by Mancur Olson
. Those large groups that are organized because of selective incentives may have even slower decision-making. The sluggish movement of wages that are set by collective bargaining is well known. Wage flexibility appears to be particularly great in temporary markets where organization is pretty much ruled out, as in the markets for
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price it believes best, but for the reasons explained in chapter 3 it will seek agreements or arrangements that last for some length of time. Collective bargaining agreements in the United States offer a clear, though perhaps extreme, example of this; they customarily last for three years. Now suppose that there is
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." The codes of fair competition typically required "fair" behavior with respect to output, prices, and various trade prices, and also "fair" wages, hours of work, collective bargaining, and so forth. It is estimated that 95 percent of industrial employees came to be covered by these codes.34 Although the NRA also stipulated
by Eric Posner and E. Weyl · 14 May 2018 · 463pp · 105,197 words
each other, or had sufficient unilateral power, to hold down wages. Beatrice and Sydney Webb, a dynamic pair of late nineteenth-century British Radicals, advocated collective bargaining by workers, arguing that it would make production more efficient by raising wages above the levels that drove workers out of the labor force.43
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power through labor unions, government labor regulation, minimum wages, and other reforms was critical to the further acceleration of productivity.46 Beyond their role in collective bargaining, unions served other functions that helped support the “Fordist” mode of assembly line–based production that prevailed in the twentieth century: they screened and guaranteed
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to vet them, ensure they provide quality data, and help them navigate the complexities of digital systems without overburdening their time. These triple roles, of collective bargaining, quality certification, and career development, are exactly the roles unions played during the Industrial Age. It may be time for “data workers of the world
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Clarke, Edward, 99, 102, 105 Clayton Act, 176–77, 197, 311n25 Clemens, Michael, 162 Coase, Ronald, 40, 48–51, 299n26 Cold War, xix, 25, 288 collective bargaining, 240–41 collective decisions: democracy and, 97–105, 110–11, 118–20, 122, 124, 273, 303n17, 304n36; manipulation of, 99; markets for, 97–105; public
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, 133, 139–40, 142, 144, 161, 164–65, 242, 256, 264–66; capitalism and, 136–37, 143, 159, 165, 211, 224, 231, 239–40, 316n4; collective bargaining and, 240–41; competition and, 145, 158, 162–63, 220, 234, 236, 239, 243, 245, 256, 266; cooperatives and, 118, 126, 261, 267, 299n24; cost
by Thomas Petzinger and Thomas Petzinger Jr. · 1 Jan 1995 · 726pp · 210,048 words
participate in the contract negotiations involving the employees in their jurisdiction, a practice far from routine in labor relations. More commonly the entire affair of collective bargaining was turned over to lawyers and negotiating specialists. But professional negotiators were principally interested in controlling wages, and wages, so far as Southwest was concerned
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filed a legal statement in connection with the proposed takeover saying that if he established control of Continental, “it will be necessary to renegotiate existing collective bargaining agreements.” By this time “renegotiate” was an often-used word in the Lorenzo lexicon—a word whose first five letters made it a cousin of
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repudiated its labor contracts along with its financial obligations, as if its work rules and wage rates were accounts payable. The court ruled that if collective bargaining agreements threatened the claims of other creditors, they could, in fact, be unilaterally abrogated—wiped out, kaput, while the company continued about its business. Bakes
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industry of the 1980s.… Most observers credit him for American’s successful passage through the post-deregulation years … Among his accomplishments [were] negotiation of innovative collective bargaining agreements … automation of travel agencies … creation of new hubs … expansion into key international markets … The curators’ script did not comment on Crandall’s skill at
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to Hate,” by John Schwartz, Erik Calonius, David I. Gonzalez, and Frank Gibney, Jr., Newsweek, Mar. 20, 1989. 100. “build the company”: Quoted in “Peripheral Collective Bargaining at Eastern Airlines,” by Kenneth Jennings, Transportation Journal, Spring 1990. 101. meeting in New York: Bakes 9/7/93 interview. 102. 100 cents: Robinson, Freefall
by Marc Levinson · 1 Jan 2006 · 477pp · 135,607 words
began hiring for half-day shifts, eliminating the single shift that had been a key union achievement. Across the United States, where the right to collective bargaining was not secured in law, shipping and stevedoring companies set out to break dock unions in the years after World War I and largely succeeded
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the dock, the maximum weight of a sling, the equipment they would use, and countless other details related to manning filled page after page in collective bargaining agreements. Shipping interests in Liverpool tried repeatedly to eliminate a practice known as the welt, under which half of each longshore gang left the docks
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evade royalty payments by encouraging shippers to pack their cargo on pallets rather than in containers. “This is a clear-cut threat to our existing collective bargaining agreement and to the royalty program,” he charged in late 1961. Longshore hours worked in December 1961 were down 4 percent from the previous year
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W. Pilcher, The Portland Longshoremen: A Dispersed Urban Community (New York, 1972), p. 41); Pacini and Pons, Docker à Marseille, p. 46; Paul T. Hartman, Collective Bargaining and Productivity (Berkeley, 1969), p. 26; David F. Wilson, Dockers: The Impact of Industrial Change (London, 1972), p. 23. 9. Many of the problems on
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importance of work rules to unions in an industry that relies on casual labor is emphasized by Hartman, Collective Bargaining, p. 41. For examples of the many rules in West Coast ports, see Hartman, Collective Bargaining, pp. 46–72, and Lincoln Fairley, Facing Mechanization: The West Coast Longshore Plan (Los Angeles, 1979), pp.16
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the ILWU, 1935–1977,” interview with Estolv Ethan Ward, 1978 (Berkeley, 1980), p. 803. 12. J. Paul St. Sure, “Some Comments on Employer Organizations and Collective Bargaining in Northern California since 1934” (Berkeley, 1957), pp. 598–609. 13. Louis Goldblatt, “Working Class Leader in the ILWU, 1935–1977,” interviews by Estolv Ethan
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the Ships and Docks. Part One: ‘The Good Old Days’ “(Berkeley, 1978), p. 21; Fairley, Facing Mechanization, p. 48; Hartman, Collective Bargaining, pp. 73–83. 18. Jennifer Marie Winter, “Thirty Years of Collective Bargaining: Joseph Paul St. Sure, Management Labor Negotiator 1902–1966” (M.A. thesis, California State University at Sacramento, 1991), chap. 4
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to a ball game and would come to work at midnight. See Larrowe, Harry Bridges, p. 352. Hartman, Collective Bargaining, pp. 84–88; ILWU, “Coast Labor Relations Committee Report,” October 15, 1957. 19. Hartman, Collective Bargaining, pp. 87–89; Sidney Roger, “A Liberal Journalist on the Air and on the Waterfront,” interview by Julie
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. 20. Fairley, Facing Mechanization, p. 64, discussed how the six-hour day was “perverted” by subsequent practices. For details on the vote, see Hart-man, Collective Bargaining, p. 91. The leadership’s difficulty convincing members on this issue is evident from a cartoon appearing in the Dispatcher, the ILA newspaper, showing a
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. Comment about Bridges is from Roger, “A Liberal Journalist,” p. 187. 22. For more on these talks, see Fairley, Facing Mechanization, pp. 103–104; Hartman, Collective Bargaining, pp. 90–94; Larrowe, Harry Bridges, pp. 352–353. The full text of the ILA proposal is reprinted in Fairley, Facing Mechanization, p. 80. 23
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. Fairley, Facing Mechanization, pp. 122–129; Hartman, Collective Bargaining, pp. 96–97; Winter, “Thirty Years of Collective Bargaining,” chap. 5. Savings per hour calculated from data in Hartman, Collective Bargaining, p. 123. 24. Fairley, Facing Mechanization, pp. 132–133, and Germain Bulcke, “Longshore Leader and ILWU
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Labor Response,” p. 413. 26. The split among PMA members is detailed in Fairley, Facing Mechanization, p. 125, and Winter, “Thirty Years of Collective Bargaining,” chap. 5. Hartman, Collective Bargaining, pp. 99–100, discusses opposition within the ILWU. Nearly one-third of San Francisco longshoremen were over age fifty-four, and only 11 percent
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than thirty-five. See Robert W. Cherny, “Longshoremen of San Francisco Bay, 1849–1960,” in Da-vies et al., Dock Workers, 1:137. 27. Hartman, Collective Bargaining, pp. 164–66. 28. Ibid., pp. 124–44 and 272–279; Finlay, Work on the Waterfront, p. 65. 29. Hartman quotation
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. 150; on “Bridges loads,” see Larrowe, Harry Bridges, p. 356. 30. Bridges statement in ILWU/PMA joint meeting, August 7, 1963, quoted in Hartman, Collective Bargaining, p. 147; arbitration award ibid., p. 148. 31. Cost savings from ibid., p. 178; container statistics derived from ibid., pp. 160 and 270. Hartman estimates
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231; Juanita M. Kreps, Automation and Employment (New York, 1964), p. 20. 46. Seligman, Most Notorious Victory, pp. 238–241; Benjamin S. Kirsh, Automation and Collective Bargaining (New York, 1964), pp. 175–176. 47. Goldblatt, “Working Class Leader,” p. 860. Herod, Labor Geographies, offers a sophisticated discussion of these disputes revolving around
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by U.S. Flag Operators,” January 1973 (unpaginated). Chapter 8 Takeoff 1. New York figure estimated from PNYA data; West Coast figure taken from Hartman, Collective Bargaining, p. 160. 2. Ernest W. Williams, Jr., The Regulation of Rail-Motor Rate Competition (New York, 1958), p. 208; Werner Bamberger, “Containers Cited as Shipping
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; Containers, no. 31 (June 1964): 25. 21. Author’s interview with Bernard Czachowski, New York, January 24, 1992. 22. PNYA, Annual Reports, various years; Hartman, Collective Bargaining, p. 270; McLean Industries, Annual Report, 1965. 23. U.S. Department of Commerce, Marad, “United States Flag Containerships,” April 25, 1969. 24. “Operators Uneasy on
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Library, University of California, 1983. Stickles, Milton J. Author’s telephone interview, June 1, 2004. St. Sure, J. Paul. “Some Comments on Employer Organizations and Collective Bargaining in Northern California since 1934.” Interview by Corinne Gilb, 1957. Berkeley: Institute of Industrial Relations Oral History Project, University of California, 1957. Tantlinger, Keith. Author
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Development, Economics, and Impact of Technological Change in Transportation: The Case of Containerization.” Ph.D. diss., Cornell University, 1974. Winter, Jennifer Marie. “Thirty Years of Collective Bargaining: Joseph Paul St. Sure, Management Labor Negotiator 1902–1966,” M.A. thesis, California State University at Sacramento, 1991. Books Albion, Robert Greenhalgh. The Rise of
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Arrangement. New York: Regional Plan Association, 1927. Reprint, New York: Arno Press, 1974. Hannes, Matt. The Container Revolution. Anaheim: Canterbury Press, 1996. Hartman, Paul T. Collective Bargaining and Productivity. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1969. Heilbrun, James. Urban Economics and Public Policy. New York: St. Martin’s, 1974. Heiser
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Rackets? The Making of Radical and Conservative Unions on the Waterfront. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1988. Kirsh, Benjamin S. Automation and Collective Bargaining. New York: Central Book Co., 1964. Kornhauser, Arthur, Robert Dublin, and Arthur M. Ross, eds. Industrial Conflict. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1954. Kreps, Juanita M
by Gene Sperling · 14 Sep 2020 · 667pp · 149,811 words
I AM A MAN, understood as an assertion of inherent dignity. The great union leaders, from Samuel Gompers to Cesar Chavez, often spoke of their collective bargaining gains as not only about wages and benefits but also about having their full dignity and humanity appreciated and recognized.9 “All my life, I
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weak, and . . . they are the ready victims of those who would take advantage of their necessitous circumstances.”36 The Supreme Court’s decisions to uphold collective bargaining laws in this same period represented a clear rejection of the formalistic view of an individual employee and an individual company as engaging in equal
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eventually changed the playing field. The Supreme Court held that workers have a “fundamental right” to organize and select representatives of their own choosing for collective bargaining, and that the right to contract must take into account the realities of economic desperation that stem from inherent power imbalances in labor markets. This
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workers by definition work in isolation behind closed doors in private homes, and farmworkers face their own unique challenges that make it hard to execute collective bargaining. Many of these workers believe they have few labor market options and little or no recourse to wage theft, on-the-job injuries, and verbal
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New Deal legislation. These exclusionary laws included the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) of 1935, which guaranteed the right to form a union and to collective bargaining; the Social Security Act of 1935, which established not just an old-age pension but unemployment insurance and workers’ compensation; and the Fair Labor Standards
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States. The national attention garnered by this strike also led to California’s 1975 Agricultural Labor Relations Act (ALRA), which historically extended the right to collective bargaining without retaliation to agriculture workers. Despite the grape strike and other hard-fought organizing efforts over several decades, many farmworkers across the United States still
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part of a larger movement to expand not only eligibility to form a union but to negotiate at a broader sectorwide level that can make collective bargaining both more accessible and more powerful for workers. #METOO: ECONOMIC DOMINATION, HUMILIATION, AND ABUSE AT WORK The #MeToo movement calls out sexual mistreatment and abuse
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.50 We should start with innovating along the lines of policies like Sweden’s job-security councils, which are funded by contributions from employers with collective bargaining agreements with their workers. The job security councils do have a preemptive element: they often work with employees well before the workers are laid off
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the benefits went to the largest corporations and the most well-off Americans.23 Or consider Rubio’s and Cass’s policies on unions and collective bargaining. Rubio correctly acknowledges “the essential role of labor unions”24 and says that “unions have historically served as an integrating force for the dignity of
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’s start from a simple, unifying principle: your employment status should not determine the strength of your economic dignity net. Whether workers have access to collective bargaining, health insurance, unemployment insurance, retirement savings programs, paid leave, and workplace protections like the minimum wage, workers’ compensation, and antidiscrimination laws should not depend on
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for them also receive the same benefits. Congress could also explore rethinking who is defined as “the employer” for a host of legal responsibilities beyond collective bargaining, as discussed earlier. Weil argues for broadening multiemployer liability in subcontracted industries. Multiemployer liability essentially says that “more than one employer may be responsible for
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create opportunities to put public pressure on companies to equalize benefits and, with a broader employer definition, create energy and possibility for new versions of collective bargaining and bonding together. Finally, as suggested in my discussion on a new economic dignity net in Chapter Twelve, we should be aspiring toward more universal
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critical to ensuring that such worker councils promote the voice and influence of workers and are not co-opted by employers to block or replace collective bargaining. Done right, such worker councils are made up of employer and employee representatives who have rights over a number of issues, including work schedules, temporary
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2019, legislation was introduced that would rewrite labor laws by imposing stricter remedies on employers for illegal activities, strengthen the power of strikers, and facilitate collective bargaining—the Protecting the Right to Organize (PRO) Act—which Trumka called “our strongest bill yet.”46 It has enough cosponsors to pass the House47 and
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union representation,” and a series of additional actions that “violate the intent of the NLRA, which was to encourage collective bargaining, not hinder it.”48 We must repair the damage done to traditional collective bargaining. At the same time, we should seek out new options for workers to bond together—including those who have
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became an industry practice for fast food. The practice of franchising has made it nearly impossible for fast-food workers to take advantage of traditional collective bargaining. Under the NLRA, if a majority of workers within a unit designate a union to bargain on their behalf, that union represents all employees within
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, workers are considered employees of the individual franchise (rather than the corporation itself) and therefore would have to organize at the franchise level to gain collective bargaining rights.54 This kind of dispersion of workers makes it nearly impossible to organize through traditional routes, especially when employees turn over frequently, as they
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representing all employers, (2) at the national level for each industry between relevant unions and employers, and (3) at the company level.62 However, because collective bargaining in the United States occurs at the individual employer level and workers cannot exert pressure to engage in multiunit bargaining through boycotts or strikes, sectoral
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changes. The Fight for $15, perhaps the most inspiring and successful national grassroots economic movement in recent decades, had its origins in efforts for sectoral collective bargaining. The movement’s primary demand was not just for a living wage but also for a union for fast-food workers.63 The Service Employees
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plight of farmworkers. As discussed earlier, a massive organizing effort and boycott led by Dolores Huerta, Cesar Chavez, and Larry Itliong resulted in the first collective bargaining agreements between farmworkers and growers in California in 1970.72 These agreements increased wages, required growers to contribute to workers’ health care and economic development
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of farmworkers to form unions in California.74 After decades of pressure from activists, New York recently passed a state law to expand protections to collective bargaining to farmworkers. Today, however, farmworker unions represent a very small share of workers,75 in part because of their historic exclusion from labor laws at
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organize African American household employees in the South in the 1960s. For household employees who work for a single household, the notion of strikes and collective bargaining with thousands of household employers just doesn’t fit. Yet Bolden’s National Domestic Workers Union and Poo’s National Domestic Workers Alliance are dedicated
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demand better employment conditions in the future. As Sage Wilson of Working Washington noted, “There’s no practical way for domestic workers to engage in collective bargaining or any form of collective power when they’re individual employees in households, so establishing a place where people can build community, organize in a
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and film industry, for example, hundreds of production companies have formed a trade association: the Alliance of Motion Picture and Television Producers, which engages in collective bargaining with trade unions such as the Writers Guild of America.87 As a result, television writers in the union have negotiated quality health coverage and
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the relationship between workers and employers, harmonizing our labor laws with how the modern economy is structured and ensuring more workers receive the benefits of collective bargaining. BARRED AT THE COURTHOUSE DOOR Another way that workers can bond together and demand better working conditions is through collective litigation. Our judicial system provides
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by exerting undue influence over the union. However, this restriction also means collaborative efforts such as works councils would need to be part of a collective-bargaining agreement between an employer and a union. 35. Lydia DePillis, “Why Volkswagen Is Helping a Union Organize Its Own Plant,” Washington Post, February 10, 2014
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, September 15, 2019, https://www.salon.com/2019/09/15/the-next-wave-of-labor-unrest-could-be-in-grocery-stores_partner. 62. L. Fulton, “Collective Bargaining,” Worker Representation in Europe, Labour Research Department and ETUI, 2013,http://www.worker-participation.eu/National-Industrial-Relations/Countries/Sweden
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/Collective-Bargaining. 63. Kalena Thomhave, “Fighting for $15—and a Union,” American Prospect, October 16, 2018, https://prospect.org/article/fighting-15-and-union; and Steven Greenhouse, “
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form, join, or assist labor organizations, to bargain collectively through representatives of their own choosing, and to engage in concerted activities for the purpose of collective bargaining or other mutual aid or protection.” 29 U.S.C. § 157. The workers argued that “concerted activities” includes joining together claims in arbitration or in
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–69, 72, 251–52 Coates, Ta-Nehisi, 293 Coca-Cola, 263 co-determination, 121–22 Cokley, Rebecca, 197 Cole, Echol, 155 Coleman, Norm, 92–93 collective bargaining, 20, 168–69, 250, 253–54, 258–59 collective litigation, 259–60 college admissions bribery scandal, 43 College Advising Corps (CAC), 209–10 college advisory
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, 249–51. American Federation of Labor, 82 American Federation of Teachers, 251 AFL-CIO, 77, 123, 250, 282 Chicago Teachers Union strike of 2019, 216 collective bargaining, 168–69, 250, 253–54, 258–59 conservatives and, 168–69, 247 fighting for the excluded, 72–77, 251–58 International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union
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-term unemployment and denial of, 50–53 weak economic compact and denial of, 50 Second Machine Age, The (Brynjolfsson and McAfee), 146–47, 148 sectoral collective bargaining, 253–54, 258–59 self-employment. See contract workers self-potential and purpose. See pursuit of potential and purpose; worker potential self-sufficiency, 91, 94
by Sarah Milov · 1 Oct 2019
middlemen or processors—would be zealously pursued in courts. Only by concentrating their own power could farmers meet the concentrated power of capital. It was “collective bargaining with a big stick,” in the words of one agricultural economist.111 Sapiro was a polarizing figure within farm circles. Many applauded the “Sapiro method
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had to coordinate their market efforts in organizations designed “not for talk but for business. They organize really for the specific purpose of organized marketing—‘collective bargaining’ on what they have for sale, which is their labor.”114 The Progressive Farmer argued on behalf of economic collectives without ever questioning that the
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the people.”13 The postwar growth paradigm augured a reorientation in labor-management relations as well, as unions embraced such bread-and-butter tactics as collective bargaining over wages and pensions. The New Deal–era language of industrial democracy and social solidarity began to sound quaint.14 Mass consumption was conceived of
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portion of the consumer’s dollar.”133 After all, “all other groups are organized,” the NCFB observed in a resentful echo of cooperative agriculture’s collective bargaining in the 1920s. “Farmers must be organized.”134 The Farm Bureau stoked a sense of beleaguerment by asserting that farmers were culturally devalued—“not fully
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with the Communications Workers of America (CWA). For Bell to singlehandedly impose a smoking policy in the absence of a judicial mandate would violate the collective-bargaining agreement between the company and its largest union. Bell was unwilling to take such a risk. By inviting the court to require a smoke-free
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accommodation for Shimp, Bell exacerbated conflict between Shimp and her union, which jealously guarded the collective-bargaining agreement from court interference.24 In her proposal, Shimp insisted that “employees deserve the same protection afforded the machinery so vital to our communications network
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the air at work put the nonsmokers’ movement on a collision course with the closest thing the postwar labor movement had to a sacred cow: collective bargaining. The nonsmokers’ movement arrived at work just as a range of new forces—feminism, the Quality of Work Life movement, the rise of public sector
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were at odds. From the perspective of organized labor, Shimp established a dangerous precedent: it substituted a judge’s decision for a provision of the collective-bargaining agreement. Indeed, Donna Shimp fought both her employer and her union, the CWA, when she sued New Jersey Bell. The managerial arguments proffered by tobacco
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organizations to target organized labor. Her advice to such groups was always the same: enlist the support of organized labor in crafting policy so that collective-bargaining agreements limit rather than permit smoking. She traversed the United States and spoke internationally on how unions could embrace smoking bans as part of a
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who represented nonsmoking workers at grievance hearings, it was impossible for nonsmoking advocates not to applaud management for initiating smoking bans even when they subverted collective-bargaining agreements. Nowhere was the tension between nonsmokers’ rights and unionism on greater display than in EIA’s support for Johns-Manville’s smoking ban. In
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these excess deaths, J-M implemented a smoking ban. Asbestos workers unions greeted the Johns-Manville policy with contempt. Not only did J-M subvert collective-bargaining procedures in unilaterally imposing the ban, but the ban itself implied that workers were themselves responsible for their own toxic exposures. The smoking ban, unions
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worker health. In 1980, the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals affirmed the arbitrator’s decision: the Dallas ban was invalid.109 The integrity of the collective-bargaining process prevailed over management’s overtures to workplace safety. The victory was a sad index of labor’s crimped power in an era of plant
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closures, liability management, and awareness of the latency period of disease.110 The International Association of Machinists’ defense of the integrity of collective bargaining was also a defense of a worker’s prerogative to expose himself to risks—with the bleak prospect of the union’s assistance in organizing
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’ compensation awards,” said the director of the Chemical Workers Union’s cancer control taskforce in 1986.113 Workers in industrial and chemical sectors guarded the collective-bargaining agreement and rejected the insinuation that their cigarette consumption should detract one cent from the responsibility companies bore in exposing them to harmful substances at
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a statement that reflected the unanimous opposition of its member unions. According to the statement of the Public Employee Department, the legislation “infringes on the collective bargaining process,” at “a time when many of the existing structures to protect worker rights have already been eroded.”124 The weakness of organized labor made
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of funnel cake and glimpses of prize-winning livestock. Tobacco is now grown exclusively on one-year contracts between individual growers and the companies. Without collective bargaining power for farmers, corporations are once again in the position to dictate prices. But contracts also enable manufacturers to determine the conditions under which tobacco
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at San Francisco (UCSF) Library, https://www.industrydocumentslibrary.ucsf.edu/tobacco/docs/yzhv0060. 31. The argument that civil rights claims accelerated the demise of the collective-bargaining paradigm has been advanced by a number of labor historians. See especially Nelson Lichtenstein, State of the Union: A Century of American Labor (Princeton: Princeton
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–131 Clinton, Bill, 279–280, 283 Clinton, Hillary, 279 Coalition on Smoking or Health, 266, 366n84 Cold War, 9–10, 83, 98–99, 119, 251 collective bargaining, 36–45, 230–240, 293–294, 303n31 Collins, Robert, 81 collusion, 22, 31–32, 67, 132, 144 Commission on Consumer Affairs, 151–152 Communication Act
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–289, 366n84 Korean War, 97 Kornegay, Horace, 113, 199 LABEL (Law Students Association for Buyers’ Education in Labeling), 164 labor: cigarette manufacturing and, 15–22; collective bargaining and, 36–45, 230–240, 293–294, 303n31; farmer organization and, 37–45; gender and, 17; race and, 14–15, 20–21; workplace safety and
by Ken Auletta · 14 Jul 1980 · 407pp · 135,242 words
Proposals That Could Turn This Town Around,” March 1976). Radical reform of the manner in which the city delivers services, including management, civil service and collective bargaining reforms, I tried to address in The New Yorker (“More for Less,” August 1977). In truth, while preparing this book I originally intended to include
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subsidy. In the short run, they pay. In the long run, the city will continue to pay dearly for politicized housing decisions. The Introduction of Collective Bargaining What came to be known as the “Little Wagner Act” was in fact the Big Wagner Act for municipal labor unions. On March 31, 1958
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granting them too much power would whet their appetites, encourage inflated settlements and give unions too much sway over elected officials; the opposition countered that collective bargaining would impose an orderly machinery for the settlement of disputes, bring stability, promote efficiency, do justice to workers. As was his custom, Wagner agonized quietly
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. 52, signed by Mayor Lindsay on September 29, 1967, allowed such previous management prerogatives as “workload and manning” to be placed on the collective bargaining table. Everything became negotiable. “Collective bargaining has become a means not only for determining the wages and conditions of employment of public employees,” writes former city Personnel Director Sol
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do not exist. Workers are not extracting a share of the profits but rather a share of taxes. Unlike bargaining in the private sector, municipal collective bargaining is part of the political rather than the adversary process. Therefore, municipal unions are really a pressure group, a special-interest group.” Unlike the private
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; but I still say it was the right thing to do. If we didn’t do it, it would have happened eventually anyway.… Even with collective bargaining, we were able to hold down settlements.” Wagner’s successors fared less well. After the fiscal crisis struck, Mayor Beame and the union leadership agreed
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the city and state and its various unions, each seeking to outdo the other. For the first time, this legislation made pensions part of the collective bargaining process. City politicians jumped in feet first. Following the state’s action, Beame, who was then city Budget Director, announced that the Wagner administration was
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’s salary. (The union refused.) The twenty-year retirement at half pay—granted to police in 1857 and firemen in 1894—became part of the collective bargaining demands of every other union. In 1963, sanitation men were permitted to retire after twenty-five years. In 1964, twenty-year retirements were extended to
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sergeants complained that fire lieutenants—who they believed did comparable work—should not be paid more. On January 4, 1967, Mayor Lindsay’s Office of Collective Bargaining (OCB) passed the dispute on to an impasse panel for study. The panel recommended a compromise, one which rewarded police sergeants less than fire lieutenants
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seeking reelection, and the last thing he wanted was another strike. On April 29, 1969, Herbert L. Haber, Lindsay’s Director of the Office of Collective Bargaining, quietly initialed an agreement with the PBA granting patrolmen what they wanted, including a $2,700 retroactive bonus. In an attempt to keep the sergeants
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penalized. Commissioner Russo’s office calculates that a policy of “cash docking for lateness” could save the city about $10 million. The civil service and collective bargaining system effectively guarantees a city job as a right. Termination procedures are so difficult that employees often feel independent of their “boss.” According to the
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can only come from different and better management of scarce resources. To accomplish this task, four broad subjects require attention: management, productivity, civil service, and collective bargaining. Management Lee Oberst supposedly knows something about management. When the telephone company was in hot water with consumers in the late sixties, it summoned Oberst
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were symptomatic of the increasingly near-sighted character of local political and managerial decision-making. Organized City workers began to make major gains at the collective bargaining table, particularly—though certainly not exclusively—in the area of retirement benefits. Because pension improvements, unlike salary increases, do not have to be funded immediately
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enormous. During the 1961–1975 fiscal period, the average annual increase in labor costs was 10.65 percent. If through a combination of slightly better collective bargaining and slightly more efficient management, the City somehow had been able to hold the average annual increase in labor costs to just one-half of
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Office, the auditors of District Council 37’s Health and Security Plan are members of D.C. 37. In the Offices of Labor Relations and Collective Bargaining, which are supposed to represent management and the public, only nine of ninety-two employees do not belong to a union. “In the Parks Department
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is that at the productivity table we should not try to get back their benefits. That, they say, must be reserved for collective bargaining. Yet when we bring it up at collective bargaining, they tell us, ‘Go to hell!’ ” Not to press that issue was a political decision, as Beame’s stance when seeking
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.S. Civil Service Commission, Alan Campbell, knows the feeling: “I’m not sure one can make it a sexy issue.” Collective Bargaining The Civil Service is a toothless tiger compared to the collective bargaining system. “The City’s capacity to act as an arm’s length employer in bargaining with the municipal unions is
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control city pension funds, bargaining both as employee and banker. Municipal unions also exercise management power. Section 1173–4.3 of the New York City Collective Bargaining Law seeks to define “management rights.” It has come, however, also to define union rights. The final sentence reads, “Questions concerning the practical impact that
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decisions on the above matters have on employees, such as questions of work load or manning, are within the scope of collective bargaining.” Thus unions are free to bargain with management about almost anything. And they have. As we’ve seen, a plethora of work rules—including such
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negotiations, in June 1978, Koch—desperate to produce a settlement to show Washington—awarded the unions more than they ever expected. A major problem with collective bargaining is perceptual. Russo and many others begin from the assumption that the municipal unions have too much power; union leaders think they have too little
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.” Shanker concedes unions are special interests—“But I don’t think public officials necessarily represent the public interest.” New York’s fiscal crisis subjects the collective bargaining system to new tests. Traditionally, it is a trading system, a process where workers demand more and city officials, defensively, merely seek to hold down
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. No other city was allowed to borrow so much. Few states have New York’s constitutional prohibition against amending employee pensions. Only nineteen offer full collective bargaining rights to public employees. Unlike most cities, New York has operated with less actual state control of its affairs, removing a potent check on fiscal
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–civil service provisionals in other agencies, leaving 61 of the original 186 to be fired. But because of the fail-safe duplicative protections of the collective bargaining system, even this number was uncertain. Under state law, the union had two weeks to invent new job titles. If these titles matched other titles
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. Deputy Mayor for Labor Relations Basil Paterson, who acted more like a mediator than an advocate throughout, announced, “There are no winners or losers in collective bargaining.” Pressed by reporters, Mayor Koch, lacking his usual ebullience, declared, “I do not feel that we have caved in.” True, the number of scheduled police
by Lawrence Freedman · 31 Oct 2013 · 1,073pp · 314,528 words
of developments.” He took the example of Marx’s predictions. The “socialist preaching in the nineteenth century” led to labor organizations which took advantage of collective bargaining, “thus slowing up, if not eliminating, the developments which Marx had predicted.” At the heart of any debate on strategy was the question of cause
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of techniques that had been used so effectively by the labor unions in the factories could be used within urban communities—as he put it, “collective bargaining beyond the present confines of the factory gate.” The radical was described as a militant idealist, someone who “believes what he says,” has the common
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, but the strikers refused to leave. Attempts were made to get negotiations going, but the company baulked at the union’s key demand of sole collective bargaining rights for the United Auto Workers (UAW). Sloan claimed to be prepared to consider this but only after the sit-ins had ended. Lewis had
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going back on the company’s previous position. On February 11, 1937, General Motors signed an agreement ending the sit-down strikes. UAW got exclusive collective bargaining and had four hundred thousand members by October. The administration was not yet finished with the company. In 1938, the Department of Justice secured an
by Carl Benedikt Frey · 17 Jun 2019 · 626pp · 167,836 words
by showing that unions frequently took an active role in the mechanization process. In one bakery, the introduction of semiautomatic production techniques was handled through collective bargaining, which allowed managers and union officials to resolve issues of displacement, downgrading, and compensation: “The consensus of the workers, as expressed by the local union
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back in 1984, the Congressional Office of Technology Assessment noted that “labor-management relations play an important role in the introduction of new technology. Using collective bargaining, organizing, and political strategies, unions in the United States have attempted to minimize what are perceived to be the socially harmful effects of new technologies
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Chrysler, protecting car companies from strikes while gaining higher pay and more holidays for its members in return, among other things. These deals also influenced collective bargaining in many other mass-production industries of the Second Industrial Revolution. But as the sociologist Andrew Cherlin writes: Whereas the 1950s workers, backed by their
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, 37 clientelism, 271 Clinton, Hillary, 285 clocks, 47 Coalbrookdale Iron Company, 108 cognitive divide, 238–43 Colbert, Jean-Baptiste, 84 collective action problem, 19–20 collective bargaining, 192 college-educated citizens: activities of, 352; detachment of, 256; among Great Divergence, 258, 358; hours per day worked, 338; perceived untrustworthiness of, 278; promotion
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; agriculture, mechanization of, 189; automotive industry, 202; baby boom, 221; blue-collar Americans, unprecedented wages of, 220; child labor, as opportunity cost to education, 214; collective bargaining, 192; corporate giants, 208; corporate paternalism, 200; education and technology, race between, 216; end of drudgery, 193–98; Engels’ pause, 219; factory electrification, 190, 195
by Jeremias Prassl · 7 May 2018 · 491pp · 77,650 words
favour of the statutory introduction of a third, intermediate category to capture gig-economy workers. Their ‘independent worker’ would be entitled to some protection, including collective bargaining rights and elements of social security provision, whilst being denied recourse to basic standards such as wage and hours protection.67 Would the introduction of
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. When unionization was on the cards in Seattle, Uber’s call-centre representatives were instructed to ring up drivers and ‘share some thoughts’ about how ‘collective bargaining and unioniza- tion do not fit the characteristics of how most partners use the Uber platform’.69 * * * 66 Lost in the Crowd As former New
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The overall impact of the ‘hybrid’ market–hierarchy model on labour markets is nonetheless clear: a large, low-skilled taskforce fundamentally undermines workers’ individual and collective bargaining power. The isola- tion and irregularity of the work made it hard to organize collectively,51 leaving some employers to brag in 1876 that the
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, 163 bargaining power 9, 48, 65, 66, 82, 107, algorithmic control mechanisms 56 110, 111, 113, 116 (see also business model 100, 101, 103, 104 collective bargaining) commission deductions 63 Barry, Erin 166 digital work intermediation 14, 15 Benjamin, Robert 73 matching 19 Bertram, Jo 115 payment in gift vouchers 105 Berwick
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78 Cohen, Molly 36, 37, 152, 157 Denmark 36 ‘collaborative consumption’ 42 deregulation 37, 40 (see also regulation) collective action 113–15 Dholakia, Utpal 150 collective bargaining rights 48, 65, 82 Didi 2, 12, 38 commission deductions 15, 19, 60, 63, 67 differential wage rates 109–11 commodification of work 76, 77
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