rob Mather’s fight against malaria. Such triple-S challenges offer untold new prospects for doing good. And that
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– the harnessing of the almost limitless energy of the sun for the uses of civilization.’ Despite this enthusiasm, little was invested in the technology. As Ralph Nader put it in the seventies, ‘The use of solar energy hasn’t been opened up because the oil industry doesn’t own the sun.’58
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else dared cut a cheque. Or Bill Gates, who paid for developing a malaria vaccine when government and business weren’t interested. ‘In our past,’ Ralph Nader once said, ‘rich people donated essential money for the anti-slavery, women’s right to vote, and civil rights movements.’43 American abolitionists were generously
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Attack on Big Government and the Remaking of American Liberalism, W.W. Norton (2021), p. 25. 4 Mark Green, ‘How Ralph Nader Changed America’, The Nation (1 December 2015). See also: Ralph Nader, ‘On Harvard Law School and Systems of Justice in America’, YouTube (14 September 2015), from 6:35. 5 See: ‘fortune 500
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: 1965 Full list’, cnn Money. 6 Ralph Nader, Unsafe at Any Speed: The Designed-In Dangers of the American Automobile, Grossman (1965). 7 Sabin, Public Citizens, p. 31. 8 ‘On 50th Anniversary of
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Ralph Nader’s Unsafe at Any Speed, Safety Group Reports Declining Death Rates Have Saved 3.5 Million Lives’, Center for Auto Safety (1 December 2015). 9
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the British Parliament: Volume I, R. Taylor & Co. (1808), p. 571. 24 That’s how the New York Times put it, in Patrick Anderson’s ‘Ralph Nader, Crusader: Or, the Rise of a Self-Appointed Lobbyist’, New York Times Magazine (29 October 1967). 25 For these five lessons of Nader’s and
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Their Game…’, New York Times (21 March 1971). 40 Sabin, Public Citizens, p. 88. 41 Thomas A. Stewart and Darienne L. Dennis, ‘The Resurrection of Ralph Nader’, cnn Money (22 May 1989). 42 Quoted in: time, Vol. 108, Issue 19 (1976), p. 41. 43 Martin, Nader: Crusader, p. 203. See also: Nicholas
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. 163. 49 Nader, ‘On Harvard Law School and Systems of Justice in America’, YouTube (14 September 2015), from 17:20. 50 ‘An Open Letter To Ralph Nader’, https://web.archive.org/web/20010415013029/ http://www.nadersraidersforgore.com/printversion.htm. This letter is accessible on the Wayback Machine. 51 Lisa Chamberlain, ‘The Dark
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Side of Ralph Nader’, Salon (1 July 2004). Chapter 4 1 That was my suggestion as well – too simplistic, I’m afraid – in the final chapter of an earlier
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: Jenna Goudreau, ‘Dustin Moskovitz, The Second-Youngest Billionaire In America, Discusses What It Feels Like To Be Filthy Rich’, Business Insider (1 October 2014). 43 Ralph Nader (2020), ‘What it takes to create social change against all odds’, ted.com, from 18:21. 44 Harper’s Magazine, Issue 142 (February 1921), p
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Taking its Money Away’, Vox (17 March 2022). 38 Leopold Aschenbrenner, ‘Nobody’s on the Ball on agi Alignment’, forourposterity.com (29 March 2023). 39 Ralph Nader, ‘Selling Our Children’, The Good Fight: Declare Your Independence and Close the Democracy Gap, Regan Books (2004). 40 Emmanuelle Maitre and Pauline Lévy, ‘Becoming a
The Cigarette: A Political History
by Sarah Milov · 1 Oct 2019
For those publics, there would be no recourse—yet. Advertising the Public Interest By the time the Cigarette Advertising Code went into effect in 1965, Ralph Nader had become a household name. More than any other individual, Nader was responsible for a powerful critique of private interest government as morally corrupt and
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of colorfully titled monographs in 1970 that hammered home the critique of agency capture: The Interstate Commerce Omission, The Chemical Feast, The Vanishing Air.77 Ralph Nader was far from the only young lawyer energized by the prospects of using litigation in service of environmental and consumer advocacy. In 1966, a twenty
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in the form of highway deaths or polluted rivers, were attracting more scrutiny and drawing a crowd. Ralph Nader’s morally upright shadow threatened to extend the reach of the ruling. “Automakers may now expect the ‘Ralph Nader Hour’ devoted to scaring the bejabbers out of drivers,” opined the Indianapolis News. “What of other
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likewise.”116 In 1968, ASH raised $75,000.117 For all its star-powered sponsorship, ASH was essentially a one-man outfit. Calling himself the Ralph Nader of tobacco, Banzhaf sought to become the pole star of the anti-tobacco movement. And where Nader had his Raiders—student activists who volunteered to
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seeking, irreverence, and, not infrequently, irrelevance. These were charges that Banzhaf embraced. Banzhaf’s personal and philosophic mien was fundamentally more pragmatic than that of Ralph Nader, who was an ascetic idealist, total in his commitment to consumer causes. And Banzhaf’s approach was decidedly more ad hoc than those of the
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1965 bill, observed that by 1969 many senators had stiffened their resolve to take on tobacco. “A great deal has happened since 1965,” she wrote. “Ralph Nader, for one, has happened, and a number of politicians have learned that defending the consumer is good politics.”149 That same year, New York City
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petition, which shared official cover with a Banzhaf-authored ASH petition, arrived at the FAA hot on the heels of a more stringent proposal by Ralph Nader. Citing concerns about fire safety and passenger health, Nader petitioned for an all-out ban on cigarettes, pipes, and cigars on or near aircraft—“a
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skills of an appellate lawyer rather than a broad critique of bureaucracy, industrial concentration, or consumer protection. Though he was frequently referred to as the “Ralph Nader of smoking,” Banzhaf and his bandits did not establish a multipronged assault on tobacco’s political power through muckraking investigations, think tanks, or citizen-lobby
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, repeal of vagrancy, obscenity, and sodomy laws—with their demand for the regulation of public smoking. Anthony Roisman, a young public interest lawyer who represented Ralph Nader in his fight against airline smoking, addressed the Interagency Council at a 1970 conference. Neither a scientist nor a member of a public-health organization
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a Net to Build a Web Now repeat after me: There is no tobacco subsidy. —Jesse Helms, 1981 IN 1975, the Health Research Group of Ralph Nader’s organization, Public Citizen, published a report titled, “Federal Support against the Public Health: The 60 Million Dollar Tobacco Subsidy.” It laid out the case
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of Nader’s Public Citizen Reports. The report appeared at the high tide of the consumer movement in the United States—and the pinnacle of Ralph Nader’s political prominence as its prophet.3 “Nader Group Says Tobacco Price Supports Spur Cancer Deaths,” read the New York Times headline. The Washington Post
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reprieve from the political scrutiny of their crop.6 Sure, candidate Carter had vowed in his campaign to appoint regulators “that would be acceptable to Ralph Nader.”7 And President Carter made good on this promise, appointing more than sixty consumer, health, and safety activists to important administrative posts—including elevating Michael
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pulpit, and by the early 1980s, he was recognized as the industry’s most formidable foe on Capitol Hill—“something special,” in the words of Ralph Nader, and “a very dangerous adversary,” in those of a Philip Morris attorney.24 Republicans had traditionally posed more of a threat to the interests of
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flights. With the airline smoking ban, the nonsmokers’ rights movement had come full circle. Debates about public smoking began on airplanes, when John Banzhaf and Ralph Nader both proposed in-flight smoking regulations. During the 1970s, ASH was largely devoted to ensuring that the Civil Aeronautics Board was enforcing the smoking restrictions
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). 74. W. H. Orrick, Department of Justice, June 17, 1964, Lorillard Records, source unknown, UCSF Library, https://www.industrydocumentslibrary.ucsf.edu/tobacco/docs/pfcl0010. 75. Ralph Nader, Unsafe at Any Speed: The Designed-in Dangers of the American Automobile (New York: Grossman Publishers, 1965), ix, iv. 76. “G.M. Apologies for Harassment
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GW Advocate, June 8, 1975. 18. Aviation Daily, December 19, 1969, American Tobacco Records, UCSF Library, https://www.industrydocumentslibrary.ucsf.edu/tobacco/docs/zhbl0075. 19. Ralph Nader, Petitioner to Honorable John H. Shaffer, December 7, 1969, R. J. Reynolds Records, UCSF Library, https://www.industrydocumentslibrary.ucsf.edu/tobacco/docs/nfhf0003. 20. John
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. See Christopher Ketcham, “The Great Republican Land Heist,” Harper’s Magazine, February 2015. 122. Although scholars have noted the extent to which Charles Reich and Ralph Nader animated Powell’s defense of free enterprise, his reaction to the fairness ruling has gone unremarked upon. For a succinct explication of the Powell Memo
Pivotal Decade: How the United States Traded Factories for Finance in the Seventies
by Judith Stein · 30 Apr 2010 · 497pp · 143,175 words
had no members at all, only lobbyists. Of the rest, 57 percent had no structure that elicited public opinion.11 The best example was the Ralph Nader organization Public Citizen, founded in 1971 to represent the consumer, uncontaminated by special interests. Public interest advocates claimed that public policies affected many who were
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, representing factions of the McGovern coalition. Not even for their own candidate would they discipline their desire. Once control was broken, delegates nominated Jerry Rubin, Ralph Nader, Archie Bunker, Mao Tse-tung, and many others. Ironically, it was the Wallace delegation from Alabama, not the McGovern group from New York, which shifted
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in 1973. The new president of the Chamber of Commerce, Edward B. Rust, had some nice things to say about that scourge of American capitalism, Ralph Nader. Nader, who first became famous battling mighty General Motors over automobile safety, led numerous investigations documenting corporate misdeeds and government negligence. But now Rust concluded
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became, could U.S. regulators meet the new economic and technological conditions? Conservatives said no, only markets can produce efficiency. Some on the left, like Ralph Nader, also said no, believing that the regulatory commissions were inevitably dominated by the industries they regulated. Senator Edward Kennedy agreed. Kennedy called “the New Deal
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type and that causes some problems with economic issues.”56 Many identified with the public interest movement, not with traditional labor or civil rights organizations. Ralph Nader, the father of public interest politics, had contemplated a run for the presidency in 1976, and Nation magazine endorsed him in 1975. Nader did not
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opportunities to extend and complete the welfare state, Democrats overreached. The UAW and Senator Ted Kennedy attempted to hammer out a national health care bill. Ralph Nader’s public interest empire had been working since 1969 to establish a consumer agency. Each measure failed for many reasons, but underlying it all was
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did not reform enough; business did not like the remaining reforms, which increased the taxes of foreign subsidiaries and reined in deductions for business expenses. Ralph Nader endorsed the revenue-raising measures and opposed the business tax cuts.71 Groups targeted specific parts; for example, the restaurant and hotel industry claimed that
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first was the antigovernment strain from the New Left and New Politics. The second was the social democratic impulse from the unions. Alfred Kahn and Ralph Nader represented the first and Lane Kirkland the second. Kahn and Nader’s suspicions of government rested upon Samuel Huntington’s theory of agency capture, offered
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without industrial experience. For his economist he named Robert Solow or Gardner Ackley, both Keynesians who were neoclassical when it came to the microeconomy.126 Ralph Nader opposed the Economic Revitalization Board for similar reasons. Nader’s principal animus was the corporation.127 Because he believed that corporations dominated government and corrupted
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,” Sept. 11, 1980, file 9/17/80 [1], box 205, Staff Secretary papers, Jimmy Carter Library and Museum, Atlanta, Ga. 127. Esther Peterson, “Meeting with Ralph Nader,” Sept. 18, 1980, file. 9/18/80 [1], box 205, Staff Secretary papers, Jimmy Carter Library and Museum, Atlanta, Ga. 128. New York Times, Sept
Who Stole the American Dream?
by Hedrick Smith · 10 Sep 2012 · 598pp · 172,137 words
startling increase in the influence of special-interest lobbies…. Partly because of this influence, Congress itself is becoming increasingly balky and unmanageable.” Target #1—Ralph Nader Consumer activist Ralph Nader was the first target to feel the potent new challenge of the corporate mutiny against the political status quo. For several years, Nader’s
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a vote, most of the newly elected Democrats bolted against party discipline and rejected the bill. The business strategy worked. What the White House and Ralph Nader had expected to be an easy win turned into a disastrous defeat in the House. The idea of a powerful consumer agency was buried for
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the next three decades. Target #2—Organized Labor Having beaten President Carter and Ralph Nader on their first big showdown, the business forces were ready for a test of strength against a politically more organized and more formidable foe, organized
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took U.S. economic growth for granted, and they wanted higher standards, better quality, and greater transparency from industry. More than any other single person, Ralph Nader put middle-class consumer activism on the political map. A public figure of no small ego, Nader knew how to work the press, the public
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” On the other side was a liberal coalition of organized labor, women’s groups, civil rights organizations, Common Cause (the nonprofit public advocacy group), and Ralph Nader’s Public Citizen. They favored a smaller, middle-class-friendly tax cut. In a TV ad campaign, the AFL-CIO attacked President Bush for spending
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massive grassroots civil rights demonstrations. The act removes legal obstacles to the right to vote for African Americans, especially in southern states. 1965—Consumer advocate Ralph Nader publishes his searing attack on U.S. auto industry, Unsafe at Any Speed, charging automakers with marketing defective cars, and giving consumer activism new political
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the pivotal 95th Congress under President Jimmy Carter and the Democrats, business shows its new political muscle. Its lobbyists block organized labor’s legislation and Ralph Nader’s push for a consumer protection agency. They win deregulation of airlines, railroads, and trucking. They get Congress to reject Carter’s plan to close
The Economists' Hour: How the False Prophets of Free Markets Fractured Our Society
by Binyamin Appelbaum · 4 Sep 2019 · 614pp · 174,226 words
that the American economic system is under broad attack.” Powell’s memo was a catalog of woes: Capitalism, he said, was threatened by radicals like Ralph Nader who wanted the federal government to protect consumers. It was threatened by environmentalists, by liberals who favored higher taxes, by college students whose minds were
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beer; by 1980, the top four firms brewed 67 percent.47 And economists pointed out the price of beer had steadily declined. Consumer advocates like Ralph Nader increasingly took the existence of large corporations for granted; rather than trying to break companies apart, they sought to strengthen federal regulation. The rise of
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good prediction. Some on the political left had come to agree with Stigler that Americans might benefit from less regulation. The most influential figure was Ralph Nader, the slender zealot who had emerged as the icon of the nascent consumer movement. Nader had made his reputation campaigning for more health and safety
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most striking shifts was his emphasis on Americans as consumers, rather than Americans as workers. During the 1976 presidential campaign, he accepted an invitation from Ralph Nader to address a gathering of consumer advocates, telling them, “Consumers will now have a voice in the Oval Office.” He skipped the Labor Day rally
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years to reduce road deaths by emphasizing the personal responsibility of drivers, but the very word “accident” implies the limits of that approach. In 1965, Ralph Nader’s bestselling book, Unsafe at Any Speed, reshaped the public debate. Nader argued accident victims were hurt not by the initial crash but by the
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burdensome to protect people from the hazards of pollution.”50 House Democrats also staged a hearing to air their grievances with cost-benefit analysis, inviting Ralph Nader to provide the entertainment. He did not disappoint, decrying what he called the “ideological arithmetic” of elitists who lived in “air-conditioned buildings.”51 Carter
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other steel mills. “Alternative sources of supply,” Friedman wrote in the book that accompanied the series, “protect the consumer far more effectively than all the Ralph Naders of the world.”52 And Friedman’s view was about to become government policy. “Good evening,” Ronald Reagan told the cameras a few weeks after
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the early years of excitement. He wrote his senior thesis on “The Economic Evaluation of Water Resources Projects,” and then landed a job working for Ralph Nader, co-authoring Damming the West, a 1973 critique of the government’s penchant for building walls across western rivers. The book did not offer the
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for a fixed percentage of the growing economic output of Germany or Japan. “The Japanese in particular have done more for the American consumer than Ralph Nader ever thought of doing,” the Chicago-trained economist Martin Bronfenbrenner told a congressional committee in 1971.7 The Japanese were pleased, too. Toyota’s president
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be required to post signs in the windows of their branches: “Warning: Savings Deposits May Be Dangerous to Your Wealth!” The campaign was backed by Ralph Nader and the AARP, among other consumer groups.12 President Carter, broadening his commitment to economic deregulation, asked Congress in May 1979 to phase out rate
The Last Tycoons: The Secret History of Lazard Frères & Co.
by William D. Cohan · 25 Dec 2015 · 1,009pp · 329,520 words
bonds (a product he railed against) or equity offerings. No frustration with not being a private-equity investor. The Big Boys, a 1986 book by Ralph Nader and William Taylor, referred to Felix as "the interstitial man," someone who gets in the middle of things. Raymond Troubh, a former Lazard partner, was
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the antitrust settlement documents in court, beginning a mandatory thirty-day public review period. Reuben Robertson, a brilliant young lawyer who had been working with Ralph Nader from the start to block the ITT-Hartford merger, wrote McLaren on September 21 objecting to the antitrust settlement: "We wish to object most strongly
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ruled twice. The federal courts in Connecticut had ruled repeatedly on the matter of ITT and antitrust. The state courts in Connecticut had ruled on Ralph Nader's lawsuits. The House of Representatives had conducted hearings into boxes of purloined ITT documents. The Senate Judiciary Committee had dredged up the whole sordid
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Review and was soon named its managing editor. In this role, he began to intersect with the consumer advocate, ITT nemesis--and future presidential candidate--Ralph Nader, and he was an active member of Nader's famous study groups. Improbably, Bruce was a Nader's Raider. Bruce and Nader's top Raider
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takeover battle using tender offers. In another, Bruce wrote about the role of antitrust laws in mergers and took a dig at his former mentor Ralph Nader and the very observations he had himself made before he went to Wall Street. Bruce was still only a vice president at First Boston when
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Mezzacappa, Jerry Rosenfeld, Nat Gregory, Ken Jacobs, and Kim Fennebresque. Thanks are also due to Patrick Gerschel, Vernon Jordan, Arthur Sulzberger Jr., Pete Peterson, and Ralph Nader--for being so generous with their recollections, insights, and opinions. Of course, there were at least a hundred other people in England, France, and the
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memoir: Robert E. Rubin and Jacob Weisberg, In an Uncertain World (New York: Random House, 2003). "I thought": Ibid., p. 88. "a group of important": Ralph Nader and William Taylor, The Big Boys: Power and Position in American Business (New York: Pantheon, 1986); and Andy Serwer, "Can Lazard Still Cut It?" Fortune
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11, 1984; and Dan Dorfman, "Probing a Mysterious Suicide at Lazard Freres," New York, February 11, 1985, p. 15. "I think there were three people": Ralph Nader and William Taylor, The Big Boys: Power and Position in American Business (New York: Pantheon, 1986), p. 214. John A. Grambling Jr.: The account of
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: Beacon Press, 1970). "He damned well better have": Interview with Killin, March 2, 2006. "He always had a lot of fish to fry": Interview with Ralph Nader, June 27, 2005. "I remember him saying": Interview with Killin, March 2, 2006. collaborated on another book: Mark J. Green with Beverly C. Moore Jr
Death of the Liberal Class
by Chris Hedges · 14 May 2010 · 422pp · 89,770 words
set out to write history, not myth. He found that challenging these myths, even as a historian, turned one into a pariah. The descent of Ralph Nader, from being one of the most respected and powerful public figures in the country to being an outcast, illustrates perhaps better than any other narrative
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was collaboration. We provided the newsworthy material. They covered it. The legislation passed. Regulations were issued. Lives were saved. Other civic movements began to flower. “Ralph Nader came along and did serious journalism. That is what his early stuff was, such as Unsafe at Any Speed,” the investigative journalist David Cay Johnston
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Court, wrote a memo in August 1971 that expressed corporate concern over Nader’s work: “Perhaps the single most effective antagonist of American business is Ralph Nader, who—thanks largely to the media—has become a legend in his own time and an idol of millions of Americans.” Powell goes on to
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Sixties: The Life and Times of the Underground Press (New York: Citadel Press, 1991), 142. 25 Edward Herman and Noam Chomsky, Manufacturing Consent, 300. 26 Ralph Nader, interview, Washington, DC, March 30, 2010. 27 David Cay Johnston, interview, by phone from Rochester, New York, March 7, 2010. 28 Lewis F. Powell, “Attack
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on th eAmerican Free Enterprise System,” U.S. Chamber of Commerce, August 23, 1971, http:www.reclaimdemocracy.org/ corporate _acountability/Powell_memo_lewis.html. 29 Ralph Nader, in Henriette Mantel and Steve Skrovan, Directors, An Unreasonable Man, Submarine Entertainment, 2006. 30 Warren P. Strobel, “Dealt a Setback, Bush Now Faces a Difficult
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this book; Dud and Jean Hendrick, who let us stay in their cottage on Deer Isle in Maine; Bernard Rapoport, Peter Lewis, and Jean Stein; Ralph Nader, whom I am proud to have supported for president; Robert Jensen, Larry Joseph, Steve Kinzer, Sami and Laila al-Arian, Peter Scheer, Ann and Walter
Tailspin: The People and Forces Behind America's Fifty-Year Fall--And Those Fighting to Reverse It
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Make Your Own Job: How the Entrepreneurial Work Ethic Exhausted America
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The Quiet Coup: Neoliberalism and the Looting of America
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Empire of Illusion: The End of Literacy and the Triumph of Spectacle
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The Rise and Fall of the Neoliberal Order: America and the World in the Free Market Era
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Abundance
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The Code: Silicon Valley and the Remaking of America
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Free to Choose: A Personal Statement
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The Wrecking Crew: How Conservatives Rule
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The Economics Anti-Textbook: A Critical Thinker's Guide to Microeconomics
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So You've Been Publicly Shamed
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Propaganda and the Public Mind
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The America That Reagan Built
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Evil Geniuses: The Unmaking of America: A Recent History
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Culture works: the political economy of culture
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Culture and Prosperity: The Truth About Markets - Why Some Nations Are Rich but Most Remain Poor
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The Bill Gates Problem: Reckoning With the Myth of the Good Billionaire
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The Great American Stickup: How Reagan Republicans and Clinton Democrats Enriched Wall Street While Mugging Main Street
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The Centrist Manifesto
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The Deal of the Century: The Breakup of AT&T
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One Less Car: Bicycling and the Politics of Automobility
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The Right to Earn a Living: Economic Freedom and the Law
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Affluenza: The All-Consuming Epidemic
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Fighting Traffic: The Dawn of the Motor Age in the American City
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Days of Destruction, Days of Revolt
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What's Left?: How Liberals Lost Their Way
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The Problem of Political Authority: An Examination of the Right to Coerce and the Duty to Obey
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Phishing for Phools: The Economics of Manipulation and Deception
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The Darwin Economy: Liberty, Competition, and the Common Good
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How the World Works
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What's the Matter with White People
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American Foundations: An Investigative History
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Energy: A Human History
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The Partly Cloudy Patriot
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Global Spin: The Corporate Assault on Environmentalism
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Dark Money: The Hidden History of the Billionaires Behind the Rise of the Radical Right
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