Red Clydeside

The People: The Rise and Fall of the Working Class, 1910-2010

by Selina Todd  · 9 Apr 2014  · 525pp  · 153,356 words

to riot. William Gallacher served three months on the same charge. Gallacher, who was later to become a prominent Communist MP, was one of the ‘Red Clydesiders’ who had first come to the attention of police and politicians in 1915, when these shipbuilding workers and their wives organized rent strikes and walkouts

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political life, the council organized a banquet for workhouse residents, and the rioters received light sentences, reflecting the authorities’ fear of repercussions. In Glasgow the Red Clydesiders did not achieve all they hoped for but their actions checked the avaricious ambitions of their employers and landlords. In this climate many politicians cast

To the Ends of the Earth: Scotland's Global Diaspora, 1750-2010

by T M Devine  · 25 Aug 2011

labour relations became more tense. This was symbolized by the foundation of the Scottish Trades Union Congress in 1897. But the later militant image of ‘Red Clydeside’ did not at all fit the west of Scotland in earlier decades. The Glasgow Cotton Spinners’ Union had successfully resisted the introduction of self-acting

The Myth of the Blitz

by Angus Calder  · 28 Jun 2012  · 434pp  · 127,608 words

. Knox, ed., Scottish Labour Leaders 1918–39: A Biographical Dictionary, Mainstream (Edinburgh) 1984, 119. 14 R.J. Morris, review of I. McLaine, The Legend of Red Clydeside, in Scottish Economic and Social History, vol. 4, 1984, 90–1. 15 C. Harvie, No Gods and Precious Few Heroes: Scotland 1914–1980, Edward Arnold

Scots and Catalans: Union and Disunion

by J. H. Elliott  · 20 Aug 2018  · 811pp  · 160,872 words

it had similar polarizing consequences. Many condemned the strikers as unpatriotic revolutionaries for going on strike in wartime, and agitators earned the enduring name of ‘Red Clydeside’ for the dockyards. The strikers, for their part, would neither forget nor forgive the alliance between the Liberal Party and the bosses. Meanwhile, another mass

The Making of Modern Britain

by Andrew Marr  · 16 May 2007  · 618pp  · 180,430 words

to meet and exchange ideas. She was not an artist or a painter, but Garsington made her a player in the world of radical chic. Red Clydeside There were worse worlds for revolutionaries, and more serious revolutionaries too. In the final days of a freezing November in 1923 in a grimy street

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went. Between 1918 and 1922 there was a sharp rise in the Labour vote, particularly in Glasgow, Sheffield and Manchester. Of the rebel leaders of ‘Red Clydeside’, Shinwell would end up as secretary of state for war, John Wheatley would become health minister in the first Labour government, responsible for a useful

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should be taken to the Tower of London and shot. He was a founder of the Independent Labour Party (ILP), to which most of the ‘Red Clydesiders’ belonged, and a member of it for nearly forty years. When he stood for Woolwich, the London trams carried posters on the side asking blankly

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proved so ineffective in grappling with the growing demands for home rule, and left it to a wide coalition of outsiders and mavericks instead. Though ‘Red Clydeside’ was overblown, socialism in Scotland had caught on strongly and early. The Independent Labour Party was a predominantly Scottish creation, and Glasgow sent a stream

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Kibbo Kift; and John Hargrave addressing a rally of his Greenshirts. Lady Ottoline Morrell: flamboyant, big-hearted – and betrayed. Garsington Manor, Ottoline’s paradise. The Red Clydeside riots: police keeping the road clear during the Battle of George Square. The studied personification of English calm; but Stanley Baldwin was slightly more interesting

Vanished Kingdoms: The Rise and Fall of States and Nations

by Norman Davies  · 30 Sep 2009  · 1,309pp  · 300,991 words

factories there were closed down before 1939. Persistent unemployment bred radical politics, and the epithet of ‘Little Moscow’ was coined to match that of adjacent ‘Red Clydeside’. In the 1950s the run-down district was used to locate several of Glasgow’s largest projects of overspill housing. Forty and fifty years on

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, 164, 166–9, 173, 181, 183, 184 Red Army 89, 301, 302, 382–7, 446, 478, 479, 618, 631, 702, 705, 710, 712, 713, 714 Red Clydeside 40 Red Cross 421 Red Ruthenia 268, 346 Redemption of Christian Captives, Order for 181 Redl, Alfred 471–2 Refit Site One 40 Reged-ham

The Defence of the Realm

by Christopher Andrew  · 2 Aug 2010  · 1,744pp  · 458,385 words

’ the strike wave at Clydeside munitions factories in the early spring of 1916.67 Though there is little doubt about the Club’s support for ‘Red Clydeside’, it is unlikely to have had a significant influence on the strikes. There were, however, widespread suspicions in Whitehall that subversive forces were at work

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–7. Cook, M: MI5’s First Spymaster, pp. 266–7. 67 ‘Revolutionary Agencies at Work’, pp. 62ff., TNA KV 1/43. 68 McLean, Legend of Red Clydeside, ch. 7. 69 ‘Historical Sketch of the Directorate of Military Intelligence during the Great War of 1914–1919’, p. 13, TNA WO 32/10776. Biographical

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details on Labouchere in interwar MI5 Who’s Who. 70 McLean, Legend of Red Clydeside, p. 83. 71 Ibid., p. 84. 72 CX 491, 16 Sept. 1916, TNA KV 2/1532. 73 Thomson, Scene Changes, p. 312. E. F. Wodehouse

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., The Swastika outside Germany (Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 1979) McLaine, Ian, Ministry of Morale (London: Allen & Unwin, 1978) McLean, Ian, The Legend of Red Clydeside (Edinburgh: J. Donald, 1983) McMahon, Paul, ‘Covert Operations and Official Collaboration: British Intelligence’s Dual Approach to Ireland during the Second World War’, Intelligence and

Vanished Kingdoms: The History of Half-Forgotten Europe

by Norman Davies  · 27 Sep 2011

factories there were closed down before 1939. Persistent unemployment bred radical politics, and the epithet of ‘Little Moscow’ was coined to match that of adjacent ‘Red Clydeside’. In the 1950s the run-down district was used to locate several of Glasgow’s largest projects of overspill housing. Forty and fifty years on

A History of Modern Britain

by Andrew Marr  · 2 Jul 2009  · 872pp  · 259,208 words

members. Manny Shinwell had been a tailor’s boy in London’s East End before moving to Glasgow and emerging as a moving force on ‘Red Clydeside’. He was a stirring speaker and veteran MP but when handed the task of nationalizing coal and electricity, he found there were almost no plans

Brit-Myth: Who Do the British Think They Are?

by Chris Rojek  · 15 Feb 2008  · 219pp  · 61,334 words

unskilled workers into traditional models of collective organization that supported Parliamentary representation rather than the overthrow of Parliament. The establishment expressed similar fears over the ‘Red Clydeside’ (1910–32) group of labour leaders, such as John MacLean, William Gallacher and James Maxton, and also over the General Strike of 1926; but it

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is untenable to regard either as a genuine revolutionary force. The Red Clydesiders knew their Marx and Engels, and they were accused of sedition by the establishment. But overwhelmingly they followed the traditional path of working class agitation

Making It Happen: Fred Goodwin, RBS and the Men Who Blew Up the British Economy

by Iain Martin  · 11 Sep 2013  · 387pp  · 119,244 words

Scotland’s Jesus: The Only Officially Non-Racist Comedian

by Frankie Boyle  · 23 Oct 2013

Glasgow: The Real Mean City

by Malcolm Archibald  · 31 Mar 2013  · 258pp  · 85,971 words