collective bargaining

Mutiny: The Rise and Revolt of the College-Educated Working Class

by Noam Scheiber  · 6 Apr 2026  · 399pp  · 120,332 words

was surveilling workers or attempting to dilute support for the union and said there was nothing unlawful in informing employees about the potential downsides of collective bargaining.) A month or two into 2022, after a handful of stores outside Buffalo unionized and dozens more filed for union elections, dispatching out-of-town

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the studios was only one front in a three-part standoff that occupied the AMPTP during the spring and summer of 2023. Since 2011, the collective bargaining agreements for writers, actors, and directors have ended during the same year, concentrating the stress of three negotiations into a tight window and creating links

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“slow down on the greed.” By the spring of 2025, the organizing had begun to pay off in tangible ways. The industry had its first collective bargaining agreement, covering QA testers at the Microsoft division known as ZeniMax, where Andrés Vásquez had worked. In his impatience with the pace of the bargaining

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/05/business/starbucks-union-workers-boycott.html. “anti-union playbook”: Abridged Report to Starbucks Board of Directors Concerning Starbucks’ Adherence to Freedom of Association and Collective Bargaining Commitments in Its Global Human Rights Statement (Thomas M. Mackall, LLC, October 13, 2023), https://about.starbucks.com/uploads/2023/12/Abridged-GHRS-Report.pdf

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, “Has the Decline of Knowledge Work Begun?” opened her monologue with an allusion: Scheiber, “Has the Decline of Knowledge Work Begun?” industry had its first collective bargaining agreement: Karen Weise, “Video Game Union Reaches Deal on Industry-First Contract at Microsoft,” The New York Times, May 30, 2025, https://www.nytimes.com

The Insatiable Machine

by Trevor Jackson  · 15 Mar 2026  · 270pp  · 104,133 words

in 1736, and yet again against rate cutting for loom work in the 1760s. Each of these was a case of what Eric Hobsbawm called “collective bargaining by riot.”51 They were specific attacks on specific employers carried out by specific groups of workers, aiming to achieve specific demands, either wage increases

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, 145 bimetallism, 223 copper coins, 212 debasement and other manipulations of, 54–55, 60–61, 67 perpetual scarcity of, 67, 93–94 See also money “collective bargaining by riot,” 177 colonialism bureaucracy of the state, 41, 63, 134, 235–36 early colonial monetary systems, 59, 118 “feudalism” exported through, 38, 128 See

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, 7, 97–99, 239–40 Kipper- und Wipperzeit (“seesaw times”), 61 Knight, John, 97 Korea, 49, 213, 216, 222 Kosoko, Oba, 210 labor, 109–12 “collective bargaining by riot,” 177 continuous work unlocked by inanimate energy, 165, 169, 174 division of labor, 19, 76, 121, 154, 194, 197, 208 free wage labor

Prophecy: Prediction, Power, and the Fight for the Future, from Ancient Oracles to AI

by Carissa Véliz  · 21 Apr 2026  · 503pp  · 129,255 words

to hire Black workers on account of an expectation that they would be strikebreakers because they weren’t part of the tradition of unionism and collective bargaining. But by excluding Black people from jobs and unions, the unionists were forcing Black workers to be strikebreakers. In The Authority Gap, Mary Ann Sieghart

Midnight in Vehicle City: General Motors, Flint, and the Strike That Created the Middle Class

by Edward McClelland  · 2 Feb 2021  · 264pp  · 74,785 words

lists to the government, to be compared with GM’s payroll list, so that a three-member board could “allot representation of worker delegates for collective bargaining to A. F. of L. unions, company unions and others on the basis of membership in each plant.” The employers agreed to bargain collectively and

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days a year of paid vacation and guarantees unions the right to strike and bargain collectively. “Sit-downs do not occur in plants where true collective bargaining exists,” says Sherman H. Dalrymple, president of the United Rubber Workers of America. “Where management does not attempt to destroy unionism by financing company unions

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plant, not just the time the line is running—and it has done so through a show of solidarity on the shop floor, and a collective bargaining session in the plant manager’s office, where Simons declared himself a representative of the union. “The dark clouds of fear that had hung over

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Alfred P. Sloan to discuss four demands, on behalf of all 211,000 employees: “1. The present declared policy of General Motors with relation to collective bargaining, 2. Seniority rights, 3. The speed-up in the General Motors factory, 4. Rates and methods of pay—and also other conditions of employment.” Martin

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the terms of the Wagner Act. At CIO headquarters in Washington, John L. Lewis feels the same way. Knudsen’s response, he says, is “not collective bargaining, but simply an evasion of the responsibilities of General Motors.” After Knudsen’s rebuff, the union announces a meeting of local officials from ten cities

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in Flint on January 3, “for the purpose of approving recommendations of the general offices concerning collective bargaining in General Motors.” But before that meeting can happen, the sit-down strike starts. CHAPTER 3 “THIS IS WHERE THE FIGHT BEGINS” THE GREAT FLINT

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made. Why should General Motors Corporation longer avoid meeting representatives of their organized employees on a national scale for the purpose of entering into real collective bargaining? At the time of the takeover, between 1,500 and 1,600 employees are inside Fisher One. That number dwindles quickly as men leave the

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strikes,” he writes. “Such strikers are clearly trespassers and violators of the law of the land. “We cannot have bona fide collective bargaining with sit-down strikers in illegal possession of plants. Collective bargaining cannot be justified if one party having seized the plant, holds a gun at the other party’s head . . . No

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under the law, and eventually the government will get around to seeing that those rights are recognized and that the employers deal with them in collective bargaining.” The patrician president from Hyde Park has more faith than the autoworkers of Flint that his signature on the Wagner Act will convince General Motors

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detailed in Martin’s January 4 letter: wages, seniority, line speed, and the UAWA’s status as the exclusive representative of all GM workers in collective bargaining. Murphy steps into the capitol rotunda, where newsmen have been gathered since Thursday morning. To preserve the confidentiality of the negotiations, when he skips out

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goal is to be recognized as the sole bargaining agent for every GM employee, in every GM plant. To the union’s way of thinking, collective bargaining is meaningless unless it lifts the fortunes of every worker. This is not a condition of the truce, however. At a press conference in Washington

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not granted that power to the U.A.W.A. We don’t believe in that. Our idea is that there should be non-exclusive collective bargaining. Mr. Lewis is reported to have said that he must have the exclusive bargaining power. That is not my idea of how to proceed and

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which will be representatives of the vast majority of workmen of each of our Flint plants. The purpose of this meeting will be to discuss collective bargaining as it affects the great majority of your employees.” Then, he reads Knudsen’s response: “We shall notify you as soon as possible as to

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over the strike’s continuing and now feel a determination to win, however long that will take. “It is impossible to have more than one collective bargaining agency determining wages and working conditions of employees in the same group,” Martin tells the crowd. “One part of an assembly line cannot be on

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adjoining part of the line or a scattering of workers along the line is on an eight-hour day. There is no feasible method of collective bargaining other than through unified representation. That being true, to say the corporation will not recognize any union to be the sole bargaining agency is in

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two sides negotiating? Not only does he have them negotiating, he actually has proposals from both sides. The UAWA asks to be recognized as the collective bargaining agent for all employees in the twenty plants where its members are on strike. That’s a slight retreat from its original demand of companywide

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agent.’” A clause in which the company and the union promise to negotiate in good faith “hereafter” is changed to “during the existence of the collective bargaining agreement.” However, no deal can be struck without Lewis’s agreement, so late on the evening of February 10, Murphy adjourns the negotiations to the

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the Corporation) and the International Union, United Automobile Workers of America (hereinafter referred to as the Union.) The Corporation hereby recognizes the Union as the Collective Bargaining Agency for those employees of the Corporation who are members of the Union. The Corporation recognizes and will not interfere with the right of its

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by the Corporation or any of its agents against any employee because of membership in the Union. The Corporation and the Union agree to commence collective bargaining negotiations on February 16th with regard to the issues specified in the letter of January 4th, 1937, from the Union to the Corporation, for the

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purpose of entering into a collective bargaining agreement, or agreements, covering such issues, looking to a final and complete settlement of all matters in dispute. The Union agrees to forthwith terminate the

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shall be no strikes called or any other interruption to or interference with production, by the Union or its members. During the existence of the collective bargaining agreement contemplated pursuant to Paragraph Two, all opportunities to achieve a satisfactory settlement of any grievances or enforcement of any demands by negotiations shall be

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on their backs, to be ridden by a booted and spurred aristocracy, an order in which the many toiled to provide pleasures for the few. Collective bargaining made obsolete the iron law of wages, which stated that labor could command no more than a subsistence living from capital. It made obsolete the

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air traffic controllers in 1981 was considered the most decisive signal that the federal government would henceforth take the side of employers rather than unions. Collective bargaining is inimical to the conservative ideal of the rugged individual. The labor movement, whose byword is solidarity, seemingly has less of a place in modern

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Papers, Walter Reuther Library, Wayne State University. (55) Down at GM headquarters in Detroit: “Here Is Complete Text of Knudsen’s Statement Outlining Attitude on Collective Bargaining,” FJ, January 1, 1937. (55) Outside the militant Fisher Body plants: “Bitter Labor Battle Looms as A.F.L. Orders Craft Unions Back to Work

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Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) Clark, Henry, 24–25 Clay, William S., 171–72 Cleveland, Grover, 43 Cleveland Auto Council, 18–19 Cohen, Henry, 30 collective bargaining: AFL unions, 16; exclusive vs. nonexclusive approaches, 55, 99, 104–5, 107, 109, 158–59, 162–63; impact on wages, 186; UAWA agreement with GM

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, 1930s and 1940, 7; wipe-down workers, 11; women’s work, 91; working conditions, 4, 7–12, 28, 31–33, 59, 181–82. See also collective bargaining; GM-UAWA negotiations, February 1937; Knudsen, William; Sloan, Alfred P.; United Auto Workers of America (UAWA/UAW) General Motors Acceptance Corporation, 119 Genesee County Circuit

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; Sloan’s antipathy to, 131, 155; union workers in the US, 190; views of free-market conservatives, 191. See also American Federation of Labor (AFL); collective bargaining; Flint sit-down strike, 1936–1937; Lewis, John L.; Perkins, Frances; sit-down strikes; United Auto Workers of America (UAWA/UAW) Ladies’ Auxiliary UAWA: and

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, Chattanooga, Tennessee, efforts to organize, 189–90 Vorse, Mary Heaton, 65–66 wages: and demands of the GM strikers, 59; disability pay, 12; impact of collective bargaining, 186; low-wage workers, modern, 190; raises following the strike, 179, 186; wages, GM, pre-strike, 4, 7; for women’s work, 91. See also

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collective bargaining; piecework and bonus system Wagner Act, 17–18, 30, 45, 83–84, 123, 131, 162 Walmart, low-wage workers, 190 Weinstone, William (“What to Do

What Went Wrong: How the 1% Hijacked the American Middle Class . . . And What Other Countries Got Right

by George R. Tyler  · 15 Jul 2013  · 772pp  · 203,182 words

manufacturing workers in Indiana earned 16 percent more than nonunion employees. Union membership began eroding in 1965. But the benefits to the middle class of collective bargaining began to fall most sharply after 1980 as a new breed of executives began utilizing the Taft-Hartley Act to weaken unions and wages while

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the impact of globalization. Economists cite three other significant factors: employer collusion to limit wage increases, the sagging minimum wage, and the weakening of employee collective bargaining power.42 Employer Collusion to Minimize Wages Even blue-chip enterprises cross the line in colluding to suppress wages. For example, the Obama administration’s

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decision at around the same time to close its Jonquière store in Quebec, Canada; the firm eliminated hundreds of Canadian jobs rather than accept a collective bargaining agreement. As curious Germans digested these events, they voted with their feet, staying away by the millions.* Burdened with a tarnished image, Walmart confronted a

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most comprehensive in Austria and least comprehensive in America. Chart 17.1. Source: Economic and Social Research Institute, Berlin, October 24, 2012, and Stefan Sauer, “Collective Bargaining Coverage in Germany: Wages No Lower Limit,” Berliner Zeitung, Oct. 15, 2012, http://www.berliner-zeitung.de/wirtschaft/tarifbindung-in-deutschland-loehne-ohne-untergrenze,10808230

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Workplace Relations, November 2010 “Minimum wages do not result in employment losses in countries in which minimum wages are set by some type of national collective bargaining process…. A higher minimum wage may encourage low-skilled individuals to acquire more skills in order to raise their marginal product above the minimum wage

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the least-advantaged employees. The French Salaire Minimum Interprofessionnel de Croissance (SMIC) is also adjusted annually based on recommendations from the independent National Commission on Collective Bargaining. That commission also has the authority to further increase the SMIC during the year should inflation exceed 2 percent. In 2012, the SMIC was raised

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for this arrangement with the public sector monitoring wage settlements has strengthened in recent years. The Kevin Rudd Labour government reaffirmed the traditional centrality of collective bargaining rights and government monitoring of wage agreements in the 2009 Fair Work law. While prior reforms had established a commission to monitor wages and prices

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Big Picture,” 9th Annual Workforce Conference, Melbourne, Australia, November 22, 2010; and Rae Cooper, Bradon Ellem, and Patricia Todd, “Workers’ Rights and Labour Legislation: Reviving Collective Bargaining in Australia,” Wharton, UPenn Referred Papers, July 2012, http://ilera2012.wharton.upenn.edu/RefereedPapers/EllemBradon%20RaeCooper%20PatriciaTodd.pdf. 40 Jeremy Rifkin, The European Dream: How

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Isherwood, “Unions Question ‘Danish Model,’” Der Spiegel, Aug. 11, 2010. 17 Eva Roth, “Growth in the Crisis Year,” Berliner Zeitung, March 29, 2010. Stefan Sauer, “Collective Bargaining Coverage in Germany: Wages No Lower Limit,” Berliner Zeitung, Oct. 15, 2012, http://www.berliner-zeitung.de/wirtschaft/tarifbindung-in-deutschland-loehne-ohne-untergrenze,10808230

Rewriting the Rules of the European Economy: An Agenda for Growth and Shared Prosperity

by Joseph E. Stiglitz  · 28 Jan 2020  · 408pp  · 108,985 words

foreign competition, exacerbating current account imbalances, leading to lower incomes for ordinary citizens, and weakening further aggregate demand. This is especially true of reforms in collective bargaining that would have tilted the balance, already skewed, further against workers. CONCLUSION That Europe could do more to stimulate overall European aggregate demand is clear

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well-being, including better health, education, and housing. At the same time, improved education led to a more educated, skilled, and productive labor force, and collective bargaining defended workers’ claims to a share of their growing productivity. But starting in the mid-1970s, a policy shift toward deregulation and liberalization led to

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bargaining, worker protections, economic security, and globalization. (We discuss globalization in Chapter 10.) One of the most important changes has been in the rules governing collective bargaining, in ways which reduce the effectiveness of unions in negotiations. It is no accident that in those countries where these changes have been less drastic

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changes have, in turn, led to weaker unions in many countries. A smaller fraction of the labor force belongs to unions and is represented by collective bargaining agreements. The weaker bargaining position of workers has undermined what unions can deliver, which in turn has discouraged union membership. With unions weaker from decreasing

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capacity of the state to fulfill these responsibilities, especially by limiting taxation. RAISING INCOMES Restore Workers’ Bargaining Power In the decades after World War II, collective bargaining helped sustain growth and fairer income distribution. However, since the 1990s, most countries have taken steps to erode the bargaining power of workers. Above, we

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insight is that the structure of bargaining makes a big difference. Decentralized bargaining weakens the bargaining power of workers, but in many countries throughout Europe, collective bargaining processes have become increasingly decentralized and cover fewer workers. If bargaining is done on a national level, as was traditional in some European countries, there

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coverage of collective agreements in Europe fell from 68 percent to 61 percent of workers.3 In some countries, the decline was precipitous. For example, collective bargaining coverage in Greece fell from around 82 percent of workers before the crisis to 18 percent afterward. In Romania, the decrease was from 85 percent

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to 35 percent.4 More effective collective bargaining More effective collective bargaining can be reintroduced by adopting several changes: ■ Encourage (rather than discourage) more bargaining at the national and sectoral levels, with flexibility provisions that allow

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on those who support the union, and also (where relevant) by limiting the scope for management-dictated arbitration systems for dispute resolution. ■ Increase coverage of collective bargaining by making it easier for unions to organize, gain recognition, and collect dues. ■ Reduce the likelihood of a race to the bottom by mandating that

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basic minimum conditions apply to all workers not covered by more favorable contractual terms. ■ Support collective bargaining for all categories of workers. Sector agreements may help to extend collective bargaining where unionization is low. Raise Minimum Wages The purpose of minimum wages is to protect workers from unduly low pay

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among EU member states. The absence of national pay floors in Austria, Denmark, Finland, Italy, and Sweden is usually explained by pointing out that strong collective bargaining in these countries has succeeded in promoting workers’ interests. While setting a national minimum wage should, accordingly, pose few problems in these countries, it could

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ensure full employment ■ Flexicurity: The combination of flexibility for companies to hire and fire with income security for workers through robust systems of social protection*** ■ Collective bargaining processes that ensure extensive worker protection while taking into account changing production and market conditions for companies††† ■ Employment subsidies and active labor market programs that

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E. Stiglitz, The Euro: How a Common Currency Threatens the Future of Europe (New York: W. W. Norton, 2017). 3. “National Industrial Relations across Europe: Collective Bargaining,” European Trade Union Institute, 2015, accessed Dec. 29, 2018, https://www.worker-participation.eu/National-Industrial-Relations/Across-Europe/Collective-Bargaining2. 4. Trends have differed

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. For example, the number of agreements has increased in Germany, France, the Netherlands, and Belgium. But in most countries, measures indicate that the process of collective bargaining is weaker. 5. David Card and Alan Krueger, “Minimum Wages and Employment: A Case Study of the Fast-Food Industry in New Jersey and Pennsylvania

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–21 Bank Structural Reform, Report of the European Commission’s High-level Expert Group on, 167 Banque de France, 38–39 bargaining power. See also collective bargaining restoring workers’, 260, 262–65 weakened, 257, 258–59 base erosion and profit shifting, 197 Basel III, 167 behavioral economics, 16 BEPS initiative, 197 bonds

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, One Road initiative, 298, 302 state capitalism system of, 297, 298 climate change. See also environment addressing, 328–29 as global issue, 292, 307–8 collective bargaining, 264–65, 281 Commission on the Measurement of Economic Performance and Social Progress, 215 common currency. See euro currency common deposit insurance, 90–91, 178

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, 261–62 full employment in, 258–59 job scarcity, 255–56 labor standards, 221, 270–72 labor unions, 19–20, 221, 257–58. See also collective bargaining; unionization Lehman Brothers, 167–68 Lighthouse Initiative, 115–16 Liikanen Report (2012), 167 Lisbon Treaty (2009), 313 loans and lending corporate taxation and, 194–95

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, 49–50 as significant problem, 51 2008 crisis effects on, 29–30, 31 unilateralism, US, 296, 311–12 unionization, attack on, 262–65. See also collective bargaining; labor unions United Kingdom. See also Britain higher education systems of, 227 youth unemployment rate in, 278, 279 United States. See also Rewriting the Rules

Strategy: A History

by Lawrence Freedman  · 31 Oct 2013  · 1,073pp  · 314,528 words

of developments.” He took the example of Marx’s predictions. The “socialist preaching in the nineteenth century” led to labor organizations which took advantage of collective bargaining, “thus slowing up, if not eliminating, the developments which Marx had predicted.” At the heart of any debate on strategy was the question of cause

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of techniques that had been used so effectively by the labor unions in the factories could be used within urban communities—as he put it, “collective bargaining beyond the present confines of the factory gate.” The radical was described as a militant idealist, someone who “believes what he says,” has the common

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, but the strikers refused to leave. Attempts were made to get negotiations going, but the company baulked at the union’s key demand of sole collective bargaining rights for the United Auto Workers (UAW). Sloan claimed to be prepared to consider this but only after the sit-ins had ended. Lewis had

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going back on the company’s previous position. On February 11, 1937, General Motors signed an agreement ending the sit-down strikes. UAW got exclusive collective bargaining and had four hundred thousand members by October. The administration was not yet finished with the company. In 1938, the Department of Justice secured an

The Streets Were Paved With Gold

by Ken Auletta  · 14 Jul 1980  · 407pp  · 135,242 words

Proposals That Could Turn This Town Around,” March 1976). Radical reform of the manner in which the city delivers services, including management, civil service and collective bargaining reforms, I tried to address in The New Yorker (“More for Less,” August 1977). In truth, while preparing this book I originally intended to include

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subsidy. In the short run, they pay. In the long run, the city will continue to pay dearly for politicized housing decisions. The Introduction of Collective Bargaining What came to be known as the “Little Wagner Act” was in fact the Big Wagner Act for municipal labor unions. On March 31, 1958

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granting them too much power would whet their appetites, encourage inflated settlements and give unions too much sway over elected officials; the opposition countered that collective bargaining would impose an orderly machinery for the settlement of disputes, bring stability, promote efficiency, do justice to workers. As was his custom, Wagner agonized quietly

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. 52, signed by Mayor Lindsay on September 29, 1967, allowed such previous management prerogatives as “workload and manning” to be placed on the collective bargaining table. Everything became negotiable. “Collective bargaining has become a means not only for determining the wages and conditions of employment of public employees,” writes former city Personnel Director Sol

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do not exist. Workers are not extracting a share of the profits but rather a share of taxes. Unlike bargaining in the private sector, municipal collective bargaining is part of the political rather than the adversary process. Therefore, municipal unions are really a pressure group, a special-interest group.” Unlike the private

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; but I still say it was the right thing to do. If we didn’t do it, it would have happened eventually anyway.… Even with collective bargaining, we were able to hold down settlements.” Wagner’s successors fared less well. After the fiscal crisis struck, Mayor Beame and the union leadership agreed

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the city and state and its various unions, each seeking to outdo the other. For the first time, this legislation made pensions part of the collective bargaining process. City politicians jumped in feet first. Following the state’s action, Beame, who was then city Budget Director, announced that the Wagner administration was

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’s salary. (The union refused.) The twenty-year retirement at half pay—granted to police in 1857 and firemen in 1894—became part of the collective bargaining demands of every other union. In 1963, sanitation men were permitted to retire after twenty-five years. In 1964, twenty-year retirements were extended to

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sergeants complained that fire lieutenants—who they believed did comparable work—should not be paid more. On January 4, 1967, Mayor Lindsay’s Office of Collective Bargaining (OCB) passed the dispute on to an impasse panel for study. The panel recommended a compromise, one which rewarded police sergeants less than fire lieutenants

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seeking reelection, and the last thing he wanted was another strike. On April 29, 1969, Herbert L. Haber, Lindsay’s Director of the Office of Collective Bargaining, quietly initialed an agreement with the PBA granting patrolmen what they wanted, including a $2,700 retroactive bonus. In an attempt to keep the sergeants

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penalized. Commissioner Russo’s office calculates that a policy of “cash docking for lateness” could save the city about $10 million. The civil service and collective bargaining system effectively guarantees a city job as a right. Termination procedures are so difficult that employees often feel independent of their “boss.” According to the

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can only come from different and better management of scarce resources. To accomplish this task, four broad subjects require attention: management, productivity, civil service, and collective bargaining. Management Lee Oberst supposedly knows something about management. When the telephone company was in hot water with consumers in the late sixties, it summoned Oberst

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were symptomatic of the increasingly near-sighted character of local political and managerial decision-making. Organized City workers began to make major gains at the collective bargaining table, particularly—though certainly not exclusively—in the area of retirement benefits. Because pension improvements, unlike salary increases, do not have to be funded immediately

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enormous. During the 1961–1975 fiscal period, the average annual increase in labor costs was 10.65 percent. If through a combination of slightly better collective bargaining and slightly more efficient management, the City somehow had been able to hold the average annual increase in labor costs to just one-half of

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Office, the auditors of District Council 37’s Health and Security Plan are members of D.C. 37. In the Offices of Labor Relations and Collective Bargaining, which are supposed to represent management and the public, only nine of ninety-two employees do not belong to a union. “In the Parks Department

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is that at the productivity table we should not try to get back their benefits. That, they say, must be reserved for collective bargaining. Yet when we bring it up at collective bargaining, they tell us, ‘Go to hell!’ ” Not to press that issue was a political decision, as Beame’s stance when seeking

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.S. Civil Service Commission, Alan Campbell, knows the feeling: “I’m not sure one can make it a sexy issue.” Collective Bargaining The Civil Service is a toothless tiger compared to the collective bargaining system. “The City’s capacity to act as an arm’s length employer in bargaining with the municipal unions is

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control city pension funds, bargaining both as employee and banker. Municipal unions also exercise management power. Section 1173–4.3 of the New York City Collective Bargaining Law seeks to define “management rights.” It has come, however, also to define union rights. The final sentence reads, “Questions concerning the practical impact that

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decisions on the above matters have on employees, such as questions of work load or manning, are within the scope of collective bargaining.” Thus unions are free to bargain with management about almost anything. And they have. As we’ve seen, a plethora of work rules—including such

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negotiations, in June 1978, Koch—desperate to produce a settlement to show Washington—awarded the unions more than they ever expected. A major problem with collective bargaining is perceptual. Russo and many others begin from the assumption that the municipal unions have too much power; union leaders think they have too little

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.” Shanker concedes unions are special interests—“But I don’t think public officials necessarily represent the public interest.” New York’s fiscal crisis subjects the collective bargaining system to new tests. Traditionally, it is a trading system, a process where workers demand more and city officials, defensively, merely seek to hold down

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. No other city was allowed to borrow so much. Few states have New York’s constitutional prohibition against amending employee pensions. Only nineteen offer full collective bargaining rights to public employees. Unlike most cities, New York has operated with less actual state control of its affairs, removing a potent check on fiscal

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–civil service provisionals in other agencies, leaving 61 of the original 186 to be fired. But because of the fail-safe duplicative protections of the collective bargaining system, even this number was uncertain. Under state law, the union had two weeks to invent new job titles. If these titles matched other titles

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. Deputy Mayor for Labor Relations Basil Paterson, who acted more like a mediator than an advocate throughout, announced, “There are no winners or losers in collective bargaining.” Pressed by reporters, Mayor Koch, lacking his usual ebullience, declared, “I do not feel that we have caved in.” True, the number of scheduled police

Class Warfare: Inside the Fight to Fix America's Schools

by Steven Brill  · 15 Aug 2011  · 559pp  · 161,035 words

fact, died out. Most locals, even in Shanker’s AFT, opposed them or were more focused on continuing to make advances on meat-and-potatoes collective-bargaining issues. In New York, for example, Shanker’s designated successor as head of the UFT focused on using her political muscle to win a wage

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-three years’ experience in the New York City school system, “there are many poor educational practices that have been established as a result of both collective-bargaining agreements and policies between the union and management. . . . The contracts have diminished accountability and have debilitated effective management at the school level.” Lombardi continued with

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Moskowitz was zeroing in on, the hearings could not have come at a worse time. Some City Council Democrats attacked Moskowitz for interfering in the collective-bargaining process, as if a public airing of provisions in contracts the public was paying for was somehow improper. Others said that if anything was wrong

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a clause in the MOUs that matter-of-factly stated that everything in the MOU was subject to, and would be superseded by, any existing collective-bargaining agreements. In other words, if the union contract required seniority-based compensation or did not allow evaluations based on student test scores, then everything promised

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if they were inclined to read through all the material in the appendixes and saw these escape clauses, they were not allowed to read the collective-bargaining agreements or anything else not submitted in the proposal. “It appears that various states have structured their proposals . . . to obfuscate the issue and possibly fool

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. “I believe this entire area is a moving target with many state teacher unions attempting to get wiggle room . . . in order to protect their CBA [collective-bargaining agreement] positions,” the e-mail concluded. The next day another memo circulating among the same group attached an Excel spreadsheet quoting the language being buried

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. . . evaluation and compensation systems, which will include annual evaluations using various measures including student achievement and/or growth data, consistent with collective bargaining agreements ” (emphasis added). Of course, the union’s collective-bargaining agreements in New York City and throughout the state prohibited all of that. Joel Klein read all of this and began

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told me, referring to his work putting together the Race to the Top application. With “all of the limits we had with the laws and collective-bargaining agreements in place and the political reality of the legislature,” preparing New York’s application “was difficult and frustrating.” One frustration centered on charter schools

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of it had to do with exactly what had been forecast in that earlier memo warning of the applicants’ plans to bury a “subject to collective-bargaining agreements” condition in all of its promises. The states had been instructed to check boxes on a grid to signal which of their local school

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compensate teachers and move them up on a career ladder according to those evaluations, the New York MOU inserted this qualifier: “consistent with any applicable collective-bargaining requirements.” Then for good measure, at the end of the entire MOU this sentence was added to cover everything: “Nothing in this MOU shall be

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construed to override any applicable state or local collective-bargaining requirements.” Of course the UFT’s collective-bargaining agreements in New York City, as well as union contracts in much of the rest of the state, explicitly prohibited exactly the

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MOU that really didn’t obligate the teachers to do anything new—because in the small print the MOU promised not to override any current collective-bargaining agreement—could score higher than a state that had laws or regulations allowing it to do what it needed to do to meet the Race

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the right thing for children.” New York, which had not lifted the charter cap? New York, which had peppered its promises with those “subject to collective-bargaining agreements” escape clauses that meant it was promising nothing? New York, which had not even eliminated its firewall separating student performance data from the students

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for indicating union support in its thirty-eight school districts, even though its appended MOU, like New York’s, made its commitments conditional on union collective-bargaining agreements being negotiated “in good faith.” However, in Delaware, while the core of its commitments—such as how teachers would be evaluated—were to be

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had pointed out that under state regulations revised for the Race, these terms could ultimately be imposed by the state without union sign-off. The collective-bargaining caveat in the MOU, Delaware teachers’ union president Diane Donohue told me, “has to do with other, smaller aspects of the plan, like extending school

…

to require that any state in which a school district’s commitment to implement any part of the state’s plan was conditional on future collective-bargaining agreements should mark C in the relevant box on the grid, rather than Y or N. In Colorado, Michael Johnston agreed with that change in

…

Albany deal, the following explanation of the agreement appeared in the Q&A section of the UFT members’ website: Throughout the process, the role of collective bargaining is maintained, and, in many ways, strengthened. All of the elements comprising the composite score must be developed through state and local negotiations. The agreement

…

lead to supplemental compensation, promotion into administrative positions, and tenure determination. . . . But how the evaluations will figure into those decisions must be determined locally through collective bargaining. If no agreement can be reached, the old system will remain in place. Even Van Roekel of the NEA probably would have bought into a

…

that plainly said that the way in which teacher evaluations will figure into compensation, career ladder, tenure, and dismissal decisions “must be determined locally through collective bargaining,” and that “if no agreement can be reached, the old system will remain in place.” Under the rules of the Race set by Duncan and

…

she was consulting with them on their education initiatives. Rhee also supported Governor Scott Walker’s winter 2011 effort in Wisconsin to curtail public employee collective bargaining. Meantime, Karl Rove’s conservative political action group, Crossroads Grassroots Policy Strategies, jumped on the bandwagon with a television ad campaign on the cable news

…

had “found that the state had failed to hit key milestones in every part of its application, but particularly in its promises to secure a collective bargaining agreement with its teachers’ union so it can pilot and implement statewide a new teacher-evaluation system based, in part, on student performance.” New York

…

, 417 systemic failure of, 26 –27, 29, 50, 71, 283, 347 –48, 428 see also education reform public employee unions: backlash against, 430, 432 –33 collective bargaining and, 231 n, 430 political power of, 39 –40, 430 –31 “Quiet Revolution, The,” 353 Quinn, Christine, 409 Race to the Top, 4–9, 29

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free ‘unregulated’ markets, they favour regulations to prevent collective bodies from operating in favour of social solidarity. That is why they want controls over unions, collective bargaining, professional associations and occupational guilds. When the interests of free markets and property clash, they favour the latter. Neo-liberalism is a convenient rationale for

…

to a third of their value through paying lower wages.23 The unions have erred in supporting them, since they are a poor substitute for collective bargaining and reduce the incentive for low-paid workers to join unions. They are also bad for productivity, since they result in an under-valuation of

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trying to shoehorn tasking into the dichotomous classification of contractor or employee, taskers should form a separate category. This is one reason for strengthening taskers’ collective bargaining capacities. Tasker associations should be set up, as separate entities or within occupational bodies. Certainly, the emergence of taskers will intensify friction between groups of

…

change 1, 2, 3, 4 Clinton, Bill 1, 2, 3 Clinton, Hillary 1, 2, 3, 4 cloud labour 1 ‘cognitive capitalism’ 1 Coke, Edward 1 collective bargaining 1, 2, 3 Commissioning Support Industry Group 1 commodification 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12 Commodity Futures Trading Commission

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The New Snobbery

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Civilization: The West and the Rest

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Behemoth: A History of the Factory and the Making of the Modern World

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The True and Only Heaven: Progress and Its Critics

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Visions of Inequality: From the French Revolution to the End of the Cold War

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Twilight of the Elites: America After Meritocracy

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Networks of Outrage and Hope: Social Movements in the Internet Age

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Days of Destruction, Days of Revolt

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A Failure of Capitalism: The Crisis of '08 and the Descent Into Depression

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The Great Railroad Revolution

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Griftopia: Bubble Machines, Vampire Squids, and the Long Con That Is Breaking America

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The Rise and Fall of the British Nation: A Twentieth-Century History

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The Lost Decade: 2010–2020, and What Lies Ahead for Britain

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Disaster Capitalism: Making a Killing Out of Catastrophe

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Powerhouse: The Untold Story of Hollywood's Creative Artists Agency

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Capitalism 3.0: A Guide to Reclaiming the Commons

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Moby-Duck: The True Story of 28,800 Bath Toys Lost at Sea and of the Beachcombers, Oceanographers, Environmentalists, and Fools, Including the Author, Who Went in Search of Them

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Machines of Loving Grace: The Quest for Common Ground Between Humans and Robots

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Power Systems: Conversations on Global Democratic Uprisings and the New Challenges to U.S. Empire

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Railways & the Raj: How the Age of Steam Transformed India

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The Revolt of the Public and the Crisis of Authority in the New Millennium

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The Nowhere Office: Reinventing Work and the Workplace of the Future

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Breakout Nations: In Pursuit of the Next Economic Miracles

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Can't Even: How Millennials Became the Burnout Generation

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The new village green: living light, living local, living large

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The Enemy Within

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Intertwingled: Information Changes Everything

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The Captured Economy: How the Powerful Enrich Themselves, Slow Down Growth, and Increase Inequality

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Peers Inc: How People and Platforms Are Inventing the Collaborative Economy and Reinventing Capitalism

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Falling Behind: Explaining the Development Gap Between Latin America and the United States

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American Marxism

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Lab Rats: How Silicon Valley Made Work Miserable for the Rest of Us

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Anatomy of the Bear: Lessons From Wall Street's Four Great Bottoms

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The Autonomous Revolution: Reclaiming the Future We’ve Sold to Machines

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No More Work: Why Full Employment Is a Bad Idea

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European Spring: Why Our Economies and Politics Are in a Mess - and How to Put Them Right

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The Internet Is Not the Answer

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The Investment Checklist: The Art of In-Depth Research

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Power, for All: How It Really Works and Why It's Everyone's Business

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One Billion Americans: The Case for Thinking Bigger

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Everything for Everyone: The Radical Tradition That Is Shaping the Next Economy

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How to Be Right: In a World Gone Wrong

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Death of the Liberal Class

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Grand Central: How a Train Station Transformed America

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Empire of Illusion: The End of Literacy and the Triumph of Spectacle

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Throwing Rocks at the Google Bus: How Growth Became the Enemy of Prosperity

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Trillion Dollar Triage: How Jay Powell and the Fed Battled a President and a Pandemic---And Prevented Economic Disaster

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Greater: Britain After the Storm

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Chaos Monkeys: Obscene Fortune and Random Failure in Silicon Valley

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The Inequality Puzzle: European and US Leaders Discuss Rising Income Inequality

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How Did We Get Into This Mess?: Politics, Equality, Nature

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The Curse of Bigness: Antitrust in the New Gilded Age

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