affirmative action

Against the Machine: On the Unmaking of Humanity

by Paul Kingsnorth  · 23 Sep 2025  · 388pp  · 110,920 words

, cling to the two-parent family as a source of stability in a turbulent world, resist experiments with “alternative lifestyles,” and harbor deep reservations about affirmative action and other experiments in large-scale social engineering.’[13] In this short paragraph, Lasch predicted the rise of twenty-first century Western populism long before

The Means of Prediction: How AI Really Works (And Who Benefits)

by Maximilian Kasy  · 15 Jan 2025  · 209pp  · 63,332 words

for the welfare of those who are worse off, and thus bad for equality of welfare. Consider now instead what happens if some form of affirmative action is instituted, for instance to compensate for the current gender imbalance among hired workers: The algorithm is tweaked to give women a higher chance of

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being invited for job interviews and therefore being hired. Such affirmative action is unambiguously bad for fairness, according to standard definitions, because tweaking the algorithm in this way is bad for profits. In Becker’s terminology, this

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affirmative action involves non-monetary considerations, which is his definition of discrimination. What about welfare? Women can be expected to gain from this tweak to the algorithm,

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Page numbers in italics indicate figures. Acemoglu, Daron, 103, 132, 150 adaptive designs, 59 adversarial attacks/perturbations, 177–78, 184–85 advertising. See online advertising affirmative action, 173 agency problems, 128, 130, 194, 195 aggregation: in measuring social welfare, 75, 171; in protecting privacy, 138 AI ethics: corporate role in, 97–98

Blank Space: A Cultural History of the Twenty-First Century

by W. David Marx  · 18 Nov 2025  · 642pp  · 142,332 words

once championed antiestablishment rebellion, the alt-right recast progressive institutions as oppressive forces. The Black liberal president became “the Man,” feminists were labeled “bullies,” and affirmative action was derided as “reverse racism.” Many white men began to frame themselves as an oppressed group, with 55 percent of white Americans in 2017 claiming

The Passenger - India

by AA.VV.  · 19 Feb 2020  · 213pp  · 59,862 words

discriminazione basato sulla discendenza – scopre che la sua identità è stata rubata da un uomo «di casta alta» che cerca di approfittare dei vantaggi della affirmative action, un insieme di politiche create per compensare le discriminazioni subite dai dalit. Nel terzo racconto, che ha un fondo di realismo magico, una famiglia cerca

Rationality: What It Is, Why It Seems Scarce, Why It Matters

by Steven Pinker  · 14 Oct 2021  · 533pp  · 125,495 words

to be true. The same thing happens when the conclusion is politically congenial: If college admissions are fair, then affirmative action laws are no longer necessary. College admissions are not fair. Therefore, affirmative action laws are necessary. If less severe punishments deter people from committing crime, then capital punishment should not be used. Less

The New Class War: Saving Democracy From the Metropolitan Elite

by Michael Lind  · 20 Feb 2020

. The second are policies that include skills training or retraining for unsuccessful native white men. Class-neutral, race-based policies in the United States include affirmative action in hiring, government set-asides for specified groups in contracting, and gerrymandering of congressional districts to create majority-minority districts likely to elect a member

The Color of Money: Black Banks and the Racial Wealth Gap

by Mehrsa Baradaran  · 14 Sep 2017  · 520pp  · 153,517 words

hierarchy, which meant an almost categorical exclusion of blacks from government subsidies. The bulk of the New Deal reforms can accurately be described as “white affirmative action" because state resources were used to provide direct financial advantages to white Americans at the expense of other racial groups.1 And this outcome was

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happen, all the government deposits ended up costing banks more than they were worth. Another piece of the Nixon administration’s black capitalism program was affirmative action, which was initiated by the Equal Employment Opportunity Office (EEOC) with the aim of encouraging companies to hire more black employees.103 The 1969 Philadelphia

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“voluntary goals." It did this across a variety of businesses that had government contracts, and it encouraged other businesses to prioritize hiring minorities. In supporting affirmative action, Nixon claimed that “jobs are more important to the Negroes than anything else." This was obviously not true, but while asking businesses to provide jobs

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was not politically popular, it was an acceptable compromise in a politically fraught climate. Nobody lobbied for affirmative action, and no one had demanded it. It was a weak compromise position meant to throw a bone to the black middle class and deal with

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black militants without spending too much politically or financially.105 According to historian John David Skrentny, “Affirmative action was legitimated very quickly, in a matter of a few years, in a very turbulent time, and by a variety of people pursuing very different

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goals."106 Affirmative action would be fiercely attacked by Nixon’s own Republican Party until it was almost fully dismantled. It was more vulnerable than black capitalism because it

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cost whites more, and it would become the epicenter of a white backlash that claimed it was “reverse discrimination." All the black capitalism programs, including affirmative action, relied primarily on the voluntary participation of private firms and government agencies. But these companies and agencies had no experience with this type of social

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a large part of the black community—the moderates. This group was neutralized by superficial concessions from the administration. The concessions were black capitalism and affirmative action. Nixon masterfully adopted and co-opted the black radicals’ demand for power and then used it against them by turning it into a vague yet

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Reagan’s Women’s Business Ownership Act of 1988 mandated that the SBA provide additional aid to female-owned enterprise.46 Black capitalism initiatives and affirmative action had begun as a politically neutralizing response to one of the biggest racial uprisings in history, but now these programs encompassed business support for all

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of the Court upheld race-based preferential treatment in university admissions, but rewrote the underlying premise of affirmative action in the process. Justice Lewis Powell held that the only “compelling state interest" that could justify affirmative action was increasing “diversity."47 It was no longer a legitimate state interest to create programs meant to

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interest of the highest order" and warned that a “[failure] to do so is to ensure that America will forever remain a divided society."49 Affirmative action for the sake of diversity survived, but the obvious theory that blacks had suffered past injustices that continued to cause present problems did not. Neither

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shifting preferences based on inherently unmeasurable claims of past wrongs."50 King’s confused legacy was often wielded as a potent weapon in opposition to affirmative action programs. When Attorney General Edwin Meese tried to eliminate minority hiring goals in 1986, he said that his plan was “very consistent with what Dr

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. King had in mind." When Louisiana Governor Mike Foster signed an executive order eliminating affirmative action in his state, he said, “King sort of believed like I do. I can’t find anywhere in his writings that he wanted reverse discrimination

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, this is not surprising. If the CDFI fund was rooted in the black capitalism model, the Community Reinvestment Act (CRA) was rooted in the original affirmative action model. Its justification was to remedy a history of discriminatory redlining, and its mission was to require mainstream banks to lend a fair portion of

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loans to the ghetto. Although redlining had been based on explicit racial discrimination, the CRA had to be designed to be color-blind. Much like affirmative action, the act has been one of the most vilified of banking laws, even as it was criticized by civil rights groups as “toothless" in counteracting

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it does not achieve nearly enough and another group that believe it requires too much.103 As a result, the resemblance to affirmative action in college admission is striking. Much like affirmative action, there is a perceived feeling that institutions are being forced to hire lower-quality employees or make lower-quality loans to

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. Schools should only select students based on academic merit, and banks should only lend based on profitability. Affirmative action and the CRA, their detractors claim, conflict with a natural meritocracy or an efficient market. Affirmative action opponents claim that the pool of minority applicants perform worse than white applicants, and therefore when underperforming minority

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any guide, the answer is, unfortunately, no. Or at least, not yet.178 Epilogue A history of racism institutionalized through slavery, sharecropping, Jim Crow, white affirmative action, redlining, job discrimination, and white flight created self-reinforcing cycles of segregation and poverty. These institutions were often violent, extractive, and openly condoned, but their

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Print Press," in Fighting for the Farm: Rural America Transformed, ed. Jane Adams (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003), 113-128. 130. Ira Katznelson, When Affirmative Action Was White: An Untold History of Racial Inequality in Twentieth-Century America (New York: W. W. Norton, 2005), 20-22. 131. Farm Act of 1916

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the New Deal and the Fair Deal era of the 1930s and 1940s were crafted and administered in a deeply discriminatory fashion." Ira Katznelson, When Affirmative Action Was White (New York: Norton, 2005), 17, 51. See also Ira Katznelson, Fear Itself: The New Deal and the Origins of Our Time (New York

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: Liveright Publishing, 2013). 2. Katznelson, When Affirmative Action Was White, 17-20. Manning Marable, Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention (New York: Viking Press, 2011), 168. Mike Royko, Boss: Richard J. Daley of

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Chicago (New York: Penguin, 1988), chap. 7. 3. Katznelson, Fear Itself; Katznelson, When Affirmative Action Was White, 8-9; Robert Caro, Master of the Senate (New York: Random House, 2009), 215. 4. Katznelson, When

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Affirmative Action Was White, 60. 5. Caro, Master of the Senate, 93. 6. Katznelson, When Affirmative Action Was White, 48. 7. Ibid., 37. 8. “Fully 65 percent of African Americans fell outside the reach of the

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York: Quill, 1999), 439. 31. Ibid. 32. King, Autobiography, 291, 302-307, 326-329. 33. Ibid., 328-329. 34. John David Skrentny, The Ironies of Affirmative Action: Politics, Culture, and Justice in America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), 71. 35. Governor Brown called the rioters “terrorists" and promised to deal with

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War on Poverty to the War on Crime: The Making of Mass Incarceration in America (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press), 71. 36. Skrentny, Ironies of Affirmative Action, 73. 37. Gerald Horne, Fire This Time: The Watts Uprising and the 1960s (Charlottesville, VA: Da Capo, 1997), 36. 38. U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee

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These Rights." 87. Taylor Branch, At Canaan’s Edge: America in the King Years, 1965-68 (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2006). 88. Skrentny, Ironies of Affirmative Action, 105. 89. Julian E. Zelizer, “Fifty Years Ago, the Government Said Black Lives Matter: The Radical Conclusions of the 1968 Kerner Report,” Boston Review, May

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. Zelizer, “Fifty Years Ago.” 105. The National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, The Kerner Report (New York: Pantheon Books, 1988), 1. 106. Skrentny, Ironies of Affirmative Action, 99. 107. Branch, At Canaan’s Edge, 560. 108. Wil Haygood, Showdown: Thurgood Marshall and the Supreme Court Nomination That Changed America (New York: Alfred

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York: Broadway Books, 2006), 3. 120. Stokely Carmichael, “What We Want," New York Review of Books, September 22, 1966, 5-6, 8. Skrentny, Ironies of Affirmative Action, 74. 121. James Baldwin, The Fire Next Time (New York: Vintage International, 1963), 21. 122. Peniel Joseph explains that Carmichael was Malcolm’s philosophical heir

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Democracy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2015), chap. 7. 102. Blaustein and Faux, Star Spangled Hustle, 203-205. 103. John David Skrentny, The Ironies of Affirmative Action: Politics, Culture, and Justice in America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), 121-125, 142. 104. Kotlowski, Nixon’s Civil Rights, 106. 105. Moynihan had

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a National Program for Minority Business Enterprise," March 5, 1969, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=60475. 55. Jonathan J. Bean, Big Government and Affirmative Action (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2001), 71. 56. Subsection (1)(A) holds that if a bank is privately owned, the 51 percent ownership applies to

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Incentives," 634, 673 (stating that “the vagueness of the CRA has led to arbitrary enforcement"). 104. See generally Richard Sanders and Stuart Taylor, Mismatch: How Affirmative Action Hurts Students It’s Intended to Help and Why Universities Won’t Admit It (New York: Basic Books, 2012). 105. Louis Hyman, Debtor Nation: The

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buy books—more books than I ever thought would be necessary to complete this project. INDEX Abernathy, Ralph, 193 Abrams, Charles, 109 Adichie, Ngozi, 262 Affirmative action, 186, 223-224, 234, 340n47 Affordable Care Act, 262-263 African Methodist Episcopal Church (AME Church), 12 Alabama Penny Savings and Loan Company, 45-46

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for advancement of, 171-176; black power and, 178, 188-190; focus on small businesses, 184-185; and Minority Bank Deposit Program (MBDP), 185; and affirmative action, 186; participation in, programs, 187-188; results of, 188-192; and class tensions, 192-193; banking and, 194-196; black banking and, 196-205; criticism

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, 308nn45,49. See also Harlem Nixon, Richard: and black capitalism, 3, 4, 133, 164-166, 174, 176-184, 206; integration under, 167-171, 327n33; and affirmative action, 186; and results of black capitalism, 188-191, 192; and Robinson’s disenfranchisement with Republican Party, 197; on government interference, 212; campaign tactics of, 213

Whiteshift: Populism, Immigration and the Future of White Majorities

by Eric Kaufmann  · 24 Oct 2018  · 691pp  · 203,236 words

minorities – especially Hispanics and Asians in America – have a vicarious attachment to the white majority and support majority ethnic aims like reducing immigration or resisting affirmative action. As minorities increase in size, an important question for electoral politics is whether they will incline towards ethno-traditional nationalism or multiculturalism. MIGRATION AND ETHNIC

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the 1990s.35 These criticisms shaped intellectual life on the centre-right and informed opposition to bilingualism and affirmative action in the United States. Even so, the multicultural narrative continued in the media while affirmative action was upheld by the courts and practised in elite universities. Events moved more quickly in Europe in the

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to endorse American exceptionalism, the idea that the US was a new type of post-ethnic nation. Most came to approve of Official English, opposed affirmative action and bilingual education and endorsed the need for immigrants to embrace a positive view of American history. They focused squarely on the creedal elements in

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by the radical left did such policies occasionally emerge, and even then they were eventually forced to back down. All European countries eschewed US-style affirmative action in favour of softer minority-inclusion targets. Only in the symbolic sphere, when making official pronouncements about the nation, did rhetoric about multiculturalism and nation

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of phenomena, expanding the scope of a taboo and collapsing the distance between serious and minimal harm. Matters have clearly gone too far when opposing affirmative action and questioning the continued pervasiveness of racism is operationalized by social psychologists as ‘symbolic racism’.57 Social scientists have also developed measures like ‘racial resentment

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share despite forming just 5 per cent of the US population. Yet their sevenfold over-representation is not a news item. As with debates over affirmative action, Asian over-representation doesn’t easily fit the narrative of white privilege.67 THE ‘RELIGION OF ANTIRACISM’ AND NATIONAL IDENTITY The 1960s witnessed, understandably, a

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25 per cent in 2012 and 45 per cent in 2016. Meanwhile surveys picked up a 50 per cent increase in white liberal support for affirmative action, warmer feelings towards minorities and illegal immigrants, and a cooler attitude towards whites.10 In effect, the 2010s represent a renewed period of left-modernist

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As portrayed in figure 8.3, conservatives aimed their fire at the outriders of political correctness rather than the campus itself. This meant campaigning against affirmative action and bilingualism, but not political correctness per se. This time around, things are different. ‘I will assess the facts plainly and honestly,’ promised Trump in

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. I share its pain. Whites generally are not discriminated against, but there are exceptions, such as affirmative action, which could be a source of legitimate white grievance. Here it’s noteworthy that Asian opposition to affirmative action in California is considered legitimate whereas white opposition is not. This is inconsistent. Whites may also lack

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picture of where the divides are. Large divides characterize two types of statement. First, questions identified with party positions, such as building a wall or affirmative action: 72 per cent of those who voted for Hillary Clinton in the sample view Trump’s proposal to build a wall on the Mexican border

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these cases, the incentive for a majority of voters in diverse societies is to strengthen the welfare state, increase tax and implement a kind of affirmative action for majority groups. Sometimes there is violence against rich trading minorities like the Chinese of Indonesia.70 In the US and Europe, by contrast, minorities

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status – a wealthy black person may experience no discrimination but will typically wish to raise the status of her ethnic group. Whites also have concerns. Affirmative action policies, for instance, often discriminate against whites and Asian Americans. When Asians mobilize to defend their interests, this is viewed as a legitimate form of

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writers note, part of our individuality comes from the multi-generational groups we choose to identify with.18 What are white interests? I’ve mentioned affirmative action, but this doesn’t usually apply in Europe. More important is the majority desire to slow immigration to limit cultural dislocation and facilitate assimilation. Critical

Equality

by Darrin M. McMahon  · 14 Nov 2023  · 534pp  · 166,876 words

we all end up at the same place.”15 In some respects, the language of equity is just a new iteration of the logic of affirmative action and the older socialist belief that resources should be tailored to differing needs in the service of providing more equal results. But the clip is

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-Harris, In Pursuit of Equity: Women, Men, and the Quest for Economic Citizenship in 20th-Century America (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001); Ira Katznelson, When Affirmative Action Was White: An Untold Story of Racial Inequality in Twentieth-Century America (New York: W. W. Norton, 2006); Laura Levine Frader, Breadwinners and Citizens: Gender

The Quiet Coup: Neoliberalism and the Looting of America

by Mehrsa Baradaran  · 7 May 2024  · 470pp  · 158,007 words

beyond his capabilities.”1 The impetus for this curious annex to the standard financial data was affirmative action.2 Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act had established the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission to take “affirmative action” to stop employment discrimination. Black leaders and activists had coordinated protests against rampant discrimination in hiring

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and unnecessary because racism was inefficient. Having lost the fight against the passage of the law, neoliberal economists pivoted to making lemonade out of lemons. Affirmative action became the political juggernaut it is today thanks to the Chicago economist George Shultz, who made it a key pillar of Nixon’s Black capitalism

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1969 imposed quotas on federal government hiring and inaugurated a program of minority business procurement—or “set asides”—to “help ethnic groups” start businesses. If affirmative action’s aim was to integrate the workforce, the minority business programs that made up the rest of Black capitalism aimed at maintaining geographic segregation by

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workers. Unionized blue-collar workers were among the New Deal Democrats whom the Nixon administration’s clever weaponization of race turned into free market libertarians. Affirmative action was a political sword to cleanly sever the two key Democratic constituencies—blue-collar workers and minorities—from each other, which, according to some historians

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racial uprisings in the nation’s history in the 1960s, the federal government scuttled any paths toward meaningful reforms with the red herring of affirmative action. Even so, affirmative action became the focal point of a white backlash, animated by accusations of “reverse discrimination.” The mandates had the doubly pernicious effect of providing nothing

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to the intended recipients while giving the impression that special treatment was being granted on account of race. A perfect score on cost-benefit analysis, affirmative action cost the administration nothing, but gave it so much—in just a few years it would even be said to have caused “polarization and racial

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capitalism became a surprising success—not for what it did for Black communities, but for what it did for Nixon’s activation of white resentment. Affirmative action created a façade of special treatment that hid the administration’s actual policy on race, which (as Nixon’s southern strategy dictated) was to preserve

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America’s racial hierarchy while silencing dissenters of that hierarchy. The federal government’s role in affirmative action ended shortly after the initial 1969 push for minority hiring, but it has enjoyed a long afterlife as a renewable source of energy fueling the

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. Then in 1968, the federal government began investigating Allen-Bradley for racially discriminatory hiring policies to which the company responded as had GM, through an affirmative action program. The Bradley brothers felt persecuted by both the federal government and their ungrateful employees, which led them to political activism.33 They used their

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are remembered as moderate compared to the Rehnquist Court’s rightward turn. For instance, Powell sided with the majority in Roe v. Wade and saved affirmative action in Regents of the University of California v. Bakke. But his reasoning, even in opinions where he joined the liberal justices, paved the way for

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decision without alerting the “eastern media” that Brown had basically been overturned. POWELL CREATED another constitutional shield in Bakke in 1978. The case, which concerned affirmative action, was brought by a white candidate who had been rejected from the UC Davis medical school, which reserved sixteen places each year for members of

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a “minority group” and the “economically disadvantaged.” Four members of the Court—Brennan, Marshall, White, and Blackmun—would have upheld affirmative action while Burger, Rehnquist, Stewart, and Stevens would have found it illegal. Powell was the swing justice who determined the case—and the future of

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affirmative action. The case resulted in eight separate opinions, with Powell writing for two different majorities. He joined the conservatives in holding that affirmative action violated the equal protection clause of the Constitution because only a “compelling state interest

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” justified “discrimination” based on race, and affirmative action didn’t meet that bar. In the other majority, Powell joined the liberals in upholding

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the affirmative action program but in a way quite different from what anyone, including UC Davis, his colleagues, or even

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liberals, enough so that Bork, whom Reagan would nominate for Powell’s seat upon the latter’s retirement, called the justices supporting UC Davis’s affirmative action scheme “hard-core racists of reverse discrimination.”49 But in splitting the baby in Bakke, Powell gutted the purpose of

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affirmative action while leaving most people thinking he hadn’t. Like the other rulings in Powell’s quietly devastating oeuvre, his decision in Bakke undercut progress by

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formal laws standing, they challenged their meaning, the history on which they were built, and their effects on the world. The programs that remained, like affirmative action, were rerationalized using formalistic arguments based on a neutral, race-blind doctrine that amounted, effectively, to a sentiment not unlike “All Rights Matter.” Many of

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Toward Gomorrah: Modern Liberalism and American Decline suggested, Bork believed “Western culture” was in a state of collapse due to the gamut of conservative bugaboos: affirmative action, pornography, abortion, feminism, secularism, and more, all attributed to the influence of liberals and the left. As was the case with neoliberal economists, what made

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, was appointed instead. The Federalist Society is first and foremost a powerful networking group in the law—and not just the conservative movement. It is affirmative action for conservative legal scholars to reach the top of the legal field, as scholars, judges, or top government officials. Law students and young scholars are

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that they would spread the wealth to workers through benefits, pensions, and stable salaries, even occasionally participating in important social programs—like Richard Nixon’s affirmative action program. That deal changed during the neoliberal era, but not in the way that it was typically characterized: GM’s deal with the government remained

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, 1970. 2. The term preceded Nixon—it first appeared in President John F. Kennedy’s 1961 Executive Order 10925, which mandated that the government “take affirmative action to ensure that applicants are employed, and that employees are treated during employment, without regard to their race, creed, color or national origin.” Lyndon Johnson

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equal hiring, but neither Democratic president had proposed specific targets. Section 706(g) of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 also allowed courts to order “affirmative action” as a remedy in cases where employers were intentionally discriminating based on race. Specifically, Title VII of this law mandated, “It shall be an unlawful

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Judicial Right (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2016), 85. 15. Anders Walker, “A Lawyer Looks at Civil Disobedience: Why Lewis F. Powell Jr. Divorced Diversity from Affirmative Action.” University of Colorado Law Review 86 (2015): 5. 16. Walker, “A Lawyer Looks at Civil Disobedience,” 6. 17. Nixon, telephone conversation with Mitchell. 18. Nixon

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, 73, 231–32, 236–38, 241, 242, 245, 263 adverse impact, 117 advertising, 26, 38, 106, 108, 110, 113, 209, 352 Aeschylus Prometheus Unbound, 319 affirmative action, 73–75, 89, 106, 124–27, 139, 142, 270, 374–75 Afghanistan, 37, 363 AFL-CIO, 26 Africa, 35, 39, 41, 49, 53, 54, 61

Stories Are Weapons: Psychological Warfare and the American Mind

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The Tyranny of Merit: What’s Become of the Common Good?

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The Case Against Education: Why the Education System Is a Waste of Time and Money

by Bryan Caplan  · 16 Jan 2018  · 636pp  · 140,406 words

The Meritocracy Myth

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Dream Hoarders: How the American Upper Middle Class Is Leaving Everyone Else in the Dust, Why That Is a Problem, and What to Do About It

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We the Corporations: How American Businesses Won Their Civil Rights

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The Identity Trap: A Story of Ideas and Power in Our Time

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