by John Fabian Witt · 14 Oct 2025 · 735pp · 279,360 words
the Wobblies’ unstinting vision of class war had disdained: cooperative industrial democracy, or what he called the “serious business of workers’ control of industry.” Through collective bargaining and contracts, he pursued rights for the porters that even the giant Pullman Company would have to respect, rights to better wages and hours along
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least not at first. But their desire for dignity at work was not so far removed from the new unionists’ aims of worker control through collective bargaining. Randolph, who dressed in a suit and tie every day, and who held himself ramrod straight, intuitively understood the respectability politics of the porters from
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, as Crosswaith put it in The Messenger that November, would be “the first great attempt to introduce Negro workers to the cause of Industrial Democracy.” Collective bargaining with Pullman—what Randolph called the “recognition of our movement”—would be the mechanism for achieving a democratic say in the basic conditions of the
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had no claim on improvements to the property and therefore no say in what improvements were to be made. “Under the industrial democracy of the collective bargaining regime,” by contrast, Brotherhood members would “have a fundamental interest” in Pullman’s good fortunes. “Our welfare as well as that of the public,” Randolph
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Board and served on its Labor Advisory Board. When President Roosevelt established a National Labor Board to work out the mechanics of worker organizing and collective bargaining under 7(a), he appointed Senator Wagner as the chair and Hillman’s associate Wolman as one of its members. William M. Leiserson, a longtime
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strikers, and for the Labor Board to hold an election by secret ballot among the workers to choose, by simple majority, an exclusive representative for collective bargaining with the employer.35 The “Reading Formula,” as it came to be known, was an astonishing moment in the history of the labor intellectuals who
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industries across the economy. The Reading Formula, Wolman and Leiserson insisted, would vindicate workers’ votes, channeling them through elected representatives into an industrial democracy of collective bargaining and arbitration.36 Yet the Reading majority rule split the world of the American Fund in two, dividing the group along its now-familiar radical
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as “democratic government in politics” required citizens “having the right to vote.” Some believed that the bill would lift the economy by raising wages through collective bargaining and conferring new purchasing power on the working classes. Others hoped to achieve industrial peace; cascading Depression-era strikes might be replaced with orderly legal
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new law, he announced, “defines, as a part of our substantive law, the right of self-organization of employees in industry for the purpose of collective bargaining.” There was industrial democracy. The act, he continued, “provides methods by which the Government can safeguard that legal right,” including establishment of “a National Labor
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Wagner Act recognized a “right to self-organization,” to “bargain collectively through representatives of their own choosing,” and to engage in “concerted activities” for such collective bargaining “or other mutual aid.” Section 8 enumerated unfair employer labor practices said to interfere with the rights guaranteed in Section 7, including coercion, domination, company
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meant unions, employers, and a federal agency. If the institutions were different, the impulses ran parallel. The Wagner Act codified a system of union recognition, collective bargaining, and grievance arbitration astonishingly close to the new unionism Hillman had long envisioned for mass-production industries. The ideas of the heterodox Brookwood circle seemed
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student discussions on the battle between industrial and craft unions. He taught about the dangers of company unions, the labor injunction, and the value of collective bargaining agreements. In early 1936, he invited Sidney Hillman to Brookwood to speak on industrial unionism.52 Victor, the youngest of the three, was in residence
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form of industrial democracy at GM. The firm promised not to interfere with worker organizing, not to sponsor a company union, and to engage in collective bargaining with the UAW exclusively for six months.59 In the most momentous industrial dispute of the New Deal era, members of the old American Fund
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a strategy he believed had been hatched on the college’s wooded campus. “If a sit-down strike can force General Motors to engage in collective bargaining with the automobile workers,” he told a skeptic, “then Brookwood favors the sit-down strike.” Tucker Smith, now serving as the labor college’s director
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grave. In 1934, Randolph joined with white railroad union leaders to lobby for amendments to the Railway Labor Act that granted Pullman porters the same collective bargaining rights soon to be embedded in the Wagner Act. Five months later, the American Federation of Labor formally admitted the Brotherhood with an international charter
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agreed to bargain in earnest, after a decade of refusals and delay. Before the summer was out, the colossal Pullman Company entered into a historic collective bargaining agreement with the all-Black porters of the Brotherhood. The contract reduced monthly working hours from 400 to 240, provided for time-and-a-half
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of the Wagner Act and the new unions of the industrial economy, the STFU called on landlords and planters to recognize the union as the collective bargaining representative of the tenant farmers. The union backed legal defense efforts for tenants facing evictions, planned test cases against planters in the courts, and arranged
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men understood, the task of taking on Jim Crow labor was more urgent now that the New Deal had empowered unions. Roosevelt’s collective bargaining laws gave exclusive collective bargaining authority to the union that won a majority vote of the workers. The Wagner Act and the amended Railway Labor Act thus gave unions
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new legal power to exclude minority workers from jobs in union shops. Houston offered a grim one-liner to describe FDR’s collective bargaining arrangements. “NRA,” he said, did not mean National Recovery Administration. It meant “Negro Robbed Again.”31 As early as 1935 and 1936, Black railroad workers
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reached out to Houston to complain that they were being frozen out of work by discriminatory collective bargaining agreements. Black shopworkers at the Missouri Pacific wrote him, as did Black freight handlers in New York harbor. The difficulty, as Houston and White explained
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”—which meant no Black men—“can be employed or promoted.” A union shop meant a white shop. Houston concluded that the conjuncture of New Deal collective bargaining with whites-only unions would soon produce the “elimination of the Negro worker” from the nation’s rails.32 Houston had pitched the dwindling American
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exclusions in unions threatened white workers’ interests, too, at least in the medium to long term. If union representatives could exclude Black workers, Houston warned, collective bargaining laws would drive millions of Americans—the entire Great Migration workforce—into the ranks of the scabs. The decades-old pattern in which reserves of
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railroad workers with the independent Association of Colored Railway Trainmen and Locomotive Firemen approached him for help defending their jobs in the face of new collective bargaining agreements from which they had been excluded. Now back in private practice in Washington, D.C., and freed from the coalitional constraints of the American
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tactics, deploying the Railway Labor Act to create focal points for organizing the energies of the Pullman porters. In the 1930s, he had used the collective bargaining regime of the New Deal labor laws and the Court’s 1937 switch to propel the porters union into a position of power. Affirmative legal
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single day. Still, it was a good job. It paid well, and Steele’s seniority had allowed him to select desirable routes.41 A 1941 collective bargaining agreement changed all that. Using its power under the amended Railway Labor Act, the all-white Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen had set its sights on
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intervened on its own motion to take Houston’s side—though with an important twist. The core of Houston’s argument was that the new collective bargaining agreement, sanctioned by the Railway Labor Act, had deprived Steele of his rights to property without due process of law. For the Roosevelt administration, this
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large part of the F.E.P.C. work.” The litigation, the movement, and the federal government were parts of the same structure. For the collective bargaining process, Houston predicted moreover that Justice Murphy’s concurring opinion would be the next step. “The ground work,” he said, invoking one of his favorite
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nonwhite workers with dignity and respect. Such a duty, they feared, might weaken unions by allowing disgruntled workers of all kinds to challenge democratically ratified collective bargaining deals. The company influence that New Deal labor laws had tried hard to hold off might creep back in through complaints surreptitiously supported by employers
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unions alike. Empowered by the new fair employment laws, state courts in the North vindicated Houston’s gloss on the Steele decision by striking down collective bargaining agreements that made membership in a whites-only union a condition of employment. In Kansas and California, state supreme courts extended Justice Murphy’s concurring
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movement needed to be lodged in institutions capable of sustaining successes over time. This was the logic of Hillman’s theory of strikes coupled with collective bargaining. It was the function of A. Philip Randolph’s rousing meetings with the Pullman porters, on the one hand, and the care with which he
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rather the separate school districts of the age of white flight. Sidney Hillman’s descendants in the labor movement underestimated the enervating effects of bureaucratic collective bargaining on movement energies. The architects of the Wagner Act did not anticipate the effects of global trade and deindustrialization; they had few answers when American
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of the Pullman Porters to Organize,” The Messenger, Sept. 1926, 283. 58. Erdman Act: See Benjamin Aaron et al., The Railway Labor Act at 50: Collective Bargaining in the Railroad and Airline Industries (Government Printing Office, 1977). 59. status quo: E.g., Christopher L. Tomlins, The State and the Unions: Labor Relations
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, David Saposs, and American Labor Economics in the Interwar Years,” Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 46 (2010): 371–93. 35. labor dispute… collective bargaining: Vittoz, New Deal Labor Policy and the American Industrial Economy, 138; Bernstein, Turbulent Years, 174. 36. “Reading Formula”: Ibid., 175; Vittoz, New Deal Labor Policy
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brothers”: Manthorne, “Reconsidering the Southern Tenant Farmers Union,” 21. “life, liberty”: STFU, A Program for Action, Southern Tenant Farmers’ Union (1934), r. 1, STFUR. representation… collective bargaining: Ibid.; Donald H. Grubbs, Cry from the Cotton: The Southern Tenant Farmers Union and the New Deal (University of North Carolina Press, 1971), 67ff. defense
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American commonwealth.” Voicing the language of Sidney Hillman’s new unionism and recalling his own work with the Brotherhood, Randolph denounced company unions and embraced collective bargaining as the mechanism by which Black and white workers alike could free themselves “from economic bondage” and “express their voice.” See APR, “The Crisis of
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martyrs in, 201 radio and, 230–33 labor relations and disputes, 474, 490 arbitration in, 303–4, 314, 349, 373, 484, 487 Beyer and, 308 collective bargaining in, 342, 345, 347, 348, 482–85, 487, 495, 496, 504, 512–15, 518, 525–26, 535, 537 Commission on Industrial Relations, 93–97, 94
by Maximilian Kasy · 15 Jan 2025 · 209pp · 63,332 words
company, wages are typically fixed. This is true for a company in a competitive labor market but also for one whose wages are set by collective bargaining, as is the case in many European economies. If wages are fixed for a given company, then changes in marginal productivity affect employment at this
by Elizabeth Bear · 5 Mar 2019 · 596pp · 163,351 words
we still coming in a little hot?” “Don’t you trust me?” Singer said. “We work together because we agree to. Because we see that collective bargain, that social contract, as advantageous to all of us. I work with you because the work interests me. Because I enjoy traveling with you. Because
by Quinn Slobodian · 16 Mar 2018 · 451pp · 142,662 words
rifles and machine guns, light artillery, ample munitions, and manpower at least three times greater than that available to the government.”86 Mises later described collective bargaining as the “gun under the table.” He might have meant it as a metaphor, but it was not a metaphor in Vienna. By 1927 there
by Liz Pelly · 7 Jan 2025 · 293pp · 104,461 words
Spotify Workers Union in 2023, spelled it out: “I work at one of the minority of companies in Sweden where we don’t have a collective bargaining agreement yet.” Sweden’s labor market adheres to what’s called the “Swedish Model”; citizens have a “right to association,” or freedom to join a
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terms and conditions” than union-won benefits. It provided a side-by-side analysis of Spotify’s current benefits with those required by a standard collective bargaining agreement, implying that the latter could take away certain protections around pay, time off, remote work, and parental leave. Sveriges Ingenjörer, which had been helping
by Tim Wu · 4 Nov 2025 · 246pp · 65,143 words
project. “There is no hope for American democracy,” said Justice Louis Brandeis, “unless the American working man is permitted to combine, and, through combination and collective bargaining, secure for himself the rights of industrial liberty.”[11] 4. Utility Rules and Caps Warren Buffett, the famed investor, has said more than once that
by Danny Funt · 20 Jan 2026 · 285pp · 100,897 words
the low eight figures annually, I’m told) and was acquired by Spotify for $196 million, all while staff and management battled over a proposed collective bargaining agreement. During the unionization fight, a former employee said colleagues discussed, “Should we be in bed with a big gambling company?” The benefits of that
by Gabriel Winant · 23 Mar 2021 · 563pp · 136,190 words
working class at large, ceased. Unions became more and more confined to a parochial economic project, advancing the narrow interests of their own memberships. Collective bargaining had never encompassed everyone, but from 1950 onward, it increasingly formed only insulated pools of economic security—no longer an advancing tide.22 This insulation
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shaped the welfare state and the longer development of America’s political economy profoundly. Collective Bargaining and the Divided Welfare State In the late 1940s and early 1950s, the New Deal was not defeated and rolled back but rather contained
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the labor movement—continued to effect some downward redistribution of wealth, but this apparatus also simultaneously secured the shape of the broader social hierarchy.23 Collective bargaining was a central arena for this process, which elevated industrial breadwinners into the primary subjects of economic security. Unable to preserve the wartime price-control
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dependents. The federal judiciary sustained this practice in two more steel industry cases, which together affirmed that fringe benefit negotiations were a mandatory part of collective bargaining. In exchange for this privatized security, labor abandoned its older ambitions for less work and more workplace democracy.24 This set of compromises, hashed out
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Under this solidifying system, the welfare state disbursed social citizenship and economic security to the working class through a divided and uneven regime centered on collective bargaining. Private labor markets in the industrial sector became the key instrument of social policy for the privileged subjects of the welfare state, providing health
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the welfare state’s tiered dynamic clearer than in health care, where the emergence of the New Deal state and its penetration of industry through collective bargaining led to the proliferation of third-party nonprofit health insurance and eventually to the massive expansion of private, nonprofit hospitals. When, as in the
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for Black women’s survival strategies and activism.30 The security that the public-private welfare state produced for its subjects—the insiders of the collective bargaining regime—was not just financial in form. In important ways, this security also consisted of privileged access to devalued and invisible forms of labor.
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—like an unequal international trade relationship in which one currency is far stronger than the other.31 This relationship between security for the insiders of collective bargaining, and insecurity and precarity for the outsiders who provided them care, was a political effect. It represented the narrowing of the possibilities opened by
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the New Deal. The establishment of a perimeter around collective bargaining and the privatization of the welfare state brought this effect into force. Initially, hospital workers had held unclear status under federal labor law. Swept
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in Jones & Laughlin—rather, they were its external attendants. The postwar welfare state had an inside and outside, and the boundary was the limit of collective bargaining. But exclusion did not necessarily mean detachment; the excluded were mobilized, and exploited, for a purpose. Altogether, this regime worked to produce the life
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market, negotiated jointly with the union and followed US Steel’s pricing, which in turn was synced to cost-of-living adjustments agreed upon in collective bargaining.14 Only distantly concerned about international competitors and coordinated against domestic market pressure, steelmakers accepted massive subsidies from the federal government in the 1940s and
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the Truman administration attempted to nationalize the industry in 1952 to maintain wartime wage and price stability. In 1956, despite an avowed hostility to politicized collective bargaining, President Eisenhower helped broker an end to an industry-wide strike and was angered by the subsequent inevitable price increase. He issued repeated warnings in
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the workers to return to the mills in October. Since the beginning of his presidency, Eisenhower had inveighed frequently and intensely against the politicization of collective bargaining, which he described in his first State of the Union address as “bureaucratic despotism”—with the prime example being Harry Truman’s attempted nationalization
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bound workers together and made their defense formidable.80 Distance, Superiority, Respect The strike threw into dramatic relief the bifurcation of postwar social citizenship between collective bargaining’s insiders and outsiders. The conflict posed the question of whether a large and economically central but still limited group, in the name of their
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in the ‘productivity’ of hospital employees. The number of employees per patient is rising, not falling.”4 The administration of economic security through private-sector collective bargaining molded the hospital industry, driving its growth and shaping its inequalities. Health insurance became widespread by way of unionized industrial employment, under the regulatory supervision
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dynamic, established through federal supervision of private-sector employment, then shaped the experience of insurance and hospitals for everyone else. For those not shielded by collective bargaining, the construction of hospital care around the collective purchasing power of unionized blocs of private insurance subscribers—and the cost rises pursuant to this arrangement
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, the federal judiciary had also weighed in, ruling in a pair of steel industry cases that welfare benefits were a compulsory subject of federally supervised collective bargaining.11 Through the same years, the movement to socialize health insurance reached a high crest and then receded. Resistance from employers, the medical profession,
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insurance plan in a 1949 strike, there began an upward spiral of demand-driven growth backed by public and working-class power.13 The 1949 collective bargaining agreement in steel established a single master plan for workers across the industry. Every steelworker in the country was pooled together into Blue Cross
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prices stressed the fragmented system on multiple sides: the growing cost of care became more burdensome for those outside the perimeter of security established by collective bargaining, while those within that zone of security had to pay more to sustain the system as a whole. From just 1954 to 1958, the
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a general hospital to furnish.” The hospital was, the court found, required to meet community expectations.40 The public-private welfare state, keyed to collective bargaining and therefore centered on seniority, effected the institutionalization and normalization of the working-class life course all the way through retirement. Yet this regime made
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a few months. But the union ran headlong into the discriminatory structure of American industrial relations. There existed no procedure to compel administrators to accept collective bargaining. Union vice president Elliott Godoff explained in a memo, “Board of Trustees of Presbyterian Hospital in Pittsburgh rejected our request for representation election.… Instead
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right to organize in Presbyterian, Mercy and six other hospitals in Pittsburgh. Strike in one or more imminent.”52 The hospitals claimed to generally support collective bargaining while maintaining specific hostility to 1199. As Murray Kempton observed in the New York Review of Books, Pittsburgh’s hospital boards were full of
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rather than supply side revealed its consequences here. James Bell, president of the board of trustees of Presbyterian-University, insisted that his institution “believes in collective bargaining.” Indeed, administrators invited in rival unions to fragment the organizing drive, which would have been illegal in a workplace covered by labor law. “Stop
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teachers’ strike had led Governor Raymond Shafer to convene a commission on public employee labor relations. The commission proposed legislation to establish regulated public sector collective bargaining, which was then moved through the Pennsylvania General Assembly by Speaker Leroy Irvis, a Democrat from Pittsburgh’s Hill District. At the time of
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’s interest in being able to bargain collectively.”63 The consumption of care was a public concern, although its provision remained a private affair. Collective bargaining had marked the boundary of social citizenship. Coverage for hospitals was now tacked on as an afterthought for excluded workers who had already been conscripted
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. At a 1975 American Hospital Association conference on the issue, participants from labor, hospitals, and government all recognized this problem. One administrator explained that collective bargaining was “all a game staged for the public, and the governor and the mayor produced the plays.” Labor too realized it had little room to
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population back onto the welfare state for survival, testing its component institutions, public and private, disciplinary and emancipatory alike: the family unit, labor unions and collective bargaining, policing and punishment, social insurance and income support systems. While many social institutions trembled under this pressure, the health care system did not. Thanks to
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of care, while Medicaid too had grown countercyclically through the economic devastation of steel’s collapse. The three insurers—one a nonprofit moored to industrial collective bargaining, two public—together covered 86 percent of patients in the average Pittsburgh hospital. “The style of health care delivery characteristic of the Pittsburgh area
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American Dream: Politics and Economy in the History of the US Working Class (New York: Verso, 1986), 52–101; Nelson Lichtenstein, “From Corporatism to Collective Bargaining: Organized Labor and the Eclipse of Social Democracy in the Postwar Era,” in The Rise and Fall of the New Deal Order, 1930–1980, ed
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, Striking Steel, 13–117; James D. Rose, “The Struggle Over Management Rights at US Steel, 1946–1960: A Reassessment of Section 2-B of the Collective Bargaining Contract,” Business History Review 72 (Autumn, 1998), 446–477. 65. Section 2-B Local Working Conditions, box 8, folder 1, 1958, USSCDWIRDR. 66. E.
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Rights, 214, 227; Gottschalk, The Shadow Welfare State, 40–41, 57–58. 15. Albert, A Practical Vision, 75; “Blue Cross Enrollment Affected by Steel: Collective Bargaining and Blue Cross,” Blue Cross Bulletin 1, no. 8 (November 1959), p. 1, box 104, folder 1200, ISFP. 16. Program of Insurance Benefits, September 1
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of Labor, Labor-Management Services Administration, Federal Mediation and Conciliation Service, Office of Research, Effect of the 1974 Health Care Amendments to the NLRA on Collective Bargaining in the Health Care Industry (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1979), 19. 62. “Opening Statement of Robert Taft, Jr. Regarding Extension of the National
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it. Index Abel, I. W., 185 Acemoglu, Daron, 229 Action Coalition of Elders, 176 Ad Hoc Committee of Concerned Black Steel Workers, 124 administrators, and collective bargaining, 153–156, 239; and hospitals, 14, 136, 149, 169, 248, 252; and long-term care, 238, 254; and new health care technologies, 229, 242;
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–141; and failure of Clinton’s health care reform efforts, 247; and high health care utilization rates by steelworkers, 158–160, 224; and hospital workers’ collective bargaining, 156; merger with Blue Shield, 250; and 1990s, 248; merger with Highmark, 251; and pushback against DRGs, 227; and USWA, 144–148, 163 Bodak,
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109, 119, 129, 133, 215 Citizens Against Inadequate Resources, 126 Citizens Against Slum Housing (CASH), 126 citizenship, 23, 66, 156, 157, 176 citizenship, social: and collective bargaining,12, 61, 62; deindustrialization and, 134, 148; differential access to and racial disparities, 116, 155, 179; and family, 96, 99; and guaranteed access to health
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steel-making process, 28–29, 32; and predominance of Black workers in coke ovens, 103, 183. See also coal Cold War, 8, 13, 33, 36 collective bargaining: and deindustrialization, 181; and health insurance, 137, 224; and hospital workers, 153, 156, 158; and New Deal, 8; and 1949 bargaining agreement in steel,
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Edward, 52 Havrilla, Helen, 71, 76, 77 Hazelwood (neighborhood), 108–114, 125, 130, 135 Head Start, 199 Health Care Financing Administration, 226 health insurance: and collective bargaining, 136–137, 205; and failure of national health insurance proposals, 11, 139, 247; and postwar welfare state, 12, 18, 140, 150, 224. See also Blue
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Western Pennsylvania, 171–172, 204 household-workplace divide, 20 Housing and Urban Development Department (HUD), 131–132 Humphrey, Hubert, 147 “Hunky Hollow,” 129 inflation: and collective bargaining, 36, 38, 60–61, 139, 146; and fiscal austerity, 207, 226, 228; and health care, 171–172, 211, 220, 223, 260; and public-private
by Edward McClelland · 2 Feb 2021 · 264pp · 74,785 words
lists to the government, to be compared with GM’s payroll list, so that a three-member board could “allot representation of worker delegates for collective bargaining to A. F. of L. unions, company unions and others on the basis of membership in each plant.” The employers agreed to bargain collectively and
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days a year of paid vacation and guarantees unions the right to strike and bargain collectively. “Sit-downs do not occur in plants where true collective bargaining exists,” says Sherman H. Dalrymple, president of the United Rubber Workers of America. “Where management does not attempt to destroy unionism by financing company unions
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plant, not just the time the line is running—and it has done so through a show of solidarity on the shop floor, and a collective bargaining session in the plant manager’s office, where Simons declared himself a representative of the union. “The dark clouds of fear that had hung over
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Alfred P. Sloan to discuss four demands, on behalf of all 211,000 employees: “1. The present declared policy of General Motors with relation to collective bargaining, 2. Seniority rights, 3. The speed-up in the General Motors factory, 4. Rates and methods of pay—and also other conditions of employment.” Martin
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the terms of the Wagner Act. At CIO headquarters in Washington, John L. Lewis feels the same way. Knudsen’s response, he says, is “not collective bargaining, but simply an evasion of the responsibilities of General Motors.” After Knudsen’s rebuff, the union announces a meeting of local officials from ten cities
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in Flint on January 3, “for the purpose of approving recommendations of the general offices concerning collective bargaining in General Motors.” But before that meeting can happen, the sit-down strike starts. CHAPTER 3 “THIS IS WHERE THE FIGHT BEGINS” THE GREAT FLINT
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made. Why should General Motors Corporation longer avoid meeting representatives of their organized employees on a national scale for the purpose of entering into real collective bargaining? At the time of the takeover, between 1,500 and 1,600 employees are inside Fisher One. That number dwindles quickly as men leave the
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strikes,” he writes. “Such strikers are clearly trespassers and violators of the law of the land. “We cannot have bona fide collective bargaining with sit-down strikers in illegal possession of plants. Collective bargaining cannot be justified if one party having seized the plant, holds a gun at the other party’s head . . . No
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under the law, and eventually the government will get around to seeing that those rights are recognized and that the employers deal with them in collective bargaining.” The patrician president from Hyde Park has more faith than the autoworkers of Flint that his signature on the Wagner Act will convince General Motors
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detailed in Martin’s January 4 letter: wages, seniority, line speed, and the UAWA’s status as the exclusive representative of all GM workers in collective bargaining. Murphy steps into the capitol rotunda, where newsmen have been gathered since Thursday morning. To preserve the confidentiality of the negotiations, when he skips out
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goal is to be recognized as the sole bargaining agent for every GM employee, in every GM plant. To the union’s way of thinking, collective bargaining is meaningless unless it lifts the fortunes of every worker. This is not a condition of the truce, however. At a press conference in Washington
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not granted that power to the U.A.W.A. We don’t believe in that. Our idea is that there should be non-exclusive collective bargaining. Mr. Lewis is reported to have said that he must have the exclusive bargaining power. That is not my idea of how to proceed and
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which will be representatives of the vast majority of workmen of each of our Flint plants. The purpose of this meeting will be to discuss collective bargaining as it affects the great majority of your employees.” Then, he reads Knudsen’s response: “We shall notify you as soon as possible as to
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over the strike’s continuing and now feel a determination to win, however long that will take. “It is impossible to have more than one collective bargaining agency determining wages and working conditions of employees in the same group,” Martin tells the crowd. “One part of an assembly line cannot be on
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adjoining part of the line or a scattering of workers along the line is on an eight-hour day. There is no feasible method of collective bargaining other than through unified representation. That being true, to say the corporation will not recognize any union to be the sole bargaining agency is in
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two sides negotiating? Not only does he have them negotiating, he actually has proposals from both sides. The UAWA asks to be recognized as the collective bargaining agent for all employees in the twenty plants where its members are on strike. That’s a slight retreat from its original demand of companywide
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agent.’” A clause in which the company and the union promise to negotiate in good faith “hereafter” is changed to “during the existence of the collective bargaining agreement.” However, no deal can be struck without Lewis’s agreement, so late on the evening of February 10, Murphy adjourns the negotiations to the
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the Corporation) and the International Union, United Automobile Workers of America (hereinafter referred to as the Union.) The Corporation hereby recognizes the Union as the Collective Bargaining Agency for those employees of the Corporation who are members of the Union. The Corporation recognizes and will not interfere with the right of its
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by the Corporation or any of its agents against any employee because of membership in the Union. The Corporation and the Union agree to commence collective bargaining negotiations on February 16th with regard to the issues specified in the letter of January 4th, 1937, from the Union to the Corporation, for the
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purpose of entering into a collective bargaining agreement, or agreements, covering such issues, looking to a final and complete settlement of all matters in dispute. The Union agrees to forthwith terminate the
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shall be no strikes called or any other interruption to or interference with production, by the Union or its members. During the existence of the collective bargaining agreement contemplated pursuant to Paragraph Two, all opportunities to achieve a satisfactory settlement of any grievances or enforcement of any demands by negotiations shall be
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on their backs, to be ridden by a booted and spurred aristocracy, an order in which the many toiled to provide pleasures for the few. Collective bargaining made obsolete the iron law of wages, which stated that labor could command no more than a subsistence living from capital. It made obsolete the
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air traffic controllers in 1981 was considered the most decisive signal that the federal government would henceforth take the side of employers rather than unions. Collective bargaining is inimical to the conservative ideal of the rugged individual. The labor movement, whose byword is solidarity, seemingly has less of a place in modern
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Papers, Walter Reuther Library, Wayne State University. (55) Down at GM headquarters in Detroit: “Here Is Complete Text of Knudsen’s Statement Outlining Attitude on Collective Bargaining,” FJ, January 1, 1937. (55) Outside the militant Fisher Body plants: “Bitter Labor Battle Looms as A.F.L. Orders Craft Unions Back to Work
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Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) Clark, Henry, 24–25 Clay, William S., 171–72 Cleveland, Grover, 43 Cleveland Auto Council, 18–19 Cohen, Henry, 30 collective bargaining: AFL unions, 16; exclusive vs. nonexclusive approaches, 55, 99, 104–5, 107, 109, 158–59, 162–63; impact on wages, 186; UAWA agreement with GM
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, 1930s and 1940, 7; wipe-down workers, 11; women’s work, 91; working conditions, 4, 7–12, 28, 31–33, 59, 181–82. See also collective bargaining; GM-UAWA negotiations, February 1937; Knudsen, William; Sloan, Alfred P.; United Auto Workers of America (UAWA/UAW) General Motors Acceptance Corporation, 119 Genesee County Circuit
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; Sloan’s antipathy to, 131, 155; union workers in the US, 190; views of free-market conservatives, 191. See also American Federation of Labor (AFL); collective bargaining; Flint sit-down strike, 1936–1937; Lewis, John L.; Perkins, Frances; sit-down strikes; United Auto Workers of America (UAWA/UAW) Ladies’ Auxiliary UAWA: and
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, Chattanooga, Tennessee, efforts to organize, 189–90 Vorse, Mary Heaton, 65–66 wages: and demands of the GM strikers, 59; disability pay, 12; impact of collective bargaining, 186; low-wage workers, modern, 190; raises following the strike, 179, 186; wages, GM, pre-strike, 4, 7; for women’s work, 91. See also
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collective bargaining; piecework and bonus system Wagner Act, 17–18, 30, 45, 83–84, 123, 131, 162 Walmart, low-wage workers, 190 Weinstone, William (“What to Do
by Timothy Sandefur · 16 Aug 2010 · 399pp · 155,913 words
an exception allowing an employer to pay below the living wage if the 80 The Contracts Clause: Victim of the Living Constitution employer had a collective-bargaining agreement with a union. That meant that the law would apply to only one business in the entire city: a restaurant called Skates by the
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by Philip Collins · 4 Oct 2017 · 475pp · 156,046 words
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by Annie Lowrey · 10 Jul 2018 · 242pp · 73,728 words
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by Walt Bogdanich and Michael Forsythe · 3 Oct 2022 · 689pp · 134,457 words
by Noam Chomsky · 9 Jul 2015
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