colonial rule

Worldmaking After Empire: The Rise and Fall of Self-Determination
by Adom Getachew
Published 5 Feb 2019

The declaration described foreign rule as a violation of human rights, reiterated the right to self-­determination, and called for the immediate end of all forms of colonial rule.1 Resolution 1514 offered a complete repudiation of foreign rule and rejected any prerequisites for the attainment of independence. Soon after its passage, the resolution formed the basis of a new committee with broad powers to investigate colonial rule and hear petitions from colonial subjects, making colonial rule subject to international scrutiny and to the demands for self-­determination.2 While 1960 marked a radical rupture in the history of modern international society, it has largely been subsumed in a standard account of decolonization where the transition from empire to nation and the expansion of international society to include new states is a seamless and inevitable development.

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In this context, anticolonial nationalists refashioned self-­determination as a right, positioned it as a prerequisite to other human rights, and argued that it entailed an immediate end to colonial rule. Understood as a claim to independence and equality, the right to self-­determination served as the foundation for a domination-­free and postimperial international order. This refashioning of the UN and self-­determination set the stage for anticolonial nationalists to challenge the remnants of colonial rule and to legitimize new postcolonial states on the international stage. This chapter takes up the question of how self-­determination emerged as a right and examines the political and theoretical implications of this transformation.

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The critique of domination and exploitation led anticolonial nationalists to endorse domestic self-­government and international nondomination in the right to self-­determination. Anticolonial critics highlighted the problem of empire as enslavement by exposing the hypocritical nature of liberal and humanitarian justifications of colonial rule. The 1885 General Act of the Berlin Conference, the League of Nations Covenant, and the United Nations Charter all described colonial rule as a form of trusteeship where the colonial power functioned as a “trustee” who exercised political power for the benefit of the colonized subjects. Azikiwe pointed out the Burkean origins of this account of political rule as trusteeship.43 In his early critique of British rule in India, Edmund Burke had argued that “all political power which is set over men . . . ought to be some way or other exercised ultimately for their benefit,” and described the rights and privileges of rule as a trust.44 While Burke invoked trusteeship to argue for limitations on imperial rule, by the late nineteenth century, this language was redeployed in service of expanding imperial power.

Inglorious Empire: What the British Did to India
by Shashi Tharoor
Published 1 Feb 2018

Even these metallic problems have their melodramatic side.’ Stealing From Indian Steel The story of the Indian steel industry demonstrates how the exploitation continued into the late colonial period, which has sometimes been represented by apologists for Empire as a more enlightened episode of colonial rule. Oppression and discrimination had merely become more sophisticated. The British were unalterably opposed to India developing its own steel industry. India had, of course, been a pioneer of steel; as early as the sixth century, crucible-formed steel, which came to be known as ‘wootz’ (a corruption of the Kannada word ‘ukku’, mistranscribed in English as ‘wook’ and mangled into ‘wootz’) steel was made in the country, and Indian steel acquired global renown as the world’s finest.

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Some scholars have recently demonstrated, with impressive statistics (based on analyses of the aggregate correlates of political regimes), that a large number of former British colonies are democracies, and, indeed, that having once been a British colony is the variable most highly correlated with democracy. Myron Weiner has pointed out that, except for countries in the Americas, ‘every country with a population of at least 1 million (and almost all the smaller countries as well) that has emerged from colonial rule and has had a continuous democratic experience is a former British colony’. (There have also been former British colonies whose democratic experience has not been continuous, but featured bouts of military dictatorship, including both Pakistan and Bangladesh.) So it would seem that however much they failed to live up to their own ideas—however strongly they denied to Indians, as they had to Americans before 1776, ‘the rights of Englishmen’—the British did instil sufficient doses of the ethos of democracy into their former colonies that it outlived their tutelage.

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As the British expanded across northern India, The Pioneer established itself in Lucknow as the third in a colonial triumvirate of newspapers whose views could be taken as broadly representative of the British community in India. It must, therefore, be acknowledged that it was the British who first established newspapers in India, which had been unknown before colonial rule, and it is to their credit that they allowed Indians to emulate them in doing so both in English, catering to the tiny English-educated elite (and its aspirational imitators) and in Indian vernacular languages. The Bombay Samachar, in Gujarati, was founded in 1822 (it is still running, and proudly calls itself the oldest newspaper in Asia still in print) and a few decades later, two Bengali-owned newspapers followed suit in Calcutta, The Bengalee in 1879 (later purchased, and edited for thirty-seven years, by Surendra Nath Banerjea after he left the ICS) and the formidable Amrita Bazar Patrika in 1868 (which, after being founded as a Bengali-language publication, then became a bilingual weekly for a time, before turning into an English-language newspaper in 1878 to advocate nationalist interests.

After Tamerlane: The Global History of Empire Since 1405
by John Darwin
Published 5 Feb 2008

Post-colonial history takes a generally sceptical view of the European impact and an even more sceptical view of the ‘improvements’ once claimed for colonial rule. It treats ‘colonial’ history as myopic and biased, perhaps even delusory, and its claims as so much propaganda aimed at opinion at home. Indeed, closer inspection has suggested an ironic reversal of the colonialist case. Far from dragging backward peoples towards European-style modernity, colonial rule was more likely to impose a form of ‘antimodernity’. Caste in India symbolized Indian backwardness. Yet British rulers, for their own convenience, struck a bargain with Brahmins to harden caste status into an administrative system (formalized in the census).16 In colonial Africa a parallel process took place as clans and followings were reinvented as ‘tribes’, with chiefly rulers as their ancestral leaders.17 Here, as in India, a political gambit was carefully packaged as an act of respect to local tradition.

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Europe’s colonization of Asia had been a patchy affair, only shallowly rooted in much of South East Asia (where colonial rule had gained limited purchase before the 1890s). It was much more impressive on the continent’s maritime fringes than it was inland. (In this respect, as in others, India was different.) It was partly this that explained why it fell apart so quickly in 1941–2, and staged only a brief recovery after 1945. Yet change after 1945 was real enough. Less than ten years later, colonial rule had all but vanished from South, East and South East Asia. Where it still persisted, the timetable for independence wasalready drawn up, or the territory concerned was of trivial importance.

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It took nearly three hundred years for the corner of India where Vasco da Gama had landed to fall under European rule (Calicut was annexed by the British in 1792). The rush started only at the turn of the nineteenth century. Not just the timing, but the form and direction of Europe’s expansion need more explanation. Why did the Ottoman Empire and Iran preserve their autonomy long after India, which was much further away? Why was India subjected to colonial rule while China was able to keep its sovereign status, though much hedged about, and Japan had become a colonial power by 1914? If industrial capitalism was the key to the spread of European influence, why did its impact take so long to be felt across so much of the world, and with such variable consequences?

A Concise History of Modern India (Cambridge Concise Histories)
by Barbara D. Metcalf and Thomas R. Metcalf
Published 27 Sep 2006

A., 64, 68 Bayly, Susan, 7 Beames, John, 94, 95, 104, 106, 110–11, 120 beauty contests, 283–4 Bedi, Kiran, 279 Benares, 21, 83, 103 Bengal adda, 89 bhadralok, 88–9, 156, 178 British conquest, 51–5 communists, 243, 252 famines, 78, 209 independence migrations, 222 independence negotiations, 215, 216, 219 Mughal period, 15, 31, 35 Muslims, 7, 215 nationalist movements, 197, 206 Naxalite movement, 253 nineteenth-century, 93 partition (1905), 155–62, 175 Permanent Settlement, 78–9, 88, 103 pre-colonial period, 2, 8, 14 princely sovereignties, 96 reform movements, 142 rice growing, 250 Santals, 86 Tebhaga movement, 223 women, 146–7 Bengali language, 120 324 Index Bentham, Jeremy, 81 Bentick, Lord William, 82, 88, 89, 305 Berat, 12 Besantm Annie, 164 bhadradok, 88–9, 156, 178 Bhagalpur, 277 Bhairagis, 42 Bhakti, xxi, 8, 13, 14, 143 Bharat, 275–6 Bharati, Uma, 279 Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), 264, 266–7, 272, 273, 275, 280, 281–3, 287–95, 296, 298, 299–300 Bharatiya Lok Dal, 258 Bharatput, 35 Bharris, 80 Bhave, Vinoba, 245 Bhils tribe, 80, 86 Bhimsen, 29–30 Bhindranwale, Sant Jarnail Singh, 259 Bhonsle, 44 Bhopal, 261–2 Bhubaneshwar, 235 Bhutan, 226 Bidar, 12 Bihar, 53, 126, 153–4, 156, 161, 165, 176, 177, 189, 196, 206, 217, 255, 280 Bijapur, 12, 23 Bijnor, 100 Birbal, 18 Birla family, 126 Blavatsky, Madame, 164 Bofors affair, 264 Bollywood, 237–9, 266 Bombay, 47, 48, 91, 126, 127, 135, 157, 196, 212 Bombay Plan 1944, 216 Bombay Presidency, xxiii, 241–2 Bombay Presidency Association, 136 Bose, Subhas Chandra, xiv, 189, 204, 210 boundaries, post-independence, 240–2 Boxer rebellion, 131 Brahmans, xviii, xxi, 3, 5, 15, 18, 24, 59, 91, 141, 179 Brahmo Samaj, 86, 88, 114, 139, 142 bribery, 265 Brindaban, 22 British rule, see colonial rule Buchanan, Francis, 64 Buddhism, xviii, xxi, xxvii, 63 Bulhe Shah, 42 bungalows, 109, 110 Burke, Edmund, 57, 67 Burma, 90, 95, 131, 154, 204, 209, 210 Buxar, battle of (1764) Calcutta Bengal partition, 157 bhadralok, 88–9, 178 British conquest, 51–2 British settlement, 66 capital of India, 68, 160, 161 English education, 83, 89 Fort William College, 60, 88, 89 Great Calcutta Killing 1946, 217 independence settlement, 219 Mahakali Pathshala, 148–9 nineteenth-century society, 88–9 trade, 47, 51 World War II, 209 Calcutta Presidency, xxiii, 56 Canada, 167, 190 canals, 97–9 Canning, Lord Charles John, 103, 105 castes, xvii and army, 61 colonial era, 91, 112, 117, 138–9 Communal Award 1932, 194–5 dals, 89 and Gandhi, 173, 176 Mandal Commission, 267, 274–5, 289–90 non-Brahmans, 119, 141, 179, 191 Other Backward Castes (OBC), 270, 274 pre-colonial India, 3, 24 reform, 142, 302 scheduled castes and tribes, 232–3, 274, 278 untouchables, see dalits and VHP, 289 Cawnpore (Kanpur), 103, 106, 107, 163 censuses, 112, 138, 270 Central Provinces, 196 Ceylon (Sri Lanka), 131, 263 Index Chadwick Report 1842, 108 Chaitanya (1486–1533), 13 Chandigarh, 235–7, 259, 260–1 Chapekar, Balkrishna, 154 Chapekar, Damodar, 154 Charles II, 48 Chartism, 93 Chatterjee, Bankim Chandra, 122, 135, 144, 156, 159 Chatterjee, Joya, 219 Chatterjee, Partha, xvi Chattopadhyay, Swati, 148 Chauhanm Rajput Prithviraj, 4 Chauri Chaura killings, 178, 182, 183 Chettiars, 199 Chettiars, Nattukottai, 131 China, 75–6, 126, 189, 244, 247–8, 253, 286, 291, 296 Chingiz Khan, 14 Chisti, 8, 43 Chitral, 154 Cholas, xviii, xxvii Chowdhry, Nawab ’Ali, 159–60 Christian Indians, 288 Christianity, xxvii, 18, 47–8, 81, 83, 143, 289 Churchill, Winston, 169, 182, 193, 205, 212 cinema, 73, 237–9, 256, 279 civil disobedience, see non-cooperation civil service 1945, 212 British administration, 59–60, 110–11, 120 Cornwallis reforms, 60, 66 Indian Administrative Service, 60, 83, 232, 254–5, 274 class and Gandhi, 187–8 peasants, see peasants and VHP, 289–90 Clinton, Bill, 294 Clive, Robert, 51–4, 59, 60–1, 72, 305–6 Coca-Cola, 271 Cohn, Bernard, 29, 57, 105 Cold War, 247, 267, 301 colonial rule 1890s calamities, 150–3 325 Bengal conquest, 51–5 burden of past, 265–70, 301, 303, 304 collaborators, 131–7 conquest and settlement, 68–81, 90–1 Dalhousie administration, 94–9 East India Company, 44–55 English-educated Indians, 118–20 foundation of colonial rule, 57–68 global British imperialism, 124–31 historiography, 302–3 Indian society under Company rule, 81–91 indirect rule, 75 interwar period, 167–202 ‘modern state’, 92–4 modernity, 114–18 ‘natural’ Indian leaders, 114–16, 133 pre-World War I society, 123–66 revolts, see revolts social structures, 108–14, 133–4 transfer of authority to crown, 103–4 World War I, 162–6 Communal Award 1932, 194–5 communalism, 303 communists, 188–9, 223, 243, 252, 264, 273, 281 Congress Socialist Party, 243 Constitution abolition of colonial categories, 270 amendments, 255, 278, 291 federalism, 191, 232 independent India, 231–3 Cornwallis, Lord, 56, 59, 60, 66, 78 corruption, 261, 265, 287, 288 cotton, 75, 119, 155 counter-terrorism, 301 cow protection, 152–3, 228 Cripps, Stafford, 205 culture colonial era, 62–6, 139 Mughals, 40–3 Curzon, Lord George, 123–4, 131, 155–7, 306 Dacca, 51, 76, 159 Dadu (1544–1603), 13 Dalai Lama, 247 Dale, Stephen, 14–15 326 Index Dalhousie administration, 94–9, 104 dalits, xxi Communal Award 1932, 194–5 definition, xxi and Gandhi, 173, 194 independent India, 232–3, 265, 270, 302 and self-rule movement, 194 women, 278 Dalmia, Vasudha, 117, 143–4 dals, 89 Daman, 242 Damascus, 5 Dara Shukoh (1615–58), 20–1 Darbhanga, 149 Das, C.

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With the advent of Islamic rulers in the early thirteenth century, Indian culture rigidified, political life gave way to despotism, and the gap between foreign ‘Muslim’ rulers and a native ‘Hindu’ populace of necessity made for a fragile Sultans, Mughals, and pre-colonial Indian society 3 structure. Moral arguments, particularly a focus on what became a caricature of Aurangzeb’s ‘intolerance’, were central in explaining ‘decline’. Stage three brought modern British colonial rule with its enlightened leadership, scientific progress, and professed tutelage to independence. This tripartite schema was explicit in much British writing, and it often underlay even anti-colonial Indian nationalist historiography. Even today it has been tenaciously persistent as unrecognized ‘common sense’ in historical writing; and, as we shall see in chapter 9, this periodization is today treated as fact in Hindu nationalist ideologies.

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Both principle and practice were at stake as the British debated these questions. On one thing, however, the British were agreed. They could not avow a preference for ‘despotism’, for a commitment to the ‘rule of law’, in their view, defined them as a ‘civilized’ nation, and so alone could give legitimacy to their Raj. Yet colonial rule by its very nature could not help but create its own version of the ‘despotic’. Two fundamental convictions shaped Hastings’s jurisprudence. One was that, as the historian Bernard Cohn has written, there existed in India ‘a fixed body of laws, codes that had been set down or established by “law givers” and that over time these had become corrupted by accretions, interpretations, and commentaries’.

Amritsar 1919: An Empire of Fear and the Making of a Massacre
by Kim Wagner
Published 26 Mar 2019

Indians were still bound by caste and superstition, and Hindus and Muslims bound to get at each other’s throats were it not for the calming and civilising influence of the Raj. Deeply invested in a style of colonial rule referred to as ‘despotic paternalism’, O’Dwyer and his supporters believed it to be their duty to protect the peasants of Punjab, whom they regarded as the ‘real India’, from the self-serving and corrupting influences of educated nationalists and urban elites. Any attempt at loosening the reins of colonial rule was thus met with an almost instinctive wave of protest by British officials with nothing but scorn for those liberals, who might be well-meaning, as one administrator put it, but who have ultimately ‘helped to weaken our rule in India’.25 O’Dwyer accordingly described the reforms as ‘diabolical’ and asserted that the masses, whom he claimed to understand and to speak for, did not actually want political change, let alone ‘self-determination’.26 O’Dwyer’s views were well known, and even notorious, among the very class of educated Indians that he despised.

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Presented without any real context in the movie, the Amritsar Massacre functions simply as a grim vignette to illustrate the power of Gandhi’s message of non-violence. The speaker at Jallianwala Bagh is giving voice to the doctrine of Satyagraha, or soul-force, when he is silenced, quite literally, by British bullets. The massacre is thus depicted as the inevitable result of the clash between Gandhi’s righteous struggle and the oppression of colonial rule – or, to use Niall Ferguson’s awkward analogy, the clash between soul-force and fist-force. Yet the violence unleashed on the unarmed men, women and children at Amritsar is entirely embodied by Edward Fox’s Dyer: a man seemingly incapable of emotions, who appears as nothing so much as an automaton.

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In his renowned work on the ‘Wilsonian Moment’, for instance, Erez Manela includes a chapter titled ‘From Paris to Amritsar’, implying a more or less direct link between the 1919 Peace Conference and the events at Jallianwala Bagh – a connection that is never substantiated, and which is in fact unsustainable.12 In such accounts, the causes behind the massacre are identified exclusively in terms of short-term factors unique to the post-1918 world as a particular historical moment and shaped largely by events outside British India and therefore, ultimately, external to the dynamics of colonial rule.13 The nature of colonial violence of the twentieth century, however, was not simply a function of, nor coterminous with, imperial decline after 1918 as Britain and other European powers sought to hold on to their empires by all means possible. Rather than being the beginning of the end, I suggest that the violence of the Amritsar Massacre might better be understood as the final stage of a much longer process.

The Empire Project: The Rise and Fall of the British World-System, 1830–1970
by John Darwin
Published 23 Sep 2009

Hobson's warnings were echoed by the band of writers who made up Labour's ‘intelligence branch’ in imperial policy: Leonard Woolf, whose Empire and Commerce in Africa (1920) denounced colonial rule as a licence to rob; Sydney Olivier, whose The League of Nations and Primitive Peoples (1918) pressed the case for international trusteeship; and E. D. Morel, veteran of the Congo campaign, who published The Black Man's Burden in 1920. Their critical view of the pre-war world (Olivier believed that the humanitarian traditions of colonial rule had been corrupted by business after 1890)143 chimed with a larger body of ‘middle opinion’ disillusioned by political, diplomatic and economic failure in the aftermath of the war.

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In 1955, at the Bandung ‘Asian-African’ conference (to which colonial leaders were invited), Nehru and Sukarno, the Indonesian prime minister, urged ‘non-alignment’ for Afro-Asian states, rejecting association with either the West or the Soviet bloc, and calling for the swift end of colonial rule.4 By the mid-1950s, the United Nations was becoming the forum where post-colonial states could make common cause, and mount a propaganda offensive against the remaining colonial powers. This trend was dramatically strengthened by the Suez crisis in 1956 after which Britain became for many ex-colonial states ‘Public Enemy Number One’.5 Their third assumption was also subject to rapid erosion as the decade proceeded. But, in 1951–2, it was still possible for senior ministers to take satisfaction in the moral reputation of British colonial rule and of British foreign policy generally.

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The Empire Project The British Empire, wrote Adam Smith, ‘has hitherto been not an empire, but the project of an empire’ and John Darwin offers a magisterial global history of the rise and fall of that great imperial project. The British Empire, he argues, was much more than a group of colonies ruled over by a scattering of British expatriates until eventual independence. It was, above all, a global phenomenon. Its power derived rather less from the assertion of imperial authority than from the fusing together of three different kinds of empire: the settler empire of the ‘white dominions’; the commercial empire of the City of London; and ‘Greater India’ which contributed markets, manpower and military muscle.

The White Man's Burden: Why the West's Efforts to Aid the Rest Have Done So Much Ill and So Little Good
by William Easterly
Published 1 Mar 2006

Congress with little or no input on the proposed draft from congressional committees, the judiciary, the bar, business interests, law schools, or other stakeholders, I would be looking for a new career rather quickly. Based on many current practices, however, that career could easily be found abroad ‘helping’ transition countries with the same process.45 Titling Toward Confusion in Kenya Lord Lugard, the architect of British colonial rule in Africa, said land tenure follows “a steady evolution, side by side with the evolution of social progress.” This “natural evolution” leads to “individual ownership.” The Native Land Tenure Rules of 1956 privatized land in Kenya, advertising it as “a normal step in the evolution of a country,” under which “energetic or rich Africans will be able to acquire more land.”

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Sometimes these governments comprised little more than an independence agitator, an army, and a foreign aid budget. Although they had shallow roots, the new states brought benefits to their new leaders. The new rulers could use the inherited colonial army to levy high taxes on natural resources or any other valuable economic activity, and they had a tradition of autocratic colonial rule and economic planning. It was not surprising that most of these new states were unfriendly to both economic and political freedoms. Sponsoring Native Autocrats To make things worse, colonial administration had reinforced autocracy. The preferred method of colonial administration had been “indirect rule,” relying on native rulers or intermediaries.

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Moreover, the specific problems created by colonialism seem to reflect more Europeans’ incompetence than their avarice. Certainly there was change over time from the era of annihilation of indigenous people and African slavery in the sixteenth through eighteenth centuries to the more beneficent empires of the nineteeth and twentieth centuries, just as nation-building today is more beneficent than colonial rule. Kipling wrote “The White Man’s Burden” at the height of the imperial era in 1898. Before that, the British government ban on the slave trade in 1807 inaugurated a more humanitarian imperial era. The British agreed to take over Sierra Leone in 1808 from a chartered company, which had failed to make the country a haven for freed slaves (most of whom had died).

The Tyranny of Experts: Economists, Dictators, and the Forgotten Rights of the Poor
by William Easterly
Published 4 Mar 2014

JUSTIFYING COLONIALISM: THE ROLE OF THE STATE Hailey’s Africa report displayed the usual technocratic genius for recommending actions while avoiding the question of who should be given the power to take those actions. After the outbreak of war required a new justification for colonial rule to save the empire, Hailey was then ready to answer the question of who should have the power for action. Hailey took the first major step in articulating his new justification for colonial rule on October 29, 1941, at a lunch-time lecture to the members of the Royal Empire Society. Entitled “A New Philosophy of Colonial Rule,” its breakthrough insight concerned the role of the state in the colonies: “It is the primary function of the State to concentrate its attention on the improvement of the standards of living and the extension of the social services in the Dependencies. . . .

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The failure to endorse Japan’s racial equality proposal at the Versailles peace talks after the previous war was now a huge embarrassment. Lord Hailey would attempt to remove this liability during World War II by reinventing yet again the idea of technocratic development as a justification for colonial rule. The empire’s legitimacy was going to be based on its technical ability to achieve rapid development, not on the racial superiority of the British. The empire could present itself as a benevolent autocrat for the colonial peoples. The British even banned racist statements by colonial officials to conform to the new narrative, although the victims of racism knew that such a ban did not immediately change racist attitudes.2 Ironically, Lord Hailey’s justification for colonialism and his cover-up of racism would later appeal to the anticolonial victims of racism, the new African political leaders who would emerge after the sooner-than-expected collapse of the British African empire in the 1950s and early 1960s.

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Lord Hailey himself hired Lewis on September 4, 1941. Although Lewis was too young and too black to have any influence on colonial policy for the rest of the war, it was a notable milestone. 15 The next step in saving the empire was Lord Hailey’s formulation of technocratic development as a justification for colonial rule. The way Lord Hailey became the key colonial official on development ideas itself reflected a technocratic mind-set. LORD HAILEY’S AFRICAN SURVEY William Malcolm Hailey had been an unlikely member of the Colonial Service to become Britain’s leading official Africanist. He had spent his career not in Africa but in India.

Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty
by Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson
Published 20 Mar 2012

Wouldn’t every citizen, every politician, and even a predatory dictator want to make his country as wealthy as possible? Let’s return to the Kingdom of Kongo we discussed earlier. Though this kingdom collapsed in the seventeenth century, it provided the name for the modern country that became independent from Belgian colonial rule in 1960. As an independent polity, Congo experienced almost unbroken economic decline and mounting poverty under the rule of Joseph Mobutu between 1965 and 1997. This decline continued after Mobutu was overthrown by Laurent Kabila. Mobutu created a highly extractive set of economic institutions.

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Though the slave trade mostly ended after 1807, subsequent European colonialism not only threw into reverse nascent economic modernization in parts of southern and western Africa but also cut off any possibility of indigenous institutional reform. This meant that even outside of areas such as Congo, Madagascar, Namibia, and Tanzania, the areas where plunder, mass disruption, and even whole-scale murder were the rule, there was little chance for Africa to change its institutional path. Even worse, the structures of colonial rule left Africa with a more complex and pernicious institutional legacy in the 1960s than at the start of the colonial period. The development of the political and economic institutions in many African colonies meant that rather than creating a critical juncture for improvements in their institutions, independence created an opening for unscrupulous leaders to take over and intensify the extraction that European colonialists presided over.

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As we will see (this page–this page), in the nineteenth century, King Khama, the grandfather of Botswana’s first prime minister at independence, Seretse Khama, initiated institutional changes to modernize the political and economic institutions of his tribe. Quite uniquely, these changes were not destroyed in the colonial period, partly as a consequence of Khama’s and other chiefs’ clever challenges to colonial authority. Their interplay with the critical juncture that independence from colonial rule created laid the foundations for Botswana’s economic and political success. It was another case of small historical differences mattering. There is a tendency to see historical events as the inevitable consequences of deep-rooted forces. While we place great emphasis on how the history of economic and political institutions creates vicious and virtuous circles, contingency, as we have emphasized in the context of the development of English institutions, can always be a factor.

It's Our Turn to Eat
by Michela Wrong
Published 9 Apr 2009

The most advanced economy in the region – thanks in part to the network of roads, cities, railroads and ports left by the British – Kenya has held linchpin status ever since independence by mere dint of what it is not. It has never been Uganda, where Idi Amin and Milton Obote demonstrated how brutal post-colonial rule could turn; or Rwanda, mourning a genocide that left nearly a million dead; or Sudan, venue for one of the continent's longest civil wars. In place of Ethiopia's feeding stations and Somalia's feuding warlords, it offered safari parks and five-star coastal hotels. Kenya's dysfunctional neighbours have always made it look good in comparison.

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When Kenya marked forty years of independence in 2003, newspaper cartoonists could not resist highlighting the cruel trick history had played on the country. They captured its itinerary in a series of chronological snapshots: in the first, an ordinary Kenyan in a neat suit and shined shoes stands sulking under white colonial rule. In the second, a free man under Kenyatta leaps for joy, but his suit is beginning to look distinctly tatty. By the Moi era, the emaciated mwananchi is crawling, not walking. His suit is in tatters, he has lost his shoes, and, eyes crazed, he is begging for alms. The statistics made the same point, in drier fashion: living standards in the independent, sovereign state of Kenya were actually lower than when the hated British ruled the roost.

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The dividing line between work and play blurred as John methodically extended an already enormous social circle to include any players with the insights and experience that might help him in the Herculean task of cleaning out Kenya's Augean stables. Since childhood, John had possessed a talent for bonding with people from different spheres. Thrusting Kenyan yuppies and world-weary Asian lawyers, doddery white leftovers from the days of colonial rule and impassioned activists from Kenya's civil society, lowly taxi drivers and puffed-up permanent secretaries: they might not be able to talk to one another, but they could all, somehow, talk to John. He might not have the hormonal magnetism that allows a man to electrify a crowd, but when it came to the one-on-one encounter, few were more beguiling.

Imperial Legacies
by Jeremy Black;
Published 14 Jul 2019

In a remark with which, Americans well-up on “statue wars” will be familiar, she remarked, “Having it on the parlour wall, in my view, sent mixed messages about the city council’s values today.” The same month, Satyapal Singh, the Indian minister for higher education, denounced evolution as the legacy of British colonial rule in the shape of an education system reinforcing an imperialist mentality. Instead, he announced that he would offer a new Hindu theory on the origin of species. It is difficult to see imperial amnesia in the contention of recent years over the history of the British Empire. Indeed, empire is an aspect of the culture wars: sometimes ridiculous, sometimes bitter, and sometimes both, in Britain and elsewhere, of recent years.

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The transfer of blame to the British Empire and/or to the United States was all too typical of a postcolonial failure to accept responsibility, a process also seen in debate within Britain and the United States. The creation of a new national history, the post-independence rethinking of the colonial period, and the need to “place” the latter in a hostile light have led to an emphasis on resistance to colonial rule, for example, by the Maroons of Jamaica in the eighteenth century, and also the “Indian Rebellion,” the renaming of the “Indian Mutiny.” However, this emphasis tended to involve a misleading treatment of much resistance in terms of later, nationalistic, anti-colonialism. An instructive instance is provided with the presentation of the Moroccan siege of English-held Tangier in 1680, in terms of postcolonial politics of resistance.10 That scarcely describes a situation in which Islamic anti-Christian feeling was more to the fore; Morocco was itself an empire with a history from the early 1590s of violent expansionism south across the Sahara into the Niger Valley, and its prime challenges came from Ottoman power based in neighboring Algiers and from Spain and Portugal; and not from England, later Britain, which, had obtained Tangier as a royal dowry.

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Ironically, in terms of their rhetoric, many of the newly independent states, such as Egypt, were authoritarian and/or militaristic, a point that underlines the complexity of judging British policy in the Suez Crisis of 1956.18 Moreover, “the underlying centrality of slavery in the historical relationship between Egypt and the Sudan” was such that anti-colonial nationalism in Egypt was readily compatible with an Egyptian determination to regain power over Sudan,19 where, if earlier British colonial rule was, to a degree, violent and destabilizing,20 so also had been that of Egypt. Other states that can be seen as authoritarian and/or military include Nigeria and Pakistan. Each in effect was a type of empire, in that groups based in one part of the state, the Punjab, for example, ruled more broadly and suppressed opposition, as in Baluchistan in Pakistan and the Ibo-inhabited region in Southeastern Nigeria.

Blood River: A Journey to Africa's Broken Heart
by Tim Butcher
Published 2 Jul 2007

Never in history, neither before nor since, has a single person claimed ownership of a larger tract of land. The territory was mostly virgin rainforest and savannah, crisscrossed by the Congo River and its countless tributaries, inhabited by millions of Congolese, but in those first years of colonial rule it was not the natives who posed the greatest threat to Leopold's interests. Arab slavers in the east of the country - the ones whose stories of a mighty river in the centre of Africa first attracted Livingstone and Stanley in the 1860s and 1870s - were a much greater concern for Leopold. Many of these Arabs had already lived for decades in the east of the country, organising raiding parties to plunder slaves and ivory, which would then be transported by caravan back to the large Arab trading centres around Zanzibar.

…

'I was horn near Liege, but arrived here in 1951. I was in my twenties and my job was as a teacher of social science. My duties were to teach Congolese ladies who came from villages about life in towns such as this one. We had classes in water hygiene, cooking, baby care and that sort of thing. People remember the Belgian colonial rule as a time for cruelty, but towards the end progress was being made across all of society. I used to live with a nurse who worked on a health programme that was successful in ending leprosy in the area and much of the malaria. Can you imagine that? Today, leprosy and malaria are killing thousands of people all over the Congo.'

…

We were standing in an old shop in what one day had been a terrace close to the Belgian monument in Kasongo. Part of the roof was missing and the damp floor was cluttered with rather secondrate bric-a-brac - broken furniture, stained clothing, dirty cooking pots. Vermond clearly had a thing about hats because among his possessions I spotted a classic icon of Belgian colonial rule, a cream-coloured sun helmet, the sort of topi Tintin wore through out his Tintin Ali Congo adventures. Seeing it made me think of all the black-and-white photographs I had seen during my research of Congolese colonials carrying out the business of colonialism - stalking past railway stations or peering from road bridges or surveying copper mines - and always doing it while wearing one of these topis.

Africa: A Biography of the Continent
by John Reader
Published 5 Nov 1998

They must be reduced to a minimum.’4 As the failings of the chartered companies mounted, the colonial powers were obliged to raise their grants-in-aid. Some five to ten years after the start of colonial rule, most territories were receiving grants at ten times the initial rate. Thereafter, as the colonies advanced towards economic self-sufficiency, grants declined. By about 1914 they had been almost entirely replaced by local revenues.5 The thirty-year transition from dependency to economic self-sufficiency marks a continent-wide submission to colonial rule. It was a process which demanded the active collaboration of the African population – and at often considerable cost to themselves.

…

The expansion of banana cultivation in the region led to ‘spectacular demographic increase’.25 By the eighteenth century the power of pastoral leaders was being eclipsed by the power of leaders controlling dense agricultural populations in the highlands of the Rift Valley escarpment to the west and along the shores of Lake Victoria to the east. A number of distinct polities emerged from this conjunction of pastoral and agricultural interests; some were elevated to the status of kingdoms under colonial rule (1890s to 1960s): Buganda, Bunyoro, Nkore, and Toro. The Great Lakes region was perhaps the largest, most richly endowed, most developed and most densely populated of indigenous agricultural systems in Africa. It was also one of the last to be ‘discovered’ by Europeans. John Hanning Speke was the first white man to enter the region.

…

The Germans established sisal estates, coconut and cashew plantations; people worked for them. The Germans were not bad, Hassan's father had said, they were sometimes cruel – they lashed people who did not work hard enough – but not bad. Hassan himself grew up in what he recalls as a period of steadily mounting prosperity under colonial rule. The Germans and the British colonial government which took over the territory after the First World War introduced machinery, made roads, built schools and hospitals. ‘All good things, no bad things,’ he says, ‘things got better day after day.’ Hassan remembers the 1930s in particular as a golden age among the palms, a time when the benefits and costs of the colonial experience balanced out in favour of the indigenous population and offered a promising future.

Culture and Imperialism
by Edward W. Said
Published 29 May 1994

Just as culture may predispose and actively prepare one society for the overseas domination of another, it may also prepare that society to relinquish or modify the idea of overseas domination. These changes cannot occur without the willingness of men and women to resist the pressures of colonial rule, to take up arms, to project ideas of liberation, and to imagine (as Benedict Anderson has it) a new national community, to take the final plunge. Nor can they occur unless either economic or political exhaustion with empire sets in at home, unless the idea of empire and the cost of colonial rule are challenged publicly, unless the representations of imperialism begin to lose their justification and legitimacy, and, finally, unless the rebellious “natives” impress upon the metropolitan culture the independence and integrity of their own culture, free from colonial encroachment.

…

The colonial territories are realms of possibility, and they have always been associated with the realistic novel. Robinson Crusoe is virtually unthinkable without the colonizing mission that permits him to create a new world of his own in the distant reaches of the African, Pacific, and Atlantic wilderness. But most of the great nineteenth-century realistic novelists are less assertive about colonial rule and possessions than either Defoe or late writers like Conrad and Kipling, during whose time great electoral reform and mass participation in politics meant that imperial competition became a more intrusive domestic topic. In the closing year of the nineteenth century, with the scramble for Africa, the consolidation of the French imperial Union, the American annexation of the Philippines, and British rule in the Indian subcontinent at its height, empire was a universal concern.

…

I have tried to show that the morality in fact is not separable from its social basis: right up to the last sentence, Austen affirms and repeats the geographical process of expansion involving trade, production, and consumption that predates, underlies, and guarantees the morality. And expansion, as Gallagher reminds us, whether “through colonial rule was liked or disliked, [its] desirability through one mode or another was generally accepted. So in the event there were few domestic constraints upon expansion.”46 Most critics have tended to forget or overlook that process, which has seemed less important to critics than Austen herself seemed to think.

Horizons: The Global Origins of Modern Science
by James Poskett
Published 22 Mar 2022

Much as we’ve seen elsewhere, the development of the modern physical sciences in India was fundamentally shaped by the growth of industry, nationalism, and war.61 In order to understand the history of science in late nineteenth-century India, we need to begin by looking at the changing nature of colonial rule. In 1858, the year Bose was born, the British Crown took formal control of the Indian colonies, which had previously been governed by the East India Company. This marked the beginning of the British Raj, which lasted until Indian independence in 1947. With formal colonial rule came a number of new scientific institutions. Just prior to the formation of the British Raj, the East India Company had established the first three universities in India, in the cities of Calcutta, Madras, and Bombay.

…

With letters of reference from the Cavendish Laboratory, he was immediately appointed as the first Indian Professor of Physics at Presidency College, part of the University of Calcutta. He was, however, paid only a third of the salary of his European counterparts at the same institution – another reminder of the injustices of colonial rule. Determined to fight against these prejudices, Bose returned to the Indian Association, but this time as a lecturer rather than a student. At the Indian Association, Bose was able to perfect his lecturing style, inspiring a new generation of Indian scientists. He also began serious research into the properties of electromagnetic waves, making use of the Indian Association’s laboratory which had recently been expanded.

…

Telegraph lines criss-crossed the country, connecting India to the wider British Empire, whilst various private companies began manufacturing and installing electric lights in Indian cities. In fact, Bose himself advised on the introduction of the first electric streetlights in Calcutta in 1891.63 Despite the growth of science and industry under colonial rule, opportunities for Indians to conduct original research were still relatively rare. Leadership positions within colonial scientific departments were reserved for British scientists. The same was true of the majority of teaching positions at Indian universities. When Bose became Professor of Physics in 1885, he became the first – and for a few years, the only – Indian teaching science at the University of Calcutta.

A River in Darkness: One Man's Escape From North Korea
by Masaji Ishikawa
Published 2 Jan 2018

They had no concept of what it was or what it meant. My comrades had only ever known or heard of colonial rule at the hands of Japan and dictatorship at the hands of Kim Il-sung. And before that was the miserable feudal period of the Korean dynasties. They’d only ever known bondage. North Koreans didn’t have anything to compare their country with because they’d never experienced anything else. Even when Kim Il-sung did something particularly brutal or horrific, no one raised an eyebrow. “Remember the time of Japanese colonial rule!” “Never forget the cruelty of American imperialism!” Without any other information at their disposal, young North Koreans simply fell for the propaganda.

…

“I can’t believe the way those people deceived me! Masaji, if you ever get back to Japan, tell them what I think of them!” Oddly enough, I never heard him complain about or blame the political system of North Korea. I finally realized that he’d never experienced true freedom. He’d been born under Japanese colonial rule and then shipped off to a life of slave labor. So he’d never known anything else. That might explain why he seemed to grow milder and more accepting over time. My mother, however, became more frightened by the day. Soon after we moved into our rickety shack, a young police officer came by. According to this fellow, our family register was defective.

…

I picked up the letter and saw that it contained news of her mother’s death: Your mother was calling your name until she passed away. I recalled my grandmother’s last words to me. “You’re Japanese,” she’d said. I remember how sad her eyes were. She knew her history. She understood what awful things go on under colonial rule. I knew that my grandmother had tried desperately to change my mother’s mind about leaving Japan but to no avail. I still remember looking for her at Shinagawa Station—but she hadn’t come to see us off. After my grandmother’s death, my mother’s face quickly developed deep wrinkles. She suddenly became more weathered, worn, and frail.

Ghosts of Empire: Britain's Legacies in the Modern World
by Kwasi Kwarteng
Published 14 Aug 2011

‘Effendi’ is a Turkish term, widely heard in Egypt and the Sudan in colonial times, which now, in modern Turkish, is used where an English-speaker might say ‘Mr’. In the colonial period, the effendi were the educated classes, the intellectuals, who often adopted a strongly nationalist stance against British colonial rule. Years later, when reflecting on mistakes made by the British in the Sudan, Sir James Robertson accepted that this class of person had been foolishly overlooked. The Sudan government had ‘tended to put too much emphasis on the Nazirs and the Sheiks and not enough on the small educated class’. The British ‘were much more friendly with the country members than with the “effendia”’.

…

The abolition of the Egyptian monarchy by the Free Officers’ coup led by Gamal Abdel Nasser in July 1952 was followed by the new Egyptian government’s abandonment of any lingering claims of sovereignty over Sudan.19 Arab nationalism had its effect in making northern Sudanese politicians more focused on achieving independence and less willing to accommodate the south, which, in terms of population, comprised only a quarter of the country. As the British Foreign Office drily observed, the ‘nationalistic self-confidence which is now the mood of all independent Middle Eastern states is not conducive to successful colonial rule’.20 The explosive situation reached its climax in August 1955 when troops of the Sudan Defence Force based in the south mutinied. The structure of the Force had made such an event likely, as it was split into battalions which had been selected along ethnic lines. There were ‘black battalions’ from the south and then there were the Camel Corps and the Eastern Arab Corps, which, as their names implied, were units composed exclusively of Arabic-speakers.21 The south protested, in a violent way, against the increasing dominance that northern Arabic-speakers began to wield in their territory.

…

Theodore Roosevelt remarked as long ago as 1910 that he doubted if, in any part of the world, there was ‘a more striking instance . . . of genuine progress achieved by the substitution of civilization for savagery’. This was a bold claim, but estimates of the population decline during the time of the Mahdi and his bloodthirsty successor, the Khalifa, from a figure of about 8 million to some 2 million, showed that Sudan had enjoyed some benefits from the stability provided by colonial rule. A note of self-congratulation, combined with an awareness of the ingratitude of the natives, was expressed most eloquently by Rudyard Kipling, the unofficial poet laureate of empire, in 1913: ‘In due time the Sudanese will forget how warily their fathers had to walk in the Mahdi’s time to secure even a bellyful.

Unfinished Empire: The Global Expansion of Britain
by John Darwin
Published 12 Feb 2013

The centenary of his birth in 1953 was marked by the visit there of the Queen Mother and the Queen’s sister, Princess Margaret, amid a large gathering of dignitaries, and by the unveiling of a memorial tablet in Westminster Abbey.4 In Rhodes of Africa (1936), cinema-goers were regaled with a vision of Rhodes as gruff, manly and masterful, a true maker of empire. After 1960, a great reaction set in. The dismantling of empire, foreshadowed in the independence of India in 1947, was now well advanced. Colonial rule had lost what remained of its moral legitimacy as a form of enlightened trusteeship. The postwar idea of world order, embodied in the United Nations’ Charter, rejected all forms of colonialism in favour of the universal ideal of the sovereign nation-state. To progressive opinion in Britain, the imperial tradition now seemed an incubus.

…

It had to make up its mind on what forms of law they should have and whether or not to respect their ideas about property, punishment and the practice of religion. It was soon pressed to lay down the conditions on which incomers and immigrants could buy land from the locals, and if they should be subject to the same regime as the natives. There was no standardized formula. Although there were certain broad categories of colonial rule, almost every acquisition brought its own special history, and demanded customized features. Both time and place mattered. Sometimes no local ruler appeared to chase the intruders away or disrupt their mumbo-jumbo proclamations. Sometimes, like King Docemo, he could be pushed brusquely aside with a pension.

…

For all the myths that were peddled about African wealth, Europeans quickly discovered the limits imposed by a harsh physical environment, sparse populations and the hardships of travel: to go from Zanzibar to Uganda in the mid 1890s meant a walk of two months.86 The brutal corollary was that coercion was needed to accumulate wealth – at least on the scale that outsiders demanded. Coercion permitted the seizure of land and the conscription of labour, often both simultaneously. Colonial rule thus became, for a white master-class, the means of economic control: dividing the land between a large settler zone and reserves for the natives; and imposing the taxes that forced African males to seek work on the farms or on the diamond, coal and gold fields of South Central Africa with their insatiable demand for cheap migrant labour.

Civilization: The West and the Rest
by Niall Ferguson
Published 28 Feb 2011

These profound differences between the civil societies of colonial North and South America would have enduring consequences when the time came for them to govern themselves independently. AMERICAN REVOLUTIONS In 1775, despite all the profound economic and social differences that had developed between them, both North and South America were still composed of colonies ruled by distant kings. That, however, was about to change. On 2 July 1776 a large crowd gathered on the steps of the old trading exchange in Charleston to hear South Carolina’s government declare the colony’s independence from Britain. It was the first to do so. Some forty years later Spanish rule was ended in Latin America.

…

In the twenty-three modern Asian countries for which data are available, with one exception, the health transition came between the 1890s and the 1950s. In Africa it came between the 1920s and the 1950s, with just two exceptions out of forty-three countries. In nearly all Asian and African countries, then, life expectancy began to improve before the end of European colonial rule. Indeed, the rate of improvement in Africa has declined since independence, especially but not exclusively because of the HIV-AIDS epidemic. It is also noteworthy that Latin American countries did not fare any better, despite enjoying political independence from the early 1800s.8 The timing of the improvement in life expectancy is especially striking as much of it predated the introduction of antibiotics (not least streptomycin as a cure for tuberculosis), the insecticide DDT and vaccines other than the simple ones for smallpox and yellow fever invented in the imperial era (see below).

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It ends with the tricolore flying proudly over the entire African continent, from Algiers to Dakar, from Brazzaville to Madagascar. It would not be hard to mock this classic expression of French imperial aspiration.110 Yet that aspiration was not without its results. In Senegal, as we have seen, colonial rule was associated with a sustained improvement in life expectancy of around ten years, from thirty to forty. Algeria and Tunisia also saw comparable improvements.111 Better medical care – in particular reduced infant mortality and premature infertility – was the reason why populations in French Africa began to grow so rapidly after 1945.112 In Indo-China it was the French who constructed 20,000 miles of road and 2,000 of railways, opened coal, tin and zinc mines and established rubber plantations.113 In 1922 around 20,000 Vietnamese were granted French citizenship – still a tiny minority in a population of 3 million, but not a trivial number.114 In French West Africa the franchise was extended to a million Africans in 1946 and a further 3 million five years later.115 Sleeping sickness, which had been the scourge of Cameroon under German rule, was largely eradicated under French rule.116 The Timing and Pace of Health Transitions in the French Empire Senegal Tunisia Algeria Vietnam France Beginning of transition c. 1945 1935 c. 1940 c. 1930 c. 1795 Years gained per annum 0.63 0.68 0.70 0.67 0.25 Life expectancy at beginning 30.2 28.8 31.2 22.5 28.1 Life expectancy in 1960 39.6 45.8 45.2 42.6 69.4 Life expectancy in 2000 52.3 72.1 71.0 69.4 78.6 Passed 65 in year – c. 1985 1987 1987 1948 By contrast, the Belgians ran the worst of all African empires in the Congo,117 while the Third Reich deserves to be considered the worst of all the European empires – the reductio ad absurdum and ad nauseam of the nineteenth-century notion of the civilizing mission, because its actual effect on the territories it briefly controlled was to barbarize them.

Political Order and Political Decay: From the Industrial Revolution to the Globalization of Democracy
by Francis Fukuyama
Published 29 Sep 2014

The regimientos and cabildos—institutions of local government that had earlier been elected—were by 1600 sold by the Crown as heritable property. State institutionalization thus went into reverse, from a modern, bureaucratic system to a patrimonial one. Ideas mattered a great deal as well in the evolution of institutions. In the first centuries of colonial rule, there was no Spanish Hobbes or Locke to tell the settlers that they possessed natural and universal rights as human beings. What they had instead were particularistic feudal privileges that they had inherited or bought. In contrast to the British settlers of North America, the Creole populations of Latin America were thus much more likely to demand protection of their privileges than of their rights.16 The ideas exported from Spain began to change again, as James Mahoney points out, during the liberal Bourbon phase of empire that began around 1600.

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What East Asia had that Latin America needed more of and that Africa lacked almost entirely were strong, coherent states that could control violence and carry out good, economically rational public policies. THE ORIGINS OF STATE WEAKNESS The African deficit in state capacity must of course be traced back to the legacy of colonialism, as well as to the nature of African societies prior to the onset of European colonial rule. In this respect, Africa’s inheritance was totally different from that of Latin America. In the latter region, Spain and Portugal succeeded in wiping out the indigenous regimes and reproducing their own authoritarian, mercantilist political systems on the soil of the New World. Old World class hierarchies were amplified by the racial and ethnic differences that appeared as the Europeans extracted resources from their colonies.

…

States that make heavy use of overt coercion and brutality often do so because they cannot exercise proper authority. They have what Michael Mann labels “despotic power” but not “infrastructural power” to penetrate and shape society.7 This was true of both the colonial African state and the independent countries that emerged after the end of colonial rule.8 The reality of the colonial state was not a transplanted absolutist regime imposed by the Europeans but rather “indirect rule,” a policy that had been practiced since the Indian Rebellion of 1858 but was systematically articulated for the first time by Lord Frederick Lugard, the British governor of, among other places, Northern Nigeria (from 1900 to 1906) and Hong Kong (from 1907 to 1912).

Bad Samaritans: The Myth of Free Trade and the Secret History of Capitalism
by Ha-Joon Chang
Published 26 Dec 2007

At the time, the country’s main exports were tungsten, fish and other primary commodities. As for Samsung, * now one of the world’s leading exporters of mobile phones, semiconductors and computers, the company started out as an exporter of fish, vegetables and fruit in 1938, seven years before Korea’s independence from Japanese colonial rule. Until the 1970s, its main lines of business were sugar refining and textiles that it had set up in the mid-1950s.2 When it moved into the semiconductor industry by acquiring a 50% stake in Korea Semiconductor in 1974, no one took it seriously. After all, Samsung did not even manufacture colour TV sets until 1977.

…

It was our refrigerator (the kitchen being too small to accommodate it).My wife, Hee-Jeong, born in Kwangju in 1966, tells me that her neighbours would regularly ‘deposit’ their precious meat in the refrigerator of her mother, the wife of a prosperous doctor, as if she were the manager of an exclusive Swiss private bank. A small cement-brick house with a black-and-white TV and a refrigerator may not sound much, but it was a dream come true for my parents’ generation, who had lived through the most turbulent and deprived times: Japanese colonial rule (1910–45), the Second World War, the division of the country into North and South Korea (1948) and the Korean War. Whenever I and my sister, Yonhee, and brother, Hasok, complained about food, my mother would tell us how spoilt we were. She would remind us that, when they were our age, people of her generation would count themselves lucky if they had an egg.

…

The truth is that the free movement of goods, people, and money that developed under British hegemony between 1870 and 1913 – the first episode of globalization – was made possible, in large part, by military might, rather than market forces. Apart from Britain itself, the practitioners of free trade during this period were mostly weaker countries that had been forced into, rather than had voluntarily adopted, it as a result of colonial rule or ‘unequal treaties’ (like the Nanking Treaty), which, among other things, deprived them of the right to set tariffs and imposed externally determined low, flat-rate tariffs (3–5%) on them.8 Despite their key role in promoting ‘free’ trade in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, colonialism and unequal treaties hardly get any mention in the hordes of pro-globalisation books.9 Even when they are explicitly discussed, their role is seen as positive on the whole.

Bad Samaritans: The Guilty Secrets of Rich Nations and the Threat to Global Prosperity
by Ha-Joon Chang
Published 4 Jul 2007

At the time, the country’s main exports were tungsten, fish and other primary commodities. As for Samsung,i now one of the world’s leading exporters of mobile phones, semiconductors and computers, the company started out as an exporter of fish, vegetables and fruit in 1938, seven years before Korea’s independence from Japanese colonial rule. Until the 1970s, its main lines of business were sugar refining and textiles that it had set up in the mid-1950s.2 When it moved into the semiconductor industry by acquiring a 50% stake in Korea Semiconductor in 1974, no one took it seriously. After all, Samsung did not even manufacture colour TV sets until 1977.

…

My wife, Hee-Jeong, born in Kwangju in 1966, tells me that her neighbours would regularly ‘deposit’ their precious meat in the refrigerator of her mother, the wife of a prosperous doctor, as if she was the manager of an exclusive Swiss private bank. A small cement-brick house with a black-and-white TV and a refrigerator may not sound much, but it was a dream come true for my parents’ generation, who had lived through the most turbulent and deprived times: Japanese colonial rule (1910–45), the Second World War, the division of the country into North and South Korea (1948) and the Korean War. Whenever I and my sister, Yonhee, and brother, Hasok, complained about food, my mother would tell us how spoilt we were. She would remind us that, when they were our age, people of her generation would count themselves lucky if they had an egg.

…

The truth is that the free movement of goods, people, and money that developed under British hegemony between 1870 and 1913 – the first episode of globalization – was made possible, in large part, by military might, rather than market forces. Apart from Britain itself, the practitioners of free trade during this period were mostly weaker countries that had been forced into, rather than had voluntarily adopted, it as a result of colonial rule or ‘unequal treaties’ (like the Nanking Treaty), which, among other things, deprived them of the right to set tariffs and imposed externally determined low, flat-rate tariffs (3–5%) on them.8 Despite their key role in promoting ‘free’ trade in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, colonialism and unequal treaties hardly get any mention in the hordes of pro-globalisation books.9 Even when they are explicitly discussed, their role is seen as positive on the whole.

Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World
by Niall Ferguson
Published 1 Jan 2002

In August 1999 the African World Reparations and Repatriation Truth Commission, meeting in Accra, issued a demand for reparations from ‘all those nations of Western Europe and the Americas and institutions, who participated and benefited from the slave trade and colonialism’. The sum suggested as adequate compensation – based on estimates of ‘the number of human lives lost to Africa during the slave-trade, as well as an assessment of the worth of the gold, diamonds and other minerals taken from the continent during colonial rule’ – was $777 trillion. Given that more than three million of the ten million or so Africans who crossed the Atlantic as slaves before 1850 were shipped in British vessels, the putative British reparations burden could be in the region of £150 trillion. Such a claim may seem fantastic. But the idea was given some encouragement at the United Nations World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance, held in Durban in the summer of 2001.

…

In the latter camp belong the liberals, from Adam Smith onwards, who have maintained for almost as many years that the British Empire was, even from Britain’s point of view, ‘a waste of money’. The central nationalist/Marxist assumption is, of course, that imperialism was economically exploitative; every facet of colonial rule, including even the apparently sincere efforts of Europeans to study and understand indigenous cultures, was at root designed to maximize the ‘surplus value’ that could be extracted from the subject peoples. The central liberal assumption is more paradoxical. It is that precisely because imperialism distorted market forces – using everything from military force to preferential tariffs to rig business in the favour of the metropolis – it was not in the long-term interests of the metropolitan economy either.

…

Traditional accounts of ‘decolonization’ tend to give the credit for the blame) to the nationalist movements within the colonies, from Sinn Fein in Ireland to Congress in India. The end of Empire is portrayed as a victory for ‘freedom fighters’, who took up arms from Dublin to Delhi to rid their peoples of the yoke of colonial rule. This is misleading. Throughout the twentieth century, the principal threats – and the most plausible alternatives – to British rule were not national independence movements, but other empires. These alternative empires were significantly harsher in their treatment of subject peoples than Britain.

The Divide: A Brief Guide to Global Inequality and Its Solutions
by Jason Hickel
Published 3 May 2017

Leopold also assumed total control over the Congolese economy, decreeing that Africans could only sell their products to the state, while the state in turn controlled all prices and incomes. Ten million Congolese perished under Leopold’s brutal regime – roughly half the country’s population.48 Many of them died at the hands of direct Belgian aggression, but others died because colonial rule destroyed local economies and dislocated indigenous communities, causing widespread dispossession and starvation, along with an increase in fatal tropical diseases. As for the wealth from all the ivory and rubber, it was used in Belgium to fund beautiful stately architecture, public works, arches, parks and impressive railway stations – all the markers of development that adorn Brussels today, the bejewelled headquarters of the European Union.

…

Rich countries have a natural abundance of capital, so their wages will be higher and they will specialise in capital-intensive production of higher-order commodities. In orthodox economic theory, this is regarded as the natural order of things. But as soon as we bring history back into the picture, this theory starts to fall apart. Why do poor countries have a comparative abundance of labour in the first place? Because of hundreds of years of colonial rule, under which subsistence economies were destroyed and millions of people were displaced and forced into the labour market, driving unemployment up and wages down. The fact that slavery was used up through the 19th century further contributed to downward pressure on wages, as workers had to compete with free labour.

…

These developmentalist policies mimicked the very same measures that the United States and Europe used to such good effect during their own periods of economic consolidation.14 And they worked equally well in the global South, delivering high per capita income growth rates of 3.2 per cent during the 1960s and 1970s – double or triple what the West achieved during the Industrial Revolution, and more than six times the growth rate under colonial rule.15 It was a postcolonial miracle. And the new wealth was more equitably shared than before: in Latin America, for example, the gap between the richest fifth and poorest fifth of the population shrank by 22 per cent.16 Developmentalism also had an impressive impact on human welfare. At the end of colonialism, life expectancy in the global South was a mere forty years.

Diverse Bodies, Diverse Practices: Toward an Inclusive Somatics
by Don Hanlon Johnson
Published 10 Sep 2018

Despite the fight for independence, Pilipinos were betrayed and once again overpowered. After the Philippine-American war, the Philippines became a U.S. Protectorate, a euphemism for colonial rule and once again victim to imperialist and colonial rule. Similar to the Spanish, the United States used insidious tactics to shape the country into their likeness. For the sake of American imperialism, they brought Thomasites to teach English and glorify American values to prevent indigenous insurrection. Even more devastating was the use of Freudian psychology to develop U.S. colonial rule. According to Ronald Tataki, Freudian psychology emphasized that only men/masculinity have the power of reason and rationality, and that patriarchy is the only model strong enough to subdue the instincts and impulses of the uncivilized Pilipino people.9 The United States used this rationale of saving the Pilipino to plunder the land, avail themselves of trade with Asia, strengthen their military presence, and continue the colonial work that Spain had started long ago, replacing Spanish values with American ones. 9 Leny Mendoza Strobel, Coming Full Circle: The Process of Decolonization among Post-1965 Filipino Americans (Santa Rosa, CA: Center for Babaylan Studies, 2015), 49–50.

…

According to Ronald Tataki, Freudian psychology emphasized that only men/masculinity have the power of reason and rationality, and that patriarchy is the only model strong enough to subdue the instincts and impulses of the uncivilized Pilipino people.9 The United States used this rationale of saving the Pilipino to plunder the land, avail themselves of trade with Asia, strengthen their military presence, and continue the colonial work that Spain had started long ago, replacing Spanish values with American ones. 9 Leny Mendoza Strobel, Coming Full Circle: The Process of Decolonization among Post-1965 Filipino Americans (Santa Rosa, CA: Center for Babaylan Studies, 2015), 49–50. After nearly five generations of colonial violence and intergenerational trauma, the indigenous brown body had successfully internalized their oppressors in the hopes of thriving under colonial rule. The cost was high and the body split in two, forming the double consciousness that Rizal and Du Bois poignantly describe. These embodiments would form into a potent self-hate and self-loathing as they come to realize they would never be seen as equals, that their lives did not matter. This toxic shaping would form into slow forms of suicide, a deep loss of self and authenticity, and the loss of connection and community.

…

and questions of lineage, 161–165 who decides group membership, 175–178 black people books authored by prominent, 229 on double consciousness in the U.S. of, 186 blackness, identifying with, 176–177 blessings (iré), cowry shell divination, 47–48 blue, as color of the West, 55 bodily practices. see also Japanese society, bodily practices as alienation from authentic self, 203–204 body as authentic self in, 204 constriction and release in, 82–83 rarely valued as theme of academic study, 202 somatics as new field of, 204–208 body accessing in somatic practice, 189 in autism. see autistic embodiment Babaylan and decolonizing of, 191 beginning of embodiment, 252–253 and body politic, 12–16 derivation of word, 10 and environment in epigenetics, 257–259 impact of life on gay men, 262–264 as interconnected process, 133–135 learning how to hold e, 243 as process, 133 reframing as resource and teacher, 86 returning to African ways of embodiment, 244 soma-cultural perspective on. see balance, seeking via 5Rhythms somatics and the social, 201–204 white people and safety of, 237–240 working with other autistics, 116 body politic, and body, 12–16 body practices, social change and, 9–12 body privilege, in gay community, 267–268 Bodynamics, reservoir theory, 268 bonsai tree metaphor, gay men, 254–255, 275 borderlands body and body politic, 12–16 democratic sensibility, 5–9 disoriented and vulnerable wanderers in, 4 from division to creation, 1–3 making bodies and social change, 9–12 shared suffering, 3–5 somatics, 16–19 Bowen, Bill, 265 Bowlby, John, 56 bracketing, mental vs. bodily, 206 brain causing dyspraxia in autistics, 96–97 cortical neurons in autistic, 91 epigenetic research on, 259 neuroplasticity of autistic, 106–107 in protogay child, 261–262 Brainspotting, pattern theory, 266 bullying childhood experiences of racism via, 232–233 most autistic children subjected to, 102 preventing by learning aikido, 106 Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA), AIAN nations eligibility for benefits, 26 C Cabbage Patch doll, 166–167 California Institute of Integral Studies (CIIS), 82–83 Call of the Wild (London), 255 caregivers, attachment to our, 56 cathexis point, reservoir theory, 268–269 Catholic imperialism, 185–186, 187–189 Catholicism, red color in, 51 celibacy, Gandhi’s pleas for, 13 centering, and autistic students/clients, 116–117 chachayotes (ankle rattles), Danza Azteca, 52 Chang, Iris, 213–214 chant (oli), Hula Kahiko traditions, 60–61 chaos, rhythm of 5Rhythms and, 36–37 defined, 31 leads to catharsis, then to lyrical, 37–38 somatic sense of self, 40–42 Chemsex, 270 children, South as direction of, 64–66 Chinese-American civil movement, 213–214 CIIS (California Institute of Integral Studies), 82–83 clients, autistic, 116–117 closing the Gap, 145–147 cognition, autistic neurobiology and, 90 collective Gap, 135–139 collective wounding, depression, 144–145 colonialism colonization in Philippines, 184–189 decolonization in Philippines. see decolonization, somatics of Gandhi on purging body of effects of, 13 Gandhi’s analysis of, 15–16 hiding Lukimi practices during, 45 integrating oppression into somatics, 184 coming out process breaking free as gay man, 255 how gay men come into being, 257 increasing resiliency via, 274 Coming to America movie, 244 communal organization, 5–8 community breaking free as gay man and, 256 creating new social order, 2–3 double consciousness from loss of, 187 gay man expressing embodiment in, 274 joining Soul Sistah Circle, 172 complexity theory, Edgar Morin, 263 Connections (Roth), 41 consecrated beaded necklace/flag (eleke), Lukimi, 48–49 constriction, and release, 82–84 constructionist worldview, 21 containment, direction of west and, 56 cooperative communal organization, 5–8 Core Energetics, reservoir theory, 268 cortical neurons, autistic brain, 91 cowry shell divination (diloggun reading), 45–46 cowry shell diviner (oriate), 47–48 creation,, from division to, 1–3 creativity, difference essential to, 1–2 Crutcher, Terrance (killing of), 172 cultivation, narratives of in this book, 12 cycle of inquiry, somatic sense of self, 40–41 D dance of 5Rhythms. see 5Rhythms practice asking permission of ancestors to, 60–61 of autistic embodiment, 99–100, 103, 110–111, 114 between body and world, 133 changing bodily practice of, 9 feeling in sync with external universe, 50 freedom via, 25 with the Gap, 123–126, 135–139, 146–147 healing divided mind and body, 17, 25 as process of lifelong learning, 23 shaping infant into adult, 11 West African. see West African dance danzante, Danza Azteca and, 52–53 de-armoring, autistics, 117 decolonization, somatics of accessing depth through Babaylan, 189–192 accessing length through Bahala Na, 194–196 accessing width through Kapwa, 192–194 collective dignity, collective responsibility, 196–197 DeGruy, Joy, 87, 235 de-historicizing the body, 210–212, 213 democracy creating inclusive social order, 5–6 European Enlightenment subordinated, 7–8 in fifth-century BCE Greece, 6 long struggle of, 6–7 nurturing individual/collective healing, 8–9 welfare of others in, 7 depression from childhood abuses, 259 family lineage of, 144 in gap between wounding/healing, 124–125 as individual and collective, 144–145 isolation in, 143–144 toying with death in, 130–131 despair, kapwa as anchor for deep, 194 determination in face of uncertainty (bahala na), 195–196 Dewey, John, 8–9 DiAngelo, Robin, 153–154 difference, essential to creativity, 1–2 dignity, collective, 196–197 diloggun reading (cowry shell divination), 45–46 diversity autism and human neurodiversity, 90 creating new out of, 2 soma-cultural perspective on, 21–22 division, to creation from, 1–3 DNA markers, passing trauma through epigenetic, 235, 236 dolls, in biracial childhood, 166–167 double consciousness of black people in U.S., 186 of Filipinos after generations of colonialism, 187 drugs, influence on gay somatic life, 269–270 drums, 244–245 Du Bois, W.E.B., 186, 191, 229 dual attention cultivating mindful presence, 107 quality of expansiveness in, 109 work with autistic students and clients, 117 Duncan, Isadora, 206 dununba (largest dun), 244 dununfola (player of drums), 245 dununs (three drums), 244 dyspraxia in autistic individuals, 96–97 neuroplasticity supplanting, 107 shaming young autistics for lack of physical aptitude, 103 E Ealom, Tayla. see social wounds/personal transformation Earth direction of South as element of, 64 rhythm of flowing and Mother, 33–34 East, direction of the, 51–53 Eastern philosophy, mind-body issue in, 11 ebbo prescriptions, cowry shell divination, 48–49 Ebonics, 234 ecstasy, in sexual experiences/expression, 36–37 efun (used in ceremony for protection), 60 elders, North as direction of, 59 Eleggua, as living energy in Lakimi, 49 eleke (consecrated beaded necklace/flag), Lukimi practice, 48–49 Emancipation Proclamation, 222 embodiment autistic. see autistic embodiment gay men and therapeutic, 271–276 gay men seek to explain their, 257 reawakening for gay men, 255 relationship of protogay boy to, 261 EMDR (Eye Movement Desensitization and Reprocessing), pattern theory, 266 Emergent Strategy (Brown), 80, 84 emotion, ethnic origin and, 152 empire, oppression of, 184 engagement, somatic sense of self, 40–41 ennvrkvpv (in the middle) sexual orientation, 28 Enriquez, Virgilio, 189, 195 environment autistic embodiment and, 115 and body in epigenetics, 257–259 embodied experience shaped by, 230 expanding/contracting and, 81–84 gay men profoundly shaped by, 255 molded into different shapes by our, 275 White people’s social, 153 whole body interaction with, 131–132 epigenetics genetic theory and, 257–259 how gay men come into being, 257 passing trauma through DNA markers, 235, 236 physical environment and, 269 Erotic Mind (Morin), 272 Europe, Reich addressing social devastation in, 13–14 European Enlightenment, 7–8, 10 expansiveness as quality of akido, 109 working with other autistics, 117 experience characteristics of, 207–208 disconnection of thought and, 206 environment shapes our embodied, 230 as a flow, 207 learning from history, 208–210 nature of autistic, 90–91 peace education grounded in, 208–210 trauma manifests in embodied, 236 unexamined framework of bodily, 206 Worldwork field dynamics and, 212–213 Experiencing and the Creation of Meaning (Gendlin), 206–208 experiential psychology, 212–216 external experience (labas), kapwa and, 194 eye contact, autistics and, 95–96 Eye Movement Desensitization and Reprocessing (EMDR), pattern theory, 266 F fable-like story (patakí), cowry shell divination, 47 fallow field concept, rhythm of stillness, 38–39 family origins, biracial child, 161–162 fascism, Reich’s analysis of, 14–16 Faye, Oumou, 245 field dynamics, Worldwork, 212–213 flowers, South as direction of, 64 flowing, rhythm of 5Rhythms and, 32–34 defined, 31 exploring somatic sense of self, 40–42 For Harriet, online community, 175 Foster, Kimberley, 175 Francis-Ecoffey, Stephanie. see black and white: biracial in America freedom letting go of chaos for, 38 requires body practices, 14 Freudian psychology U.S. colonial rule in Philippines and, 186–187 Wilhelm Reich shaped by, 14 Fukuma, Yoshiaki, 208–209 G Gandhi, Mohandas, 12–16 Gap closing, 145–147 collective, 135–139 definition of, 123 and I, 123–134 structuring, 139–143 gay coming out as, 33 what it means to be, 22–23 gay men, somatic psychotherapy and beginning of embodiment, 252–253 beginning to work with, 253–257 bibliography, 276–282 coming into being, 257–265 genetic theory and epigenetics, 257–259 how I got here, 251–252 overview of, 249–250 physical psychoeducation, 265–266 protogay boy, 260–261 protogay child, 261–265 revisiting epigenetics, 269–271 somatic theory, 266–269 therapeutic embodiment and, 271–276 Gendlin, Eugene, 61, 131–132, 206–208 genetic theory, and epigenetics, 257–259 The Great Turning, awaits us, 146 Greece, democracy in in fifth-century BCE, 6 grief colonialism and undigested, 188 exploring using rhythm of staccato, 35 healing by turning slowly towards wound, 146–147 from impacts of racism, 122, 139, 144–145 kapwa as anchor for deep, 194 living in white supremacist culture and, 170–172 role of Babaylan in guidance through, 190 as turning point in healing process, 3, 190 Griffin, Susan, 6–7, 202, 210 guilt creating personhood without, 183 of having caused pain to others, 79 undoing fat hatred in order to process, 81 Gutierrez, Francisca, 65 Gutiérrez.

The Ages of Globalization
by Jeffrey D. Sachs
Published 2 Jun 2020

While China avoided direct colonization during the nineteenth century, it did not avoid chaos, military defeat, or European imperial encroachments on its sovereignty. India, with 20 percent of the world’s population, fared even worse. From the mid-1700s onward, India was absorbed step by step by the East India Company, and in 1858, it fell entirely into the clutches of the British Empire, which formally took over the job of colonial rule from the East India Company. Japan was the relative success story in Asia, not only preserving its sovereignty but successfully embarking on a path of industrialization at the end of the nineteenth century, albeit at an income level far below that of Europe. By dint of its industrialization, Japan became Asia’s military powerhouse from the end of the nineteenth century until Japan’s defeat in World War II.

…

The gaudy corruption of company officials led the British government to assert partial control over company affairs and policies toward the end of the eighteenth century, so that British rule in India in the first half of the 1800s was under the mixed authority of the company and the Crown. In 1857, an Indian rebellion against British rule was decisively defeated, and the British government took over direct control of India, creating the British Raj that was to rule India until its independence from colonial rule in 1947. British economic policies decisively weakened the economy and society. As told vividly by historian Prasannan Parthasarathi, trade protectionism by Britain throughout the eighteenth century kept India’s famed textiles out of the British market, eventually driving millions of spinners and weavers to penury in the nineteenth century.

…

They had a lot of catching up to do. The European imperial powers had left most of their African and Asian colonies in a desperate condition of very high illiteracy and dreadfully low life expectancy. Table 7.4 shows the conditions of selected countries in 1950: three industrialized countries and three countries long under colonial rule (Kenya and India, UK; Indonesia, the Netherlands). As of 1950, illiteracy had been almost eliminated in the high-income countries and life expectancy was around sixty-eight years, but in the long-time colonies, illiteracy was around 80 percent and life expectancy was around forty years. Table 7.4 Illiteracy and Life Expectancy in 1950, Selected Countries Illiteracy (%) Life expectancy (years) High-Income Countries United Kingdom 1–2 69.4 United States 3–4 68.7 France 3–4 67.1 Former Colonies Kenya 75–80 42.3 Indonesia 80–85 43.5 India 80–85 36.6 Source: UNESCO, World Illiteracy at Mid-Century: A Statistical Study (Paris: UNESCO, 1957), https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000002930; World Population Prospects: The 2019 Revision | United Nations Population Division, http://data.un.org/Data.aspx?

The Jakarta Method: Washington's Anticommunist Crusade and the Mass Murder Program That Shaped Our World
by Vincent Bevins
Published 18 May 2020

So three youth leaders in the independence movement, impatient with his decision, kidnapped him and fellow independence leader Hatta—this was considered a brusque but broadly acceptable way of forcing someone’s hand at the time—until Sukarno committed to proclaiming the creation of independent Indonesia. Maybe he was right to be a bit worried. Not long after the speech, Sukarno’s independence movement was in trouble. Just as the French did in Indochina, the Dutch came back, attempting to reassert colonial rule. The Netherlands called the attempts at reconquest “police actions,” in terminology that managed to be both condescending and euphemistic, and they were brutal. As the Japanese had, the Dutch employed mass violence to suppress support for the new republic. The independence leaders, a mix of nationalists, leftists, and Islamic groups, hopped around the archipelago, making alliances with local kingdoms and mounting resistance.7 In the middle of all this, in 1947, Francisca went to Holland to study in the small university town of Leiden.

…

He would watch, amazed, as Sukarno spoke eloquently on “the world, the flesh, and the devil: about movie stars and Malthus, Jean Jaures and Jefferson, folklore, and philosophy,” then wolf down a huge meal, and dance for hours. Even more impressive to Jones, who had lived a relatively comfortable life, was that this remarkable man—about the same age as Jones—learned to eat this way, and became so steeped in knowledge, while spending years behind bars for opposing Dutch colonial rule.48 Along the way, he had learned to speak in German, English, French, Arabic, and Japanese, in addition to Bahasa Indonesia, Javanese, Sundanese, Balinese, and Dutch.49 When Sukarno opened his mouth in any of these languages, the whole country stopped to listen, and Jones noticed that this had gone to his head.

…

The two would meet soon, and get along well. But Kennedy’s election seemed to herald serious changes for US foreign policy, especially toward the Third World. Sukarno, like many Indonesians, viewed young Jack as a rare American ally in the fight against colonialism because he had read JFK’s denunciations of French colonial rule in Algeria.12 As a candidate, JFK had run on solidly anticommunist credentials, of course. It was the United States. But in his inauguration speech, he also made a pledge to the Third World. “To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required—not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right,” Kennedy said.

Border and Rule: Global Migration, Capitalism, and the Rise of Racist Nationalism
by Harsha Walia
Published 9 Feb 2021

As Stuart Hall notes, “In the case of the colonial and post-colonial, what we are dealing with is not two successive regimes but the simultaneous presence of a regime and its after-effects. Colonialism persists, despite the cluster of illusory appearances to the contrary.”23 From the turn of the last century until 1975, Papua New Guinea was under Australian colonial rule as well as an Australian trusteeship agreement authorized by the United Nations. The long trajectory of Australian control over Papua New Guinea has been characterized by mass executions, legislated control through the Native Regulations and Ordinances, conscription of forced labor, and imposition of industrial mining such as the Rio Tinto Panguna mine.

…

Soon after Frederick Jackson Turner declared the archipelago an American frontier, the Philippines became a US colony, which it remained from 1898 until 1946. Approximately 1.4 million people were killed during the Philippine-American war, where waterboarding and scorched-earth tactics were first battle-tested by the US.61 Under colonial rule, workers from the Philippines were recruited by the Hawaiian Sugar Planters’ Association to work the plantations and serve US imperial interests there. Even after the Philippines won independence, conditions like a fixed exchange rate between the peso and dollar were imposed to protect US companies.

…

Instead, I explore regional dynamics within an international ordering of racial capitalism, dispossessive forces in the formation of political economies, and the balance of power between the ruling and the working class. The key bureaucratic tenets of the kafala system originated during British colonial rule in the Gulf, especially strong in Bahrain. The British first introduced passports in Bahrain in 1929 for “foreign subjects” falling under British jurisdiction. According to Omar AlShehabi, the movement of pearl divers from other regions into Bahrain—comprising nearly half the island’s labor force—was regulated by the British through a sponsorship system to control movement and maintain surveillance.10 Ship captains were required to have valid permits and visas to work in Bahrain, and they were also responsible for all foreign divers on their ships.

Flowers of Fire: The Inside Story of South Korea's Feminist Movement and What It Means for Women's Rights Worldwide
by Hawon Jung
Published 21 Mar 2023

Like many New Women pioneers whose voices were often met with mockery and condemnation, Na was stigmatized and condemned after her husband divorced her for allegedly having an affair. She spent nearly two decades in social isolation, facing abject poverty and mental illness until she eventually died alone in a hospital. Apart from these elite New Women, political oppression and growing industrialization under colonial rule gave rise to certain forms of women’s activism, often linked to the socialist labor movement or nationalist struggle. Many working women—from rural farmers to urban factory workers to “sea women” (female divers who made a living by harvesting sea life)—staged strikes and protests against brutal working conditions and exploitation by the colonial capitalists.

…

Some also joined armed guerrilla warfare in and around the Korean Peninsula against the Japanese occupation.4 But the scope of such organized activism remained limited due to constant crackdown by the colonial authorities and the deeply patriarchal norm in Korean society, with women’s rights often sidelined as a relatively less urgent matter than national independence.5 As a result, it was only after Japan’s defeat in World War II and the end of its colonial rule over Korea in 1945 that organized women’s activism started to gain ground in the country.6 For instance, the Alliance of Women for the Founding of a Nation, a major group that emerged post-independence, advocated for equal rights to vote, equal pay and education, and eradicating concubinage.7 But even after Japan was ousted, political chaos and the subsequent division of the peninsula into the communist North (affiliated with the Soviet Union and China) and the capitalist South (allied with the United States) overshadowed the nation.

…

That many of these women fighters are forgotten in public memory stems from the patriarchal and sexist culture inside the circle of pro-democracy activists back then. And the problems within that circle actually ran far deeper—and had something to do with the country’s turbulent modern history. The trauma of colonial rule, the devastation of war, and the presence of North Korea—all of this made it impossible to challenge the belief that South Korea needed a strong military defense. All able-bodied men were drafted into the military for about two years, where pervasive physical and verbal abuse was often considered a small price to pay to become a “real man.”

Imagining India
by Nandan Nilekani
Published 25 Nov 2008

The fading favor for English: A “symbol of colonialism” But as India neared independence, the English language found itself increasingly left out in the cold. For one, with the growing prospect of freedom, Indians had the opportunity to clearly consider the question of Indian identity after the end of colonial rule. Indian leaders were pragmatic about adopting a constitution with a British heartah and enthusiastic about adopting European ideas of nationalism and democracy. And of course, no one wanted to rip out the railway tracks and lay new ones just because they had been put in place by British administrators. 17 But when it came to the English language, they balked—it was one of the “colonial relics” that was unacceptable.

…

But the Empire had left its fingerprints all over India’s older cities—Delhi, Calcutta, Bombay, Madras had all been baptized into urban life by the British and cluttered with their architecture. Nehru called New Delhi “un-Indian” and was in search of a new Indian city that would be free of the burdens of colonial rule and legacy, a “new town symbolic of the freedom of India.”14 Nehru got an opportunity to test his dream of a new Indian city with Chandigarh, the new capital for Punjab. Le Corbusier, the temperamental French architect, designed a city after Nehru’s own heart—carefully planned between residential and commercial areas with each sector named, quite unromantically, with a number.

…

The British never suspected, when they established universities in Bombay, Calcutta and Madras the same year that they were going about stamping out the army rebellion so thoroughly, that they were setting themselves up for a far more intense, widespread protest against their rule. It is in these institutes that India’s political awakening began and it is here that India’s educated absorbed the ideas of freedom and democracy, inspiring them to eventually lead the struggle against colonial rule. The focus in these first universities was on creating a small pool of aristocratic, English-educated Indian workers for the civil services and strengthening the foundation of British rule. But institutions often have a way of thwarting the aims of their founders. Sir Henry Maine, vice chancellor of the University of Calcutta, remarked in 1866, “The founders of the University of Calcutta thought to create an aristocratic institution; and in spite of themselves, they created a popular one.”3 And these universities were immensely popular.

How to Hide an Empire: A History of the Greater United States
by Daniel Immerwahr
Published 19 Feb 2019

I boarded in a section of Metro Manila where the streets are named after U.S. colleges (Yale, Columbia, Stanford, Notre Dame), states and cities (Chicago, Detroit, New York, Brooklyn, Denver), and presidents (Jefferson, Van Buren, Roosevelt, Eisenhower). When I’d arrive at my destination, the Ateneo de Manila University, one of the country’s most prestigious schools, I’d hear students speaking what sounded to my Pennsylvanian ears to be virtually unaccented English. Empire might be hard to make out from the mainland, but from the sites of colonial rule themselves, it’s impossible to miss. I read about the Philippines’ colonial history, and I got curious about other locales: Puerto Rico, Guam, Hawai‘i before it was a state. These places are part of the United States, right? I thought. Why haven’t I been thinking of them as part of its history?

…

The whole thing seemed to confirm the worst fears about U.S. imperialism. That a doctor would murder his patients out of racial hatred—to many, it seemed plausible. The Rhoads affair was a turning point in Puerto Rican politics. Before the letter, the Nationalists were an obscure group. After it, they were a force. For centuries Puerto Rico had endured colonial rule with little direct resistance. But now, with disease and poverty ravaging the island, and with what looked like proof of an official desire to exterminate Puerto Ricans, things were different. Albizu’s insistence that independence must be seized, immediately and forcibly, was not so easily dismissed

…

He spoke, one governor remembered, a “full, flexible, meaty English without indication of origin, except, perhaps, a trace of New Yorkese in expression”—Muñoz Marín joked that his English was better than his Spanish. Yet for all his cultural ties to the mainland, Luis Muñoz Marín was a sharp critic of colonial rule. As a young man he had concluded, just as Pedro Albizu Campos had, that Puerto Rico needed independence. It was the only way the island could escape poverty. One evening in the late 1920s, while dining at the Hotel Palace in San Juan, Muñoz Marín noticed Albizu sitting alone. Muñoz Marín invited Albizu to join him.

The Cold War: Stories From the Big Freeze
by Bridget Kendall
Published 14 May 2017

‘They were leaving with only their suitcases, they lost everything’ The Congo Crisis (1960–1) THE FIRST TWO decades after the Second World War were not only marked by the emergence of the Cold War. This was also a period of intense decolonisation. Between 1945 and 1960, three dozen new states in Asia and Africa won limited or full independence from colonial rule, in parallel with and sometimes shaped by deepening superpower enmity. In fact, an aversion to colonial rule was one thing that the Soviet Union and the United States had in common: both were keen to see exhausted post-war European powers like Britain, France and Belgium relinquish their colonial possessions. Moscow backed decolonisation for ideological reasons (to liberate oppressed peoples from their colonial masters), but also for geopolitical ends (the hope that it would allow the Soviet Union to extend its influence and cultivate new allies).

…

The Congo had been under Belgian control since the late nineteenth century, subjected to a rigid colonial regime with a high degree of racial segregation. By the 1950s the évolués, as the growing ranks of Europeanised and educated urban middle class were called, were becoming impatient. A nationalist movement, made up of different and opposing factions, was gaining momentum. In 1959 protests by Congolese nationalists demanding an end to colonial rule descended into violence and put Belgium into a panic. In January 1960 the Belgian government convened a Congolese Round Table Conference in Brussels to discuss the country’s future. The Congolese nationalists present pushed for new elections and an early date for independence – 30 June 1960 – but the meeting left unresolved tricky issues, such as the balance of power between central government and key provinces.

…

But when the guest of honour, King Baudouin of Belgium, rose to speak, he shocked some of the Congolese politicians present when he praised the ‘genius’ of his ancestor King Leopold II for colonising the Congo and depicted the handover to independence as the successful end of a ‘civilising mission’, glossing over the millions killed and oppressed during the years of colonial rule. The new Congolese President, another nationalist leader called Joseph Kasa-Vubu, duly thanked him. The more radical Patrice Lumumba, the new Prime Minister, was not so diplomatic. He delivered an impromptu and scathing rebuke to the Belgian King, pointing out that the Congolese had fought for independence ‘to put an end to the humiliating slavery which was imposed on us by force’.

Brit-Myth: Who Do the British Think They Are?
by Chris Rojek
Published 15 Feb 2008

Rather, it is the application of these devices to reinforce and perpetuate a stereotypal view of the British that associates them with racism, superiority and atrocity. The Mel Gibson view of British history as represented in Braveheart and The Patriot identifies Britain with racial domination, terror and a sort of inexhaustible, brittle sang froid. Viewed sequentially, they portray English medieval brutality and eighteenth-century British colonial rule as part of an unbroken trajectory of intolerance and repression. The readiness of Western audiences, including the British, to accept this calculated distortion of history is interesting. It reeks of post-imperial guilt. The Gibson films play on post-imperial angst. They expose the brutality of Empire, without saying anything meaningful about the positive contribution of Empire to its colonies.

…

The fault lay in the close identification of colonial forces with the assertion that the Enlightenment tradition represents the summit of human civilization. Politically speaking, this allowed the colonial forces a wide berth, for it wrongly conflated British political and military interests with Reason per se. However, it is quite another thing to maintain that the Enlightenment concept of Reason inflexibly supported colonial rule. Essential to the Enlightenment tradition is what Ernest Gellner later called the ethic of cognition. That is the right and the defence of an adjoining social, political space in Civil Society, in which Reason could legitimately be used to criticize authority and power. To understand fully the Enlightenment tradition and its role in the government of the colonies, it is important to remember that it legitimated Reason as the source of ultimate authority.

…

In trying to understand the relationship between Reason and colonialism then, one must acknowledge the fundamental importance of contradiction. The sun may have long set on the Empire built by Banastre Tarleton and his ilk. Yet for Gibson in The Patriot, there is no recognition of contradictions within colonial attitudes to the American cause of independence. Nor is there the wider acknowledgement that British colonial rule introduced lasting democratic institutions, the rule of law, mass education, public health, effective systems of transport and sanitation, accountable policing and many other civil, technological and scientific benefits into regions where hitherto, despotism, superstition and tribal or religious warfare prevailed.

Dead Aid: Why Aid Is Not Working and How There Is a Better Way for Africa
by Dambisa Moyo
Published 17 Mar 2009

They came from different tribes, from different parts of rural colonial Africa: my father, the son of a miner in apartheid South Africa; my mother, the daughter of a man who would later train to be a teacher. My mother did not speak my father’s language, and hence they mainly conversed in English. They met and married while still students. Zambia (formerly known as Northern Rhodesia) had been independent from British colonial rule for just six years, and the excitement at the prospect of what amazing things lay ahead was palpable. Although, upon graduation, my mother had eleven job offers (at the time companies were very eager to employ black graduates), my father wished to continue his studies. He was offered a scholarship at the University of California at Los Angeles in the USA and, very soon afterwards, my parents packed up my sister and me and decamped to America.

…

The prevailing view was that because these projects had longer-term pay-offs (for example, the funding of infrastructure projects such as roads and railways), they were unlikely to be funded by the private sector. One such example is the double-curvature, hydroelectric, concrete arch Kariba dam that straddles the border between Zambia and Zimbabwe; it was built throughout the decade. The dam, whose construction began under British colonial rule in the mid-1950s, was finally completed at a cost of US$480 million in 1977. Today it still ranks as one of the largest dams in the world. By 1965, when around half of sub-Saharan Africa’s roughly fifty states were independent, aid had already reached at least US$950 million. Ghana, which had won its independence from Britain in 1957, had received as much as US$90 million in aid flows.

…

Political system: adopted a nominal democracy ten years ago, having spent twenty years as a one-party state led by the same political party, and the same president. This is the Republic of Dongo. While fictitious, the Republic of Dongo is not far off the reality of many African countries. Freed from European colonial rule in the 1960s, the country’s background and evolution are pretty characteristic of the average African country. A socialist economy in the 1970s, it underwent privatization in the mid-1980s, moved to a democratic regime after Glasnost and Perestroika,1 and is ranked 3 out of a possible 10 on the Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index (where 0 is the least transparent).

The Haves and the Have-Nots: A Brief and Idiosyncratic History of Global Inequality
by Branko Milanovic
Published 15 Dec 2010

The ceiling on native Kenyans’ incomes and social position was removed: They could claim the highest-paid jobs and become bosses, high-level public servants, or rich traders. It is difficult to imagine that under colonial rule, Barack Obama Sr. would have had a chance to study in the United States. To be sure, the idea to go to the United States for study was given to him by two American women who found him very clever and diligent. And, yes, there were some Africans who acquired higher education even under colonialism. But the end of colonial rule removed both an effective and a psychological barrier to claiming higher positions in life. What could a university-educated African do with his fancy degree when the country was run by foreigners—get a job as a subaltern office worker?

…

That too illustrates the postcolonial era of optimism when the native children believed that their rightful place was back in their own country, which, thanks to the knowledge they acquired at the best schools, would be brought out of underdevelopment and into the modern world. It was certainly a much more optimistic time for young Kenyans than it is today. And this was not the case just because the oppression was lifted and the possibilities suddenly appeared almost endless, compared to how constricted they were under colonial rule. It was also because the income gap between Kenya and the developed world was much less than today. Paradoxically, as we know, independence has not solved Africa’s problems. On the contrary, during the period of independence, Africa has slipped much further behind the developed world. African countries either became even poorer than before independence or failed to advance at the same speed as the rich world.

Spies of No Country: Secret Lives at the Birth of Israel
by Matti Friedman
Published 5 Mar 2019

The energy of the place reminded me of Tel Aviv—the same sunlit bonhomie, impatience, and swagger, the same worship of life and flesh touched with fear of imminent doom, the same kind of people squeezed between the Islamic interior and the Mediterranean, sweating on a strip of sand between blocky buildings and the water. When I picture Beirut at the time of our story, I imagine that some of this was true back then. In the Lebanese capital, the government, newly independent of French colonial rule, functioned sporadically. The city’s inhabitants were a jumble of Arabic-speaking Christians with an affinity for France, Sunni Muslims with an affinity for Syria, poor Shiite migrants from the countryside, Armenians, Greeks, with overlap among the parts and many shades in between. There were Communists, Arab nationalists, capitalists, hedonists, and Islamists of every stripe.

…

An English visitor to the city in 1756 recorded that Jewish men wore beards and the women violet slippers, that they spoke Arabic better than Hebrew, that among Muslims the Jews “are held in still greater contempt than the Christians,” and that poor Jews were “of all people the most slovenly and dirty.” The arrival of French colonial rule after the First World War had improved the Jews’ lot, but Isaac’s father still remembered a time when any Muslim pedestrian could tell a Jew to move aside and walk in the sewage ditch in the center of the street. Isaac’s father was a janitor who cleaned one of the Jewish schools and set out the coal braziers that warmed the classrooms in the winter.

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Her description is so good you can’t mention that incarnation of Beirut without quoting it, even if we understand that our story doesn’t exist in the fanciful world of the Western correspondent, and that we won’t meet a resplendent sheikh here, or anyone smouldering. Beirut was an Arab metropolis shaped by the French over years of colonial rule and still dominated by their Francophile clients, the Maronite Christians. The stern moralism of the rest of the region was harder to find in this little coastal enclave, the breezes less Arabian than Mediterranean, the atmosphere laissez-faire. It was a place set gracefully between the sea and the hills of Mount Lebanon, white-capped in the winter months, a hybrid of Thessaloníki, Damascus, and Bern.

Worth Dying For: The Power and Politics of Flags
by Tim Marshall
Published 21 Sep 2016

How it is seen now depends on whom you ask. In the Palestinian territories, for example, the Union Jack is negatively associated with the British role in dividing Mandate Palestine between Jews and Arabs. However, in India, it’s not so clear cut. There is certainly a degree of contention, considering the history of British colonial rule, replete with oppression, economic exploitation and resultant famines – and there are some who are keen to emphasize the negative impact of colonialism in India, particularly those in authority. But that is not the only sentiment, and my experience is of a residual warmth towards the British flag and what it stands for.

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In the 2016 New Zealand referendum, 56 per cent of voters chose to keep the existing version and rejected a rather natty dark-blue flag featuring a striking silver-white fern branch. It seems that public opinion is on the side of the Union Jack; to many it represents their ties, past and present, with the UK. Perhaps that’s due to the lasting effects of British colonial rule, with the majority of the population, around 69 percent, being of European descent, mostly British and Irish. The indigenous Maori form around 15 per cent of the population. It seems likely that given time and changing ethnic demographics, one day their flag may be replaced, but for the next decade or so the Union flag’s position on it appears safe.

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What about the awe-inspiring, time-honored rivers that course through the length and breadth of our country’s landscape; the rich, labyrinthine tapestry of our history; our uniquely sumptuous culinary treats; our valiant pre-colonial empires . . . ? Why is none of these captured representationally on our national flag? . . . [W]e have been “independent” from British colonial rule for 52 years now. Isn’t it about time we rethought the colors and design of our national flag? For one, it is a holdover from colonialism; it wasn’t a product of a post-independence effort . . . We have no business having a green-white-green national flag.’ Ouch. But these things are emotive and very subjective, and Mr Kperogi is just one voice on the matter.

GDP: The World’s Most Powerful Formula and Why It Must Now Change
by Ehsan Masood
Published 4 Mar 2021

Mahbub ul Haq, “An Evaluation of Pakistan’s First Five Year Plan,” The Strategy of Economic Planning: Case Study of Pakistan (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1966), 136. 8. Haq, Strategy of Economic Planning, 35. 9. Economy of Pakistan, 397. The late historian of economic growth Angus Maddison is among those who argued that British colonial rule helped in the deindustrialization of India. The wiping out of the Mughal court and its replacement with a new European bureaucracy reduced the home market for luxury handicrafts by 75 percent. The value of domestic manufacturing and exports was around 6.5 percent of national income. Losing that “was a shattering blow to manufacturers of fine muslins, jewellery, luxury clothing and footwear, decorative swords and weapons,” Maddison wrote.

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One of its first grants went to a study on economic development in India, Indonesia and Italy, three countries where communist parties were popular, or in power. A team of MIT economists began meeting with representatives of Indonesia’s government. The government was understandably wary of offers of large-scale investment, having just won its freedom from Dutch colonial rule. Jakarta was more interested in technical advice, especially around an idea to develop cooperatives, a model of business ownership where employees are the shareholders, and where large amounts of capital investment are not always a necessity. This did not go down too well with the MIT economic advisers and they did their best to talk the government out of this idea.

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But Rostow would accomplish far more: he would be an active participant in enabling America’s government, the CIA, MIT and Harvard, and funders such as the Ford Foundation, to connect academic economists and their theories to the mission to support military dictatorships in countries that were emerging from centuries of European colonial rule. Rostow probably had more in common with Marx than he would care to admit. Both wanted a better life for citizens of the poorest countries. Both believed that this could be achieved in stages. And both advocated—or at least understood—that their aims could not be achieved without some degree of violence.

Korea--Culture Smart!
by Culture Smart!
Published 15 Jun 201

Two wars, the Sino–Japanese War of 1894–95 and the Russo–Japanese War of 1904–05, were fought over the issue of which country should control Korea. Japan won both. Other powers showed little interest in the peninsula after 1905, when Japan proclaimed a British India-style protectorate over Korea. This was followed by outright annexation in 1910. Korean tribute bearers in Beijing, 1871. Japanese Colonial Rule There followed thirty-five years of harsh colonial rule until the end of the Second World War brought liberation in 1945. All development in the Korean peninsula from 1910 until 1945 was subordinate to the needs of Japan, a trend that grew worse as the Japanese Empire moved onto an all-out war footing after 1937. The Second World War also led to an intensification of the Japanese campaign to assimilate Koreans into the Japanese Empire.

The Great Surge: The Ascent of the Developing World
by Steven Radelet
Published 10 Nov 2015

The details of the story lines differ across other developing countries, but the themes are similar. Most of today’s developing countries were under some kind of colonial rule until a few decades ago, and had been for a century or more. Those not under colonial controls were under local rule that often was similarly brutal, with a small ruling group extracting resources from the broader population, such as in imperial China. Colonial rule ended in Latin America and the Caribbean a century earlier, but Spanish and Portuguese settlers established local elite rule that seized resources and privileges for themselves and failed to create more widespread development opportunities.

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The Meiji Restoration was a political revolution that ended the Tokugawa shogunate and consolidated control of Japan under the emperor Meiji, resulting in enormous political, social, and economic changes in Japan in the decades that followed. THREE THE WEALTH OF A NEW GENERATION To get rich is glorious. —Deng Xiaoping WHEN MOZAMBIQUE’S CIVIL WAR ENDED in 1992, the country was in ruins.1 ARMED rebellion against Portuguese colonial rule started in the 1960s, but conflict intensified significantly after the 1974 coup in Lisbon led to Portugal’s withdrawal. When the Portuguese pulled out, “they did so with spite, sabotaging vehicles and pouring concrete down wells, elevator shafts, and toilets, leaving the country in disarray,” according to David Smith of the Guardian.2 The new government in Maputo established one-party rule, aligned itself with the Soviet Union, and provided support to the liberation movements in South Africa and Rhodesia, while the governments of South Africa and Rhodesia countered by financing an armed rebellion to fight the Mozambican government.

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With the large and growing Indonesian Communist Party, the chaos of the mid-1960s, and the example of Vietnam, Suharto’s major objectives were to establish control and stop the spread of Communism. He did so brutally, with the support of the United States, throughout the archipelago and including Timor-Leste, which Indonesia invaded and annexed in 1975 in response to a perceived Communist threat. Given the history of four centuries of colonial rule, coupled with the conflicts engulfing Southeast Asia in the 1960s and 1970s, it is not surprising that Suharto based his rule on the tried-and-true recipe of strong military power, absolute political control, exploitation of natural resources to benefit a small elite, and no substantive checks on his power.

Chasing the Devil: On Foot Through Africa's Killing Fields
by Tim Butcher
Published 1 Apr 2011

The recaptives soon swamped this original group, with the Royal Navy delivering a total of 6,000 slaves retaken on the high seas by 1815. The influx continued at a similar pace over the next thirty years, meaning that recaptives became by far the dominant settler community in Freetown. But the irony was that, in spite of the growing number of black settlers, colonial rule meant a small cohort of white officials, appointed by the British government in London, still ran the affairs of a much larger black population, both settlers and indigenous Africans. It meant the dream of the philanthropists was only ever half fulfilled. Yes, black settlers had been saved from slavery, but they never enjoyed full freedom.

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If his village had strong historical links, his own bloodline read like the genome of Sierra Leone’s freed-slave history. His father’s family were ‘recaptives’ from Nigeria and his mother’s birth certificate described her as a ‘Maroon, Liberated African’. Born in 1925, he had been brought up during Freetown’s golden age when, still under British colonial rule, it was establishing itself as a city many compared to Athens. ‘I was born in a nursing home down on Sackville Street at a time when it was normal for all people in Freetown, black and white, to have access to maternity care. Of course it was not all easy back then. My mother had ten children but only four of us survived to adulthood,’ Prof.

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Jones, who had spent his career teaching English literature, had never seen an original edition so did not know of his father’s encounter with one of the most illustrious English authors of the twentieth century. His father had served as a customs inspector at Freetown harbour, the most senior rank then attainable by a native employee under British colonial rules, and had spent time with Graham Greene clearing the disembarkation of the expedition’s equipment. In the original text Graham Greene writes glowingly about Mr Jones, the customs inspector, describing him as one of the few ‘perfectly natural Africans whom I met in Sierra Leone’. It was a feeling I echoed one generation later.

The Iron Cage: The Story of the Palestinian Struggle for Statehood
by Rashid Khalidi
Published 31 Aug 2006

This was mildly ironic, since manpower was not one of the Palestinians’ pressing needs, and it translated into little in the way of arms, funds, or effective international diplomatic support.32 The lack of such practical outside assistance was not surprising, since until well after 1948 most Arab countries were still under colonial rule. Most of those that were nominally independent in 1948 remained subject to neocolonial forms of control and foreign military occupation: British troops remained in Egypt, Iraq, and Jordan until the 1950s, and French troops were in Syria and Lebanon until 1946. The other two, Saudi Arabia and Yemen, were hardly organized as modern states. All other parts of the Arab world, from Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia to Libya and the Sudan, as well as South Yemen, Oman, and the other four countries of the Gulf, were still fully subject to direct or indirect colonial rule. Needless to say, the colonial powers, in particular Great Britain and France, did their best to prevent the Arab peoples under their control from supporting the Palestinians.

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The stratagems the British developed in dealing with the Irish, and in particular the rhetorical styles and patterns of derogatory discourse they deployed—such as utilization of the term “terrorist,” or in an earlier era, “criminal”—were the prototypes for their efforts to control, diminish, and denigrate other peoples, and disrupt the national resistance.35 It should not surprise us to learn that on the other side of the colonial divide, leaders of some nationalist resistance movements sought to learn from others who had experience in confronting British colonial rule. Certain Palestinian and Egyptian nationalists, for example, saw the Indian Congress Party as an exemplar during the interwar period, and there was often cooperation between nationalists from different colonial possessions abroad.36 The cases of Ireland, India, and Palestine, three countries ruled by Britain and which all ultimately suffered bloody twentieth- century partitions heavy with consequences for their later history, furnish a number of general lessons about how colonial powers maintained control of populations characterized by deep internal divisions.37 These examples provide a particularly illuminating comparative perspective on the history not only of countries that were colonized by Great Britain, but also of those ruled by other colonial powers.

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Issued in January 1918, Wilson’s Fourteen Points constituted the declarative basis for American participation in a post–World War I settlement, and included provisions relating to self-determination, including that “the interests of the populations concerned” must be considered in the adjustment of colonial claims, and a promise of “autonomous development” for nationalities under Ottoman rule. These encouraged peoples living under colonial rule to believe that they had an ally in the United States and that a new era had dawned. These hopes were generally not realized. 6. Article 4 described the Arab regions that were formerly part of the Ottoman Empire, which included Palestine, as provisionally “independent states” pending the provision of advice by mandatory powers. 7.

23 Things They Don't Tell You About Capitalism
by Ha-Joon Chang
Published 1 Jan 2010

Inflation has become the bogeyman that has been used to justify policies that have mainly benefited the holders of financial assets, at the cost of long-term stability, economic growth and human happiness. Thing 7 Free-market policies rarely make poor countries rich What they tell you After their independence from colonial rule, developing countries tried to develop their economies through state intervention, sometimes even explicitly adopting socialism. They tried to develop industries such as steel and automobiles, which were beyond their capabilities, artificially by using measures such as trade protectionism, a ban on foreign direct investment, industrial subsidies, and even state ownership of banks and industrial enterprises.

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Naturally, the World Bank advised the other potential donors not to support the project, and every one of them officially pulled out of the negotiations in April 1969. Undeterred, the Korean government managed to persuade the Japanese government to channel a large chunk of the reparation payments it was paying for its colonial rule (1910–45) into the steel-mill project and to provide the machines and the technical advice necessary for the mill. The company started production in 1973 and established its presence remarkably quickly. By the mid 1980s, it was considered one of the most cost-efficient producers of low-grade steel in the world.

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China, being the birthplace of Confucianism, had the confidence to take a more pragmatic approach in interpreting the classical doctrines and allowed people from merchant and artisanal classes to sit for the civil service examination. Korea – being more Confucian than Confucius – adamantly stuck to this doctrine and refused to hire talented people simply because they were born to the ‘wrong’ parents. It was only after our liberation from Japanese colonial rule (1910–45) that the traditional caste system was fully abolished and Korea became a country where birth does not set a ceiling to individual achievement (although the prejudice against artisans – engineers in modern terms – and merchants – business managers in modern terms – lingered on for another few decades until economic development made these attractive professions).

Common Wealth: Economics for a Crowded Planet
by Jeffrey Sachs
Published 1 Jan 2008

Information technology, starting with the ubiquitous cell phone, and now extending to wireless Internet, is reaching the most remote areas of the world. National aspirations to join the global economy are nearly universal. Sovereignty is the rule rather than the exception in vast regions of the world that until two generations back were under colonial rule. There is, in short, no reason why nearly all of the world will not be part of the convergence club in the first part of the twenty-first century. This would imply the acceleration of total world growth in the coming years, and such a trend is evident in the past half century. It is instructive to apply the convergence framework to the future development of per capita income in different parts of the world.

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For example, Korea and Taiwan are often compared pointedly with Ghana, with the assertion that all three economies had roughly the same starting point in 1960, so the subsequent divergence in performance was homegrown and due to better economic governance and management in Asia. In fact, the economic takeoff of Korea and Taiwan in the 1960s was built on foundations laid by Japanese investments during the colonial era and by infrastructure financed by U.S. aid in the late 1950s and early 1960s. Most important, and without downplaying the darker sides of colonial rule, Japanese policies and investments laid the foundation for high-productivity agriculture in both Korea and Taiwan, and thereby laid the foundations for food security and industrialization. A leading economic analyst of Asia’s successful industrialization, Robert Wade, has usefully summarized some of the key investments that Japan made in rural Taiwan: A good communications infrastructure was laid down, designed not with the narrow purpose of extracting some primary raw material but with the aim of increasing production of smallholder rice and sugar, both wanted in Japan.

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Under these policies, “expansion in irrigation and drainage, dissemination of improved or better seeds, and spread in the use of fertilizers and manures were all energetically attempted, sometimes even with the aid of the police force; the statistics indicate continuously rising trends” [quoting Ishikawa, 1967:102]. Farmers were grouped into farmer cooperatives, irrigation associations, and landlord-tenant associations so as both to accelerate the spread of technical knowledge and to keep them under control. After the end of Japanese colonial rule in 1945, Taiwan invested heavily in rural infrastructure and irrigation, backed by U.S. aid. Again, as Wade summarizes: Agricultural production grew at 4.4 percent a year between 1954 and 1967, faster than just about anywhere else in Asia. The surge of agricultural growth checked discontent with the Nationalist regime in the countryside, helping to stabilize the industrial investment climate.

Narcotopia
by Patrick Winn
Published 30 Jan 2024

He had a walrus mustache and a conviction that his fiery gospel could refine any nonbeliever, even people from forsaken tribes. Young longed to test his skills in remote parts of Asia, and at the beginning of the twentieth century, in his early thirties, Young sailed with his wife to Burma. It was then a colony ruled by the British Empire, which encouraged missionaries to roam its fringes as “civilizing agents.” The Youngs made their way to the colony’s northern environs: a rolling hill country known as Shan State, home to many ethnic groups. At first they focused on converting the Shan, Burma’s largest minority group and the most populous race in its north.

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According to any classroom globe, that land was squarely inside Burma’s borders. But neither the CIA nor the Maoists cared much about that. Burma’s ruling generals were virtually friendless. Terrified of Chinese invasion, they might have made natural clients for the US empire, but after suffering more than a century of colonial rule, they refused to grovel before anyone—certainly not another Caucasian empire. As a result, Burma’s leaders were isolated, and their army was too weak to scare either the CIA or the Maoists away from the Wa peaks. The best they could do was send in the likes of Saw Lu and pray for the best. Even Saw Lu, after months in Pang Wai, would momentarily forget who’d sent him there.

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Before his arrival, every venture outside the fortress town’s gates risked death. But this harmonious chapter would not last. THE LEAGUE WAS formidable, and the Chinese communists surely knew it. If Saw Lu had any doubts about that, a strange encounter with a Marxist erased them. Down in Burma’s lowlands, communist cells had existed for decades, even during British colonial rule. Yangon was a hive of Marxist thought, at least in certain tea shops and cafés. Most Burmese who’d turned red revered Chairman Mao, the most successful communist in Asia, if not the world. They had their own underground organization—the Communist Party of Burma—and, by the late 1960s, its leaders were taking direct guidance from China.

After Zionism: One State for Israel and Palestine
by Antony Loewenstein and Ahmed Moor
Published 14 Jun 2012

Above everything else, it requires a sophisticated, principled and popular Palestinian resistance movement with a clear vision for justice and a democratic, inclusive society. It is also premised on two other pillars: a democratised and free Arab region, which now looks far less imaginary; and an international solidarity movement supporting Palestinian rights and struggling to end all forms of Zionist Apartheid and colonial rule, particularly through boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS), as called for by the great majority of Palestinian civil society in the historic BDS call of 2005.5 In parallel, a crucial process of de-dichotomising the identities involved in the colonial conflict should be launched to build the conceptual foundations for ethical coexistence in the decolonised future state.

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By 1960, with the adoption of the “Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Peoples”, GA resoultion 1514, the principle of self-determination had been elevated to the position of an unconditional right for peoples under “alien, colonial or oppressive domination”, and called for a “speedy and unconditional end to colonialism in all its manifestations”. In the following decades, the scope and applicability of the right to self-determination expanded to include indigenous peoples suffering from consequences of past colonial rule, unrepresented peoples, and national minorities oppressed by national majorities within the boundaries of a state. UNGA resolution 3236, of 22 November 1974, elevates the applicability of the right to self-determination to the people of Palestine to an “inalienable” right. The resolution: 1.

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Cultural particularity and diverse identities should be nourished, not just tolerated, by society and protected by law. Palestine was for centuries a fertile meeting ground for diverse civilisations and cultures, fostering communication, dialogue and acculturation among them. This heritage, almost forgotten under the cultural hegemony of Zionist colonial rule, must be revived, nourished and celebrated, regardless of any power asymmetry in the new state. We also must keep in mind that half of the Jewish–Israeli population, the Mizrahi/Arab Jews, have their cultural roots in Arab and other Middle Eastern cultures. The Vehicle: Resistance & Effective Solidarity Regardless of the above vital components of the vision, perhaps the most nagging question that one-state advocates face is whether our vision is feasible, whether it can be realised and, if so, how.

A History of the World in Seven Cheap Things: A Guide to Capitalism, Nature, and the Future of the Planet
by Raj Patel and Jason W. Moore
Published 16 Oct 2017

Charles Trevelyan, the British assistant secretary to the Treasury, who controlled funds for famine relief, was quite clear on the matter: “the real evil” was “not the physical evil of the Famine, but the moral evil . . . of the [Irish] people.”34 Trevelyan received a knighthood for his services to the realm while Ireland starved, and wrote that as a way of curbing unchecked Irish population growth, “the famine is a direct stroke of an all-wise and all-merciful Providence.”35 Other British colonies were subject to the same forces. Indian customs of feeding the poor were replaced, at gunpoint, by free market relations so that India could export grain.36 As we saw in chapter 2’s discussion of money, military force is never far from financial power, and sometimes the latter can be wielded to pay for the former. Under colonial rule, India was tasked with funding, through taxation, Britain’s worldwide imperialism: “Ordinary Indians . . . paid for such far-flung adventures of the Indian army as the sacking of Beijing (1860), the invasion of Ethiopia (1868), the occupation of Egypt (1882), and the conquest of the Sudan (1896–98).”37 Colonial exploitation intensified yet further when Germany and the United States—and quickly Japan and the rest of Europe—joined Britain on the gold standard after 1871.

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The first book on obesity, diet, and nation was George Cheyne’s 1733 The English Malady.44 Through the idea of nationalism, states’ power to police their citizens extended to everything from productive and reproductive labor through actions in defense of currency and food purity to mental health policy. As the example of Haiti shows, however, it wasn’t just European bourgeoisies that adopted and circulated the ideas and technologies of nationalism. Sometimes the idea of a common destiny was turned against colonizers. Fights for liberation from colonial rule in the Global South invented their own national destinies. The Indian Rebellion of 1857—what the British called the Sepoy Mutiny—was a clash of nationalisms. In a culmination of long-festering resentments over taxation, exploitation, and injustice, the Indian military refused to cooperate with the British.

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Comparative Studies in Society and History 35, no. 3: 515–43. Stoler, Ann L. 1989. “Making Empire Respectable: The Politics of Race and Sexual Morality in 20th-Century Colonial Cultures.” American Ethnologist 16, no. 4: 634–60. ———. 2010. Carnal Knowledge and Imperial Power: Race and the Intimate in Colonial Rule. Berkeley: University of California Press. Stone, Irving. 1999. The Global Export of Capital from Great Britain, 1865–1914: A Statistical Survey. Basingstoke: Macmillan. Stoneman, Adam. 2015. “The New Conspicuous Consumption.” Jacobin, June 8. Stotsky, Janet G., Sakina Shibuya, Lisa Kolovich, and Suhaib Kebhaj. 2016.

Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed
by James C. Scott
Published 8 Feb 1999

They also tend to give rise to elites who repudiate the past and who have revolutionary designs for their people. A fourth element is closely linked to the third: a prostrate civil society that lacks the capacity to resist these plans. War, revolution, and economic collapse often radically weaken civil society as well as make the populace more receptive to a new dispensation. Late colonial rule, with its social engineering aspirations and ability to run roughshod over popular opposition, occasionally met this last condition. In sum, the legibility of a society provides the capacity for largescale social engineering, high-modernist ideology provides the desire, the authoritarian state provides the determination to act on that desire, and an incapacitated civil society provides the leveled social terrain on which to build.

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Where, by contrast, civil society was well organized and the state relatively weak, cadastral mapping was late, often voluntary, and fragmentary. Thus Napoleonic France was mapped much earlier than England, where the legal profession managed for a long time to stymie this threat to its local, incomeearning function. It followed from the same logic that conquered colonies ruled by fiat would often be cadastrally mapped before the metropolitan nation that ordered it. Ireland may have been the first. After Cromwell's conquest, as Ian Hacking notes, "Ireland was completely surveyed for land, buildings, people, and cattle under the directorship of William Petty, in order to facilitate the rape of that nation by the English in 1679."911 Where the colony was a thinly populated settler-colony, as in North America or Australia, the obstacles to a thorough, uniform cadastral grid were minimal.

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And a range of historical soils have seemed particularly favorable for the flourishing of high-modernist ideology. Those soils include crises of state power, such as wars and economic depressions, and circumstances in which a state's capacity for relatively unimpeded planning is greatly enhanced, such as the revolutionary conquest of power and colonial rule. The industrial warfare of the twentieth century has required unprecedented steps toward the total mobilization of the society and the economy.32 Even quite liberal societies like the United States and Britain became, in the context of war mobilization, directly administered societies. The worldwide depression of the 1930s similarly propelled liberal states into extensive experiments in social and economic planning in an effort to relieve economic distress and to retain popular legitimacy.

The Narrow Corridor: States, Societies, and the Fate of Liberty
by Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson
Published 23 Sep 2019

Talent and ability are widely misallocated, wasted. Not only liberty but economic efficiency was sacrificed at the altar of India’s cage of norms. No wonder the country has suffered from endemic poverty and underdevelopment. (And we might add that none of this was made better by 150 years of East India Company and British colonial rule and before that the hegemony of the Mughal Empire, both of which built on and reinforced the caste system.) But if India is so hierarchical and so riven with divisions, why has it also sustained democratic elections since independence and is it often held up to be the world’s largest democracy?

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One Colombian judicial prosecutor even referred to a military unit, the Batallón Pedro Nel Ospina, as a “group of assassins dedicated to creating victims which they then pretended were killed in combat.” If the guerrillas and paramilitaries don’t get you, the army might. Another consequence of the Colombian Paper Leviathan was noted almost two hundred years ago by Simón Bolívar, Latin America’s “liberator,” who led its revolution against Spanish colonial rule, when he stated: These Gentlemen think that Colombia is full of simple men they’ve seen gathered around fireplaces in Bogotá, Tunja, and Pamplona. They’ve never laid eyes on the Caribs of the Orinoco, the plainsmen of the Apure, the fishermen of Maracaibo, the boatmen of the Magdalena, the bandits of Patia, the ungovernable Pastusos, the Guajibos of Casanare and all the other savage hordes of Africans and Americans that roam like deer throughout the wilderness of Colombia.

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We saw in Chapter 8 that the Indian state is disorganized and feeble too, and this is maintained by the fragmented nature of society, just like the Paper Leviathan. But there are notable differences too. In India, this situation was forged by the history of caste relations and the cage of norms this created, not by the history of colonial rule. This also implies that it was the society’s peculiar organization that kept the state weak. This makes India closer to a state impaired and constricted by society, more of a weak state than a despotic one. As such, in terms of our figure, India is on the other side of the line demarcating the division between the Absent and Despotic Leviathans.

The Trigger: Hunting the Assassin Who Brought the World to War
by Tim Butcher
Published 2 Jun 2013

After being dropped by parachute into central Bosnia, Maclean and his small team of Allied agents were led to the old fortress town of Jajce, briefly held by the communist resistance as its headquarters, and there he met their leader. He was named Josip Broz, but he would become known around the world by his partisan nom de guerre, Tito. What I found fascinating was how much Tito had in common with Princip. Born within two years of each other – Tito was the older – they were both southern Slavs brought up under colonial rule, both committing their lives to winning freedom for their people. Whereas Princip was born in 1894 in the Serb community of Bosnia, only recently absorbed within Austria–Hungary, Tito came from Croat and Slovene stock, born further north in Croatian land that had been under Austro-Hungarian rule for centuries.

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That is not to say it was a single, disciplined party with a coherent structure, leadership or set of internal rules. It would be more accurate to describe it as an amorphous grouping of diverse young people from across Bosnia’s ethnic and social spectrum, coalescing around one shared aim: the removal of Habsburg colonial rule. Ideas about how this would be achieved and what type of regime would come in its place did not enjoy the same unanimity. These questions remained unsettled, subject to fierce debate and bitter disagreement. But what stands out to me – as someone who saw Bosnia pull itself to pieces in the 1990s over ethnicity – is that the group was not called Young Serbs or Young Croats or Young Muslims.

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By the spring of 1909 the Berlin treaty had been amended, the annexation was complete and the house of cards still stood. Princip had only just started his second year of the Merchants’ School when the crisis began in 1908. But what he witnessed on the streets of the capital city was the impact of the annexation: deeper entrenchment of Austro-Hungarian colonial rule, emergency powers granted to imperial governors, new waves of non-Slav immigration from elsewhere in the Habsburg Empire, growing resentment among fellow Slavs who grumbled that advancement was being monopolised by foreigners. The 1910 census illustrated the population shift clearly, recording a city population of 52,000, with the Muslim and Orthodox communities relatively static.

The Last Kings of Shanghai: The Rival Jewish Dynasties That Helped Create Modern China
by Jonathan Kaufman
Published 14 Sep 2020

The currency transactions protected his assets and increased his profits and sent a rich stream of dividends to his London relatives to fund their shooting parties and art collections. Dismissed in London as a playboy, Victor in India became a man of influence. He was appointed to the colonial National Legislative Assembly as a representative of the textile industry. He immersed himself in debates over currency reform and factory conditions. He believed in colonial rule and was convinced that his own family’s paternalism had benefited India’s workers. Labor conditions and wages in the Sassoon factories were the best in India. He supported a law that limited the workweek to sixty hours and raised the minimum age of child workers to twelve, over the objections of many of his fellow millionaires.

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And through a Kadoorie-funded agricultural program, much of the pork and chicken here bears the Kadoorie mark.” Powered by Lawrence’s electricity, spared any further political turmoil, Hong Kong boomed. It joined the “Asian tigers” of economic growth, embracing a mixture of free-market economics and colonial rule that improved education, expanded housing, and kept unemployment low. By the 1970s Hong Kong’s per capita income was ten times higher than China’s. It had the fifth-busiest port in the world; if it were a country, it would rank twenty-fifth globally among trading economies. Television, radio, and a vibrant press fed a creative and increasingly globalized population, a burgeoning tourist industry, and pacesetters in global fashion and film.

…

The Kadoories were more attuned to China’s politics and its needs, from Laura Kadoorie’s early support of charity to Horace’s creation of the Kadoorie Agricultural Aid Association. Lawrence and Horace refused to abandon China entirely, and their commitment paid off for them as a family and for Shanghai and Hong Kong. Yet when China rose and demanded Hong Kong’s return, Lawrence clung to the idea of continuing some form of colonial rule over the city. And when China’s resurgence was clear, Lawrence and his son did not publicly condemn the Tiananmen massacre. They opposed efforts to bring more democracy to Hong Kong. They chose commercial profit over political freedom and decency—a dilemma that many foreign companies from Google to Facebook to Apple must increasingly face.

The City
by Tony Norfield

The UK government had to guarantee bank deposits and the Bank of England extended massive loans to Northern Rock and others.19 The links between capitalist companies and the nation-state help explain the different status of countries within the world economy. This also gives an economic definition of the term ‘imperialism’. My argument is that imperialism is not the same thing as colonial rule, and should not be understood only in terms of some countries dominating others through military or political pressure. A country does not have to rule politically over another for it to be imperialist, and imperialism did not die out with the end (almost) of colonialism.20 Today, imperialism is characterised by economic privileges in the world economy, reinforced by monopolistic control of industry, commerce and finance, and backed up by powerful states, directly or indirectly.

…

Together, these two Singapore investment funds have assets worth probably in excess of $500bn, and they each contribute to government revenues. Ireland offers a sorrier tale, beginning its move into financial services in less auspicious circumstances. Having been partitioned in 1921, after several hundred years of British colonial rule, Ireland stagnated economically until it found a means of escape through the economic subsidies that flowed from its 1973 membership of the European Economic Community. Compared to Hong Kong and Singapore, it had no developed financial or commercial services expertise or status, but in the late 1980s the Irish government took a gamble by offering the country up as a low-tax venue for corporations interested in Europe, especially financial businesses.

…

Pham, Ending ‘East of Suez’: The British Decision to Withdraw from Malaysia and Singapore 1964–1968, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010. 19Central bank and regulatory authorities nowadays distinguish ‘systemically important financial institutions’ from others. 20Given the movements towards independence in many countries from the late 1940s onwards, it is common for people to think that colonial rule no longer exists. Among other examples, this ignores Britain’s continued rule over Northern Ireland, Gibraltar, the Malvinas and elsewhere. 21For example, see Harvey, The New Imperialism, especially Chapter 4, ‘Accumulation by Dispossession’. 22Lenin, ‘Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism, a Popular Outline’, Selected Works in Three Volumes, p. 700. 23Gartner Research, ‘Gartner Says Smartphone Sales Surpassed One Billion Units in 2014’, March 2015, at gartner.com. 24UNCTAD, World Investment Report 2013, Global Value Chains: Investment and Trade for Development, United Nations Conference on Trade & Development, June 2013. 25Milberg and Winkler, ‘Trade, Crisis, and Recovery’, p. 29. 26Marx had already noted in Capital that the establishment of monopolies in certain spheres had provoked ‘state interference’ (Capital, Volume 3, Chapter 27, p. 438). 27Daniel Yergin, The Prize: The Epic Quest for Oil, Money and Power, New York: Free Press, 1990, pp. 107–10. 28Estes Kefauver, In a Few Hands: Monopoly Power in America, London: Pelican, 1966. 29Chico Harlan, ‘In South Korea, the Republic of Samsung’, Washington Post, 10 December 2012. 30Joseph E.

Winning the War on War: The Decline of Armed Conflict Worldwide
by Joshua S. Goldstein
Published 15 Sep 2011

Namibia redefined the role of the UN and pioneered new methods, notably in disarmament and reintegration of fighters. In Namibia, the UN mission “differed from all previous UN peacekeeping operations in that its primary means and purpose were political (in overseeing a democratic transition after decades of civil war and colonial rule), rather than military (where monitoring a cease-fire is the primary task).” The UN for the first time took over civilian police functions, established an information program to keep the population informed, and set up a “Contact Group” of western countries committed to helping with the process.

…

“If what you say is substantially true . . . then the Congo is truly hell on earth. The only way to bring civility to such a place would be to install a brutally punitive, but fair, military occupation.” “Has anyone . . . tried to determine if Africa and Africans have been better or worse off since colonial rule ended?” “Every single person who is under the UN umbrella is collaborating to this crime with their silence.” These four comments appear in just the first ten posts in response to the Kristof column. Finally, although the issue is complex, I detect an element of racism in the popular discourse portraying Congo as a place of uncontrolled brutality.

…

It is “darkest Africa,” with black men as rapists and people so uncivilized that they commit atrocities all the time. One would hardly be surprised to read that a rebel militia had captured a white foreign humanitarian and boiled her in a big pot of water for dinner. The suggestions to put Congo back under colonial rule—made with no apparent awareness of their irony—are understandable given this level of misunderstanding and stereotyping about the Congo. 11 WARS OF THE WORLD The Fires Still Smoldering The gory headlines are right about one thing—war remains a serious problem in our world. However much humanity has accomplished in the past, much work remains to do in the future.

War Without Mercy: PACIFIC WAR
by John Dower
Published 11 Apr 1986

The Burmese prime minister spoke repeatedly of the solidarity of “a thousand million Asiatics,” a vision also evoked by other Asian leaders.4 Burma and the Philippines, long colonies of Britain and the United States respectively, were granted nominal independence by Japan in 1943. Occupied Indonesia was later also given independence, although the quick end of the war made the transfer of authority untidy. The Tokyo conference of November 1943 was designed to be an inspiring symbol of Pan-Asian idealism and the demise of white colonial rule in Asia; and although it was ultimately a hollow exercise, it fueled both Asian racial dreams and Western racial fears. Officials in the West took the rhetoric of Asian solidarity painfully to heart. During the first year of the war, for example, Admiral Ernest King worried about the repercussions of Japanese victories “among the non-white world” while Roosevelt’s chief of staff Admiral William Leahy wrote in his diary about the fear that Japan might “succeed in combining most of the Asiatic peoples against the whites.”

…

Just as attacks on the Japanese enemy carried over into animosity toward Asian peoples in general, so also did the Yellow Peril sentiment pass on into even larger fears concerning the rise of “colored” peoples everywhere. For the English, the colored problem evoked a multitude of unsettling images linking the war to the clamor for independence from colonial rule in India, Burma, Malaya, and, though still muted there, Africa. For white Americans, “color” was a blunt reminder that the upheaval in Asia coincided with rising bitterness, impatience, anger, and militance among blacks at home. The alarm which accelerating black demands for equality caused in U.S. military and civilian circles during the war cannot be underestimated.

…

The potentially explosive nature of the situation became most apparent, however, when blacks began appropriating the Allied rhetoric of “fighting for democracy” as their own and drawing practical lessons from the war.43 The conflict in Asia itself provided several sometimes contradictory models for black leaders, including the example of Japanese militance, the inspiration of Chinese resistance against the Japanese, and the tactics of nonviolent resistance exemplified by Gandhi in his struggle against British colonial rule in India. But the “good war” against the oppressive Axis powers was inspiration enough in itself for many American blacks, and campaigns for civil rights were organized during the war under such slogans as “Double Victory,” “Victory at Home as Well as Abroad,” and “Defeat Hitler, Mussolini and Hirohito by Enforcing the Constitution and Abolishing Jim Crow.”

Investment: A History
by Norton Reamer and Jesse Downing
Published 19 Feb 2016

In 1858, the East India Company’s control of the Indian subcontinent ended with the establishment of British Crown colonial rule. This rule was not established easily, however; there was great expense (to the tune of ₤36 million) and bloodshed during the two-year period immediately preceding this formal establishment of Crown rule by the British, a period known as the “First War of Indian Independence.”136 With these geopolitical changes, a marked change in commodities operations became apparent under British colonial rule of India. Now that a formal, stable geopolitical environment had arisen as a result of Crown rule, economic activity was facilitated greatly.137 India served as both a market for British goods and services and an important defense asset in terms of the size of the standing British Indian Army.

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See also commercial banks; merchant banks Barbarians at the Gate, 276 Bardi bank, 43–44 Barings Bank, 170–72 behavioral finance, 251–54 bell curve, 239 Benartzi, Shlomo, 252 benchmarking, 328–30 Benedict XIV (pope), 37 Bent, Bruce, 143 Bentham, Jeremy, 36 Index 417 Bergen Tunnel construction project, 178 Berlin Wall, fall of, 96 Bernanke, Ben, 9, 197, 208, 226 beta, 243–45; alpha and, 248–49, 254, 308–9 Bible, 34, 239 Bierman, Harold, 204 bills of exchange, 83–84 Birds, The (Aristophanes), 24 Bismarck, Otto von, 108–9 Black, Fischer, 230, 235–36 BlackRock, 299 Black Thursday (October 24, 1929), 164 Blunt, John, 67–68 Bocchoris, 23 Boesky, Ivan, 147, 181, 184–86 Bogle, Jack, 284–85 bond index funds, 285 bonds: convertible, 178; fabrication of Italian, 163; government, 6, 135, 176; high-yield, 276; holding, 93; investment in, 257, 259, 297, 301; management of, 102 Boness, James, 236 bookkeeping, double-entry, 41 borrower, reputation of, 22–23 Borsa Italiana, 95 Boston, 100 Boston Consulting Group, 194 Boston Post, 157 bourses, 84 Breitowitz, Yitzhok, 150 Bristol-Myers Squibb, 188 Britain: beggar-thy-neighbor policies in, 202; colonial rule of India, 49–50, 61; supplies contract, after American Revolution, 175 British Bankers’ Association, 182 British East India Company, 66, 326 Brookings Institution, 91 Brown, Henry, 143 Brown, Robert, 230 Brownian motion, 230, 234 Brumberg, Richard, 121–22 Brush, Charles, 81 Bubble Act of 1720, 68, 87 bubbles: causes of, 5; housing bubble of 2004–2006, 213–14; South Sea Bubble, 68–69; technology (dot-com bubble of 1999-2000), 187, 213, 223–24, 246, 263, 276, 287 bubonic plague, 75 bucket shops, 90 Buddhist temples, 29–30 budget deficit projections, 218 Buffett, Warren: American Express and, 169; earnings of, 305; on efficient market hypothesis, 250–51; financial leverage and, 6; on real ownership, 4; resource allocation and, 7; as value manager, 140 bullet payments, 321 bull market: in 1920s, 91; of 1990s, 269, 285; after World War II, 92, 143 burghers, 42 Bush, George W., 218, 225 BusinessWeek, 143, 188 Buttonwood Agreement, 88, 97 Byzantines, 52 Cabot, Paul, 141 Cady, Roberts decision, 192 Caesar, 28 Calahan, Edward, 90 California Public Employees Retirement System (CalPERS), 129 418 Investment: A History call option: performance fee as, 310–11; sale of, 151 CalPERS.

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Agassiz, 191–92 Gould, Jay, 178–79 Gould, Stephen Jay, 311–12 Graham, Benjamin, 140, 250 Grant, Buck, 160 Grant, Ulysses S., 160–61 Grant and Ward, 160–61 Great Depression of 1930s, 197–212; causality of, 205–7; Crash of 1929 and, 203–5, 208, 222; deflation and, 198, 231; Federal Reserve and, 205–7; impacts of, 91, 95, 163, 321; interest rates and, 106–7; monetary and fiscal response to, 208–10; 1920s growth and, 199–200; open-ended mutual fund and, 141–42; origins of, 197; policy responses to, 196; Regulation Q and, 114; regulatory response to, 210–12; retirement and, 106–8; Strong and, 200–203 Great Recession of 2007–2009, 212–25; buildup to, 213–15; the crash, 215–16; Federal Reserve and, 217–18, 220–21, 225; fiscal response to, 218–19; intercrisis period, 212–13; key dates in, 227; recovery from, 224–25; regulatory response to, 219–22; response to, 196, 216–22; Treasury and, 217–18, 225 Greece: commercial banks in, 25–26; endowments and foundations in, 56–57, 57; estate management in, 18–19; financial leverage in, 5; guardianship in, 58; interest-free consumption loans in, 25; lending in, 22, 24–27, 60; maritime loans in, 26–27; real estate loans in, 27; resource allocation in, 6; usury in, 33 Greenspan, Alan, 213 Griswold, Merrill, 275 Gross, Bill, 258 Group Association, 106 Guardian International Bank, 154 guardianship, 58 guilds, 42, 48–49 Guinness sharetrading fraud, 181–82 gun mada (tax), 16 Gurney, John, 74 Gurney’s Bank, 74 Gutenberg, Johannes, 71 Hace Şerefüddin el-Hace Yahya, 52 Hamilton, Alexander, 175–77 Hanna, Robert, 81 Hargreaves, James, 71 Harley, Robert, 67 Harrison, George, 202, 206 Harvard University, 257, 271, 311 Hayek, Friedrich, 205 hedge funds, 260–74, 268; definition of, 261; fees, 261, 262, 270–71, 273, 301–2, 304–6, 308–9, 313, 314; funds of, 270–71; growth and development of, 262–64; highestpaid managers, 304–6, 307; illiquidity of, 271–72; origin of, 261–62; passive aggressive, 301, 302; risks and returns of, 272–74; 424 Investment: A History hedge funds (continued ) strong performers’ characteristics, 269; universe today, 264–69 Heshuyen, Frans Jacob, 140 Hesiod, 25 Hewlett-Packard, 279 HFR database, 271, 306 Hickman, Bert, 207 Hidetada, Tokugawa, 47 home equity, 115 homeownership, 2, 321–23 Hoover, Herbert, 202, 208–9 Hope and Company, 140 Hopkins, Harry, 209 horoi (stones), 27, 60 Horowitz, Jerome, 150 House Appropriations Committee, 194 housing bubble of 2004–2006, 213–14 Hughes, Charles Evans, 108 Hume, David, 79 Hussein, Saddam, 266 IDS. See Investors Diversified Services illiquidity premium, 272, 328 Immigration Act of 1924, 199 impact investing, 324–25 increase or expansion (riba), 37–38 independent custodian, 153 independent foundations, 127 index funds, 10, 284–86 indexing, market efficiency and, 301–3 India: British colonial rule of, 49–50, 61; castes in, 48–49; foreign investment in, 49–50; trade in, 48–49; usury in, 38–39 Individual Retirement Accounts (IRAs), 113–14, 144, 295 individuals, retirement accounts and, 120–23 Industrial Revolution, 70–82; banking and, 73–75; breadth of, 79–80; capital in, 71–72; discussions about, 61; impacts of, 8, 40, 98; laborers during, 63, 77–79; wealth generation during, 75–77.

The Great Leveler: Violence and the History of Inequality From the Stone Age to the Twenty-First Century
by Walter Scheidel
Published 17 Jan 2017

Even less can be said here about South Asia except that high inequality both in the Mughal empire in the eighteenth century and under British control 200 years later provides further confirmation of the disequalizing effects of large-scale predatory imperial or colonial rule.24 For much of the past 600 years, inequality trends in the New World can only be sketched out in a highly impressionistic way. It is likely that the formation of the Aztec and Inca empires in the fifteenth centuries raised economic disparities to new levels as tributary flows extended over longer distances and powerful elites accumulated increasingly hereditary assets. Countervailing forces operated during the following two centuries: even as the Spanish expansion and predatory colonial rule by a small conquest elite would have sustained or arguably even increased existing levels of wealth concentration, the catastrophic demographic attrition caused by the arrival of novel Old World infections I describe in chapter 11 made labor scarce and even drove up real wages, at least for a while.

…

Countervailing forces operated during the following two centuries: even as the Spanish expansion and predatory colonial rule by a small conquest elite would have sustained or arguably even increased existing levels of wealth concentration, the catastrophic demographic attrition caused by the arrival of novel Old World infections I describe in chapter 11 made labor scarce and even drove up real wages, at least for a while. Even so, after these epidemics had abated, the population recovered, land/labor ratios fell, urbanization increased, and colonial rule was fully consolidated; by the eighteenth century, Latin American inequality was probably as high as it had ever been. Revolutions and independence in the early nineteenth century may have had an equalizing effect until the commodities boom of the second half of that century pushed inequality to ever higher levels, a process of income concentration that with only intermittent pauses continued well into the late twentieth century (Fig. 3.4).25 THE LONG NINETEENTH CENTURY This brings us to the onset of modern economic growth in the nineteenth century.

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Land reforms that targeted former colonial or other captured elite holdings similarly occurred in a whole series of other countries.17 Genuinely peaceful reform often appears to have required some form of foreign control that checked the power of local elites. It worked in Puerto Rico in the late 1940s—and even there it was an outgrowth of equalizing reforms in the United States that had been driven by the Great Depression and World War II and coincided with top-down land reform in Japan under American occupation. Colonial rule was also instrumental in Irish land reform. In the late 1870s, the so-called “Land War,” agitation for fair rents and tenant protection from eviction, involved organized resistance in the form of strikes and boycotts but only very little actual violence. The British Parliament addressed these grievances in a series of acts that regulated rents and provided for loans at fixed interest for tenants who wanted to purchase land from willing landlords.

The Cold War: A World History
by Odd Arne Westad
Published 4 Sep 2017

Having campaigned unsuccessfully for Vietnam’s independence at the Versailles conferences after World War I, he became a founding member of the French Communist Party and went on to work for the Communist International, the Comintern, in Moscow and then in China and southeast Asia from 1923 to 1941. Only then did he return to Vietnam, where he sensed that France’s defeat in World War II provided an opportunity to break his country free from colonial rule. Ho and the organization he headed, the Viet Minh, short for the League for the Independence of Vietnam, fought the Vichy French and the Japanese, never trusting Tokyo’s promises of postwar independence for Vietnam and following instructions from Moscow to put pressure on the Japanese Imperial Army.

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They wanted their peoples to be recognized as a new driving force in world history, not as second-class citizens in their own countries. The disasters of the two world wars and the global depression focused these movements politically and magnified their support. Until the 1920s almost all of them were minority phenomena, with leaders who had a hard time convincing their countrymen to take the risk of challenging colonial rule. But thereafter they increased in size and significance, not least because the colonial powers tried to stamp them out by force. India’s Jawaharlal Nehru had been imprisoned by the British, as had Gandhi, his political mentor. Sukarno, Ho Chi Minh, and Ben Bella all spent time in prison and exile.

…

Instead many leaders found that their countries did not have the expertise needed to advance fast, especially in building new industries, and that the few resources they could export were still hostage to conditions set by multinational companies and international trade regimes. Almost from the beginning, many countries found that development efforts were hampered by increasing levels of official corruption. By the mid-1960s many Africans, especially, found that they were worse off in their daily lives than they had been under colonial rule. They were beginning to look for more stability, order, and incremental progress than the postcolonial regimes were able to offer. Algeria is a good case in point. The man who emerged as the key leader of the FLN, Ahmed Ben Bella, had become radicalized when he served in the French army and later in France as a political prisoner.

The Rough Guide to Morocco
by Rough Guides

INTRODUCTION TO MOROCCO For Westerners, Morocco holds an immediate and enduring fascination. Though just an hour’s ride on the ferry from Spain, it seems at once very far from Europe, with a culture – Islamic and deeply traditional – that is almost wholly unfamiliar. Throughout the country, despite the years of French and Spanish colonial rule and the presence of modern and cosmopolitan cities like Rabat and Casablanca, a more distant past constantly makes its presence felt. Fez, perhaps the most beautiful of all Arab cities, maintains a life still rooted in medieval times, when a Moroccan kingdom stretched from Senegal to northern Spain, while in the mountains of the Atlas and the Rif, it’s still possible to draw up tribal maps of the Berber population.

…

Continued expansion, once again facilitated by an influx of refugees, this time from the Spanish reconquest of Andalusia, helped to establish the city’s reputation as “the Baghdad of the West”. After the fall of the Merenids, Fez became more isolated under the Saadians and Alaouites, and French colonial rule allowed the city little more than a provincial existence. Despite the crucial role the Fassis played in the struggle for independence (a time brought to life in Paul Bowles’ novel The Spider’s House), Mohammed V retained the French capital of Rabat, condemning the city to further decline.

…

These were, with Bab Doukkala, the principal approaches to the city until the twentieth century and along them you find many of the old fondouks used for lodging by merchants visiting the souks. EL GLAOUI: THE PASHA OF MARRAKESH T’hami el Glaoui, Pasha of Marrakesh during the French Protectorate, was the last great southern tribal leader, a despot and shrewd supporter of colonial rule – and personal friend of Winston Churchill. Cruel and magnificent in equal measure, he was a spectacular party-giver in an age where rivals were not lacking. At the extraordinary difas or banquets held at his palace, the Dar el Glaoui, for his Western friends, “nothing”, as Gavin Maxwell wrote, “was impossible.”

The Rough Guide to Morocco (Travel Guide eBook)
by Rough Guides
Published 23 Mar 2019

iStock THE HIGH ATLAS Contents INTRODUCTION Where to go When to go Author picks Things not to miss Itineraries BASICS Getting there Getting around Accommodation Food and drink The media Festivals Sports and outdoor activities Culture and etiquette Shopping Travelling with children Travel essentials THE GUIDE 1 Tangier, Tetouan and the northwest 2 The Mediterranean coast and the Rif 3 Fez, Meknes and the Middle Atlas 4 The Atlantic coast: Rabat to Essaouira 5 Marrakesh 6 The High Atlas 7 The southern oases routes 8 Agadir, the Souss and Anti-Atlas 9 The Tarfaya Strip and Western Sahara CONTEXTS History Islam in Morocco Moroccan architecture Wildlife and the environment Moroccan music Books Moroccan Arabic Glossary SMALL PRINT Shutterstock Introduction to Morocco For Westerners, Morocco holds an immediate and enduring fascination. Though just an hour’s ride on the ferry from Spain, it seems at once very far from Europe, with a culture – Islamic and deeply traditional – that is almost wholly unfamiliar. Throughout the country, despite the years of French and Spanish colonial rule and the presence of modern and cosmopolitan cities like Rabat and Casablanca, a more distant past constantly makes its presence felt. Fez, perhaps the most beautiful of all Arab cities, maintains a life still rooted in medieval times, when a Moroccan kingdom stretched from Senegal to northern Spain, while in the mountains of the Atlas and the Rif, it’s still possible to draw up tribal maps of the Berber population.

…

Continued expansion, once again facilitated by an influx of refugees, this time from the Spanish reconquest of Andalusia, helped to establish the city’s reputation as “the Baghdad of the West”. After the fall of the Merenids, Fez became more isolated under the Saadians (1554–1669) and the early Alaouites (1669–1822), and, although it was here that the French protectorate was formally established in 1912, colonial rule allowed the city little more than a provincial existence. Despite the crucial role the Fassis played in the struggle for independence (a time brought electrifyingly to life in Paul Bowles’ novel The Spider’s House), Mohammed V retained the French capital of Rabat, condemning the city to further decline.

…

Interesting fondouks include: a group on Rue Dar el Bacha by the junction with Rue Mouassine; a couple just south of the junction on Rue Mouassine itself; a row on the south side of Rue Bab Debbagh, behind the Ben Youssef Medersa; a whole series along Rue Amesfah, north of the Ben Youssef Mosque; and one directly opposite the Chrob ou Chouf fountain. Terrasse le Medersa restaurant is on the terrace of a fondouk. El Glaoui: the Pasha of Marrakesh T’hami el Glaoui, Pasha of Marrakesh during the French Protectorate, was the last great southern tribal leader, a despot and shrewd supporter of colonial rule – and personal friend of Winston Churchill. Cruel and magnificent in equal measure, he was a spectacular party-giver in an age where rivals were not lacking. At the extraordinary difas or banquets held at his palace, the Dar el Glaoui, for his Western friends, “nothing”, as Gavin Maxwell wrote, “was impossible.”

The Retreat of Western Liberalism
by Edward Luce
Published 20 Apr 2017

In 1989 most people believed that last version. The others were either dead or in retreat. Today, only Marxism remains dormant. Belief in an authoritarian version of national destiny is staging a powerful comeback. Western liberalism is under siege. More to the point, non-Western visions of history, which were overshadowed by colonial rule but never forgotten, are staking their pressing claim to relevance. In very different ways, China and India have traditionally taken a circular view of history. They still do. Material conditions may improve. But humanity’s moral condition is constant. There is no spiritual or political finale towards which history is guiding us.

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Washington is the biggest obstacle. It is critical to try to see the dispute from China’s point of view. Since Washington proclaimed the Monroe Doctrine in 1823, the US has treated outside interference in the Western hemisphere as a threat to its national interests. That includes Cuba, which the US helped liberate from Spanish colonial rule in 1898. The Caribbean island never fell under US sovereignty. Yet John F. Kennedy was prepared to risk nuclear war with the Soviets over the transfer of Soviet missiles to Cuba. In contrast, Taiwan was not only an historic part of China, but is recognised as such by the US and most of the rest of the world.

Nation-Building: Beyond Afghanistan and Iraq
by Francis Fukuyama
Published 22 Dec 2005

Since 1945, the United States had been involved in state-building in Korea, a task initially assigned to the U.S. Army. Many of the programs undertaken went far beyond simple reconstruction and stabilization tasks. Education, agriculture, industry, and other programs aimed to enhance or improve capacities that had existed under Japanese colonial rule. These efforts even included attempts to “modernize” the Korean language to include new scientific and technical terms. • 22 • From Consensus to Crisis • Such efforts were continued after the U.S. Army departed, following the creation of the Republic of Korea in 1948. They were handed off to the Economic Cooperation Administration, the body initially created to administer the Marshall Plan in Western Europe, which was given a global writ to foster development in the late 1940s.

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Much of this work was directly related to modernization brought about by a new world order.21 From the perspective of the Carnegie Project, these Americans were all operating in an altered world, one that was defined politically by nationalism and economically by industrialization. In the countries only recently freed from colonial rule, there were rising expectations for a better life and the desire of leaders to cultivate modern economies and industry. It was logical that the United States should have a role in this process, as “the potentialities of large-scale industrialization have been demonstrated most vividly by the United States.”

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They had a governmental structure based on European patterns, built on bureaucracies, civil and military, with the higher positions in them filled mostly or entirely by European whites, the lower levels filled by “natives” of various sorts. A kind of caste system prevailed, in which social behavior and authority were predicated on skin color and racial origin, in both governmental and nongovernmental affairs. The famous sparseness of the colonial ruling elite was based on more than the control of firearms, indirect rule, and the calculated accommodation of subjects to power. This structure of colonial societies meant that the apparatus of government was both the most conspicuous and prestigious expression of their hierarchical social structures, and in a time of rising egalitarian values, their Achilles’ heels.

Cynical Theories: How Activist Scholarship Made Everything About Race, Gender, and Identity―and Why This Harms Everybody
by Helen Pluckrose and James A. Lindsay
Published 14 Jul 2020

The gradual formation of liberal, secular democracy over the Enlightenment and the Modern periods was characterized by struggles against oppressive forces and the search for freedom. The battle against the hegemony of the Catholic Church was primarily an ethical and political conflict. The French Revolution opposed both church and monarchy. The American Revolution opposed British colonial rule and nonrepresentative government. Throughout these earlier periods, institutions like, first, monarchical rule and slavery, then patriarchy and class systems, and finally enforced heterosexuality, colonialism, and racial segregation were challenged by liberalism—and overcome. Progress occurred fastest of all in the 1960s and 1970s, when racial and gender discrimination became illegal and homosexuality was decriminalized.

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The postcolonial Theorists studied the discourses of colonialism, which sought to protect the interests of the powerful and privileged, not least the so-called right to dominate other cultures that hegemonic “civilized” Western (and Christian) discourses construed as “uncivilized” and “barbaric.” POSTCOLONIALISM AS AN APPLIED POSTMODERN PROJECT As concerns about colonialism grew through the middle part of the twentieth century, the work of psychiatrist Frantz Fanon rapidly gained influence. Fanon, who was born on Martinique under French colonial rule, is often considered foundational to postcolonial Theory. His 1952 book, Black Skins, White Masks,3 offers a powerful critique of both racism and colonialism. His 1959 work, A Dying Colonialism,4 chronicles the changes in culture and politics during the Algerian War of independence from France.

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Nevertheless, later thinkers, including Edward Said, the father of postcolonial Theory, took inspiration from Fanon’s depiction of the psychological impacts of having one’s culture, language, and religion subordinated to another. Fanon argued that the colonialist mind-set has to be disrupted and, if possible, reversed within people who have been subjected to colonial rule and the colonialist worldview that justified it. This focus on attitudes, biases, and discourses fits well with postmodernism. The scholars who look at postcolonialism in a postmodern way—postcolonial Theorists—also see their work as a project geared towards overcoming certain mind-sets associated with and putatively legitimizing colonialism (rather than focusing on its practical and material effects).

Shadows of Empire: The Anglosphere in British Politics
by Michael Kenny and Nick Pearce
Published 5 Jun 2018

Far from being a creator of this lineage, his thinking was a direct descendant of some of the foundational ideas about race, nationhood and citizenship that were assembled in the later years of the nineteenth century.3 Equally, it was formed out of direct experience of the military and administrative aspects of colonial governance. Churchill's Empire Historians continue to debate how important the imperial experience was for Churchill and what exactly were the most important and consistent principles he held on the various issues relating to colonial rule on which he spoke and acted during his career. His political contemporary Leo Amery famously characterised his interest in empire as synthetic and secondary to his much deeper interest in England, a charge repeated by Clement Attlee.4 In fact, perceptions of Churchill's relationship with empire altered at different stages of his career.

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‘If there is one phenomenon on which the sun cannot set’, he observed, ‘it is the world of the English-speaking peoples, in which the people of Indian origin are the single largest component.’34 His argument was a precursor to a more concerted examination of the – seemingly unlikely – proposition that India might become an important partner within a putative Anglosphere association, a position also advanced by the Tory MP Daniel Hannan.35 In January 2011 the foreign affairs magazine New Criterion published a special issue on the Anglosphere with authors from a variety of countries, including an Indian commentator, Madhav Das Alapat.36 The geographical expansion of the Anglosphere idea also drew sustenance from a separate intellectual current – an emerging interest in re-evaluating the nature and impact of the empire, a focus which was associated particularly with the controversial account of liberal imperialism supplied by Anglo-American commentator Niall Ferguson.37 And it was advanced too in the addition by the historian Andrew Roberts to Churchill's iconic volumes on the history of the English-speaking peoples, which appeared in 2007.38 Nor was this debate confined to Britain. Within Anglosphere circles more broadly, the desire to re-evaluate colonial rule and to trace its positive legacies, such as the establishment of the rule of law, the development of democratic institutions and the spread of ideas of liberty, became a commonplace in these years. According to the Canadian pundit Mark Steyn, ‘The key regional powers in almost every corner of the globe are … British-derived – from Australia to South Africa to India – and, even among the lesser players, as a general rule you're better off for having been exposed to British rule than not.’39 Intellectuals of the Anglosphere: Robert Conquest and James C.

Thinking Without a Banister: Essays in Understanding, 1953-1975
by Hannah Arendt
Published 6 Mar 2018

III The Satellite System The last words to come out of free Hungary were spoken over Kossuth Radio, and ended with the following sentence: “Today it is Hungary and tomorrow, or the day after tomorrow, it will be another country; for the imperialism of Moscow knows no bounds, and is only trying to play for time.” A few days earlier, the communist station Free Radio Rajk had declared that “it was not only Stalin who used Communism as a pretext to expand Russian imperialism” and that it had been among the goals of the Hungarian Revolution “to present a clear picture of Russia’s brutal colonial rule.” We said at the start that the development and expansion of postwar Russia must be seen in the flaming light of the Hungarian Revolution. This light—who would deny it?—is not steady, it flares and flickers; yet we would have nothing to see without this unsteady light. If we want to learn politics from what happens in the world—and there is no other way to learn—our eyes will have to become accustomed to this twilight.

…

In a move typical of these relations, at a very early stage of the Bolshevization of the satellite states, Moscow demanded the obligatory study of Russian in all schools. It was just as typical that the demand for its abolition figured prominently in all the programs and manifestos in Hungary and Poland. No dichotomy of principle, therefore, between home rule and colonial rule will impose restraint on totalitarian imperialism; if it, too, has to fear certain boomerang effects from its imperialist adventures, they have other causes. Thus it cannot be denied that the role of the Red Army in crushing the Hungarian uprising justified Zhukov’s hopes of replacing the party dictatorship in Russia with a military dictatorship: events in Hungary had provided compelling evidence that for this kind of foreign rule one could rely neither on party nor police.

…

The goal is again the equalization of conditions, something that not only did not interest overseas imperialism, but which it actively strove to avoid. However, these and other distinctions between Western national and Russian totalitarian imperialism do not go to the heart of the matter. For the immediate predecessor of totalitarian imperialism is not the British, Dutch, or French version of overseas colonial rule, but the German, Austrian, and Russian version of a continental imperialism that never actually succeeded and therefore is given scant regard by historians of imperialism. In the form of the so-called pan-movements, however—pan-Germanism and pan-Slavism—it was a very potent political force in Central and Eastern Europe before and during the First World War.

Dreams and Shadows: The Future of the Middle East
by Robin Wright
Published 28 Feb 2008

But it, too, had begun to implode politically. Its presidential candidate, Noman Gomaa, received less than three percent of the vote when he ran against Mubarak in 2005. And Wafd won only six seats in parliament. Wafd means “delegation.” The party emerged in 1919 among liberal activists who challenged both British colonial rule and Egypt’s monarchy. It was widely popular until it was forced to disband, along with other parties, after the 1952 revolution. The New Wafd was revived in the late 1970s and, again, became the main legal opposition party. Its power brokers were merchants, middle-class professionals, landowners, and the bourgeoisie marginalized after the revolution.

…

“We originally became Marxists because the first generation of liberals failed to solve the national problems that faced our countries after independence,” he said. “The majority of Syrians and Egyptians and Iraqis were poor farmers. In fact, they were more than poor, they were nearly slaves. But the old liberals of the Arab world, the people who led the struggle for independence against colonial rule, generally came from a class of urban notables—people who were rich and had big landholdings. They were not interested in agricultural reform.” “They collapsed completely in Syria in the 1960s. That’s why the Baathists had an easy victory over them,” he added. The Baathists, led by Syria’s Alawite minority, identified with the farmers.

…

Indeed, the groundbreaker was arguably a man. Qasim Amin was an Egyptian judge, cofounder of Cairo University, and an activist in Egypt’s nationalist movement. He is also considered the father of Arab feminism. He wrote The Liberation of Women in 1899 to argue that the education and liberation of women were pivotal in ending British colonial rule. In The New Woman, published in 1900, he then boldly condemned Arab societies for their attitudes and treatment of females. The book resonates with a single word—slavery. The woman who is forbidden to educate herself save in the duties of the servant or is limited in her educational pursuits is indeed a slave, because her natural instincts and God-given talents are subordinated….

Seventeen Contradictions and the End of Capitalism
by David Harvey
Published 3 Apr 2014

It is tempting in the face of all this to conclude that the political rhetoric concerning the pursuit of liberty and freedom is a sham, a mask for hypocrites like Bush to pursue more venal aims of profit, dispossession and domination. But this would deny the force of that other history which, from peasant revolts to revolutionary movements (American, French, Russian, Chinese etc.), to the struggle to abolish slavery and the fight to liberate whole populations from their chains of colonial rule, has in the name of freedom wrought a seismic reworking of the contours of how our world society works. All of this has been going on while social forces have been extending the field of freedom and liberty through struggles against apartheid, for civil rights, workers’ rights, women’s rights and the rights of many other minorities (LGBT, indigenous or disabled populations etc.).

…

But the ecological effects are localised, leaving behind an uneven geographical landscape of abandoned mining towns, exhausted soils, toxic waste dumps and devalued asset values. The ecological benefits are located somewhere else. These extractive and exploitative practices become doubly rapacious and violent under systems of imperial and colonial rule. Soil mining, soil erosion and unregulated resource extractions have left a huge mark upon the world’s landscapes, in some instances leading to irreversible destructions of those use values needed for human survival. A more benign capitalist logic can be constructed in certain places and times that combines principles of sound environmental management with sustained profitability.

…

N., Process and Reality, New York, Free Press, 1969 Wolff, R., Moore, B., and Marcuse, H., A Critique of Pure Tolerance: Beyond Tolerance, Tolerance and the Scientific Outlook, Repressive Tolerance, Boston, Beacon Press, 1969 Wright, M., Disposable Women and Other Myths of Global Capitalism, New York, Routledge, 2006 Index Numbers in italics indicate Figures. 2001: A Space Odyssey (film) 271 A Abu Ghraib, Iraq 202 acid deposition 255, 256 advertising 50, 121, 140, 141, 187, 197, 236, 237, 275, 276 Aeschylus 291 Afghanistan 202, 290 Africa and global financial crisis 170 growth 232 indigenous population and property rights 39 labour 107, 108, 174 ‘land grabs’ 39, 58, 77, 252 population growth 230 Agamben, Giorgio 283–4 agglomeration 149, 150 economies 149 aggregate demand 20, 80, 81, 104, 173 aggregate effective demand 235 agribusiness 95, 133, 136, 206, 247, 258 agriculture ix, 39, 61, 104, 113, 117, 148, 229, 239, 257–8, 261 Alabama 148 Algerian War (1954–62) 288, 290 alienation 57, 69, 125, 126, 128, 129, 130, 198, 213, 214, 215, 263, 266–70, 272, 275–6, 279–80, 281, 286, 287 Allende, Salvador 201 Althusser, Louis 286 Amazon 131, 132 Americas colonisation of 229 indigenous populations 283 Amnesty International 202 anti-capitalist movements 11, 14, 65, 110, 111, 162 anti-capitalist struggle 14, 110, 145, 193, 269, 294 anti-globalisation 125 anti-terrorism xiii apartheid 169, 202, 203 Apple 84, 123, 131 apprenticeships 117 Arab Spring movement 280 Arbenz, Jacobo 201 Argentina 59, 107, 152, 160, 232 Aristotelianism 283, 289 Aristotle 1, 4, 200, 215 arms races 93 arms traffickers 54 Arrighi, Giovanni 136 Adam Smith in Beijing 142 Arthur, Brian: The Nature of Technology 89, 95–9, 101–4, 110 artificial intelligence xii, 104, 108, 120, 139, 188, 208, 295 Asia ‘land grabs’ 58 urbanisation 254 assembly lines 119 asset values and the credit system 83 defined 240 devalued 257 housing market 19, 20, 21, 58, 133 and predatory lending 133 property 76 recovery of 234 speculation 83, 101, 179 associationism 281 AT&T 131 austerity xi, 84, 177, 191, 223 Australia 152 autodidacts 183 automation xii, 103, 105, 106, 108, 138, 208, 215, 295 B Babbage, Charles 119 Bangkok riots, Thailand (1968) x Bangladesh dismantlement of old ships 250 factories 129, 174, 292 industrialisation 123 labour 108, 123, 129 protests against unsafe labour conditions 280 textile mill tragedies 249 Bank of England 45, 46 banking bonuses 164 electronic 92, 100, 277 excessive charges 84 interbank lending 233 and monopoly power 143 national banks supplant local banking in Britain and France 158 net transfers between banks 28 power of bankers 75 private banks 233 profits 54 regional banks 158 shell games 54–5 systematic banking malfeasance 54, 61 Baran, Paul and Sweezy, Paul: Monopoly Capitalism 136 Barcelona 141, 160 barrios pobres ix barter 24, 25, 29 Battersea Power Station, London 255 Battle of Algiers, The (film) 288 Bavaria, Germany 143, 150 Becker, Gary 186 Bernanke, Ben 47 Bhutan 171 billionaires xi, 165, 169, 170 biodiversity 246, 254, 255, 260 biofuels 3 biomedical engineering xii Birmingham 149 Bitcoin 36, 109 Black Panthers 291 Blade Runner (film) 271 Blankfein, Lloyd 239–40 Bohr, Niels 70 Bolivia 257, 260, 284 bondholders xii, 32, 51, 152, 158, 223, 240, 244, 245 bonuses 54, 77, 164, 178 Bourdieu, Pierre 186, 187 bourgeois morality 195 bourgeois reformism 167, 211 ‘Brady Bonds’ 240 Braudel, Fernand 193 Braverman, Harry: Labor and Monopoly Capital 119 Brazil a BRIC country 170, 228 coffee growers 257 poverty grants 107 unrest in (2013) 171, 243, 293 Brecht, Bertolt 265, 293 Bretton Woods (1944) 46 brewing trade 138 BRIC countries 10, 170, 174, 228 Britain alliance between state and London merchant capitalists 44–5 banking 158 enclosure movement 58 lends to United States (nineteenth century) 153 suppression of Mau Mau 291 surpluses of capital and labour sent to colonies 152–3 welfare state 165 see also United Kingdom British Empire 115, 174 British Museum Library, London 4 British Petroleum (BP) 61, 128 Buffett, Peter 211–12, 245, 283, 285 Buffett, Warren 211 bureaucracy 121–2, 165, 203, 251 Bush, George, Jr 201, 202 C Cabet, Étienne 183 Cabral, Amilcar 291 cadastral mapping 41 Cadbury 18 Cairo uprising (2011) 99 Calhoun, Craig 178 California 29, 196, 254 Canada 152 Cape Canaveral, Florida 196 capital abolition of monopolisable skills 119–20 aim of 92, 96–7, 232 alternatives to 36, 69, 89, 162 annihilation of space through time 138, 147, 178 capital-labour contradiction 65, 66, 68–9 and capitalism 7, 57, 68, 115, 166, 218 centralisation of 135, 142 circulation of 5, 7, 8, 53, 63, 67, 73, 74, 75, 79, 88, 99, 147, 168, 172, 177, 234, 247, 251, 276 commodity 74, 81 control over labour 102–3, 116–17, 166, 171–2, 274, 291–2 creation of 57 cultural 186 destruction of 154, 196, 233–4 and division of labour 112 economic engine of 8, 10, 97, 168, 172, 200, 253, 265, 268 evolution of 54, 151, 171, 270 exploitation by 156, 195 fictitious 32–3, 34, 76, 101, 110–11, 239–42 fixed 75–8, 155, 234 importance of uneven geographical development to 161 inequality foundational for 171–2 investment in fixed capital 75 innovations 4 legal-illegal duality 72 limitless growth of 37 new form of 4, 14 parasitic forms of 245 power of xii, 36, 47 private capital accumulation 23 privatisation of 61 process-thing duality 70–78 profitability of 184, 191–2 purpose of 92 realisation of 88, 173, 192, 212, 231, 235, 242, 268, 273 relation to nature 246–63 reproduction of 4, 47, 55, 63, 64, 88, 97, 108, 130, 146, 161, 168, 171, 172, 180, 181, 182, 189, 194, 219, 233, 252 spatiality of 99 and surplus value 63 surpluses of 151, 152, 153 temporality of 99 tension between fixed and circulating capital 75–8, 88, 89 turnover time of 73, 99, 147 and wage rates 173 capital accumulation, exponential growth of 229 capital gains 85, 179 capital accumulation 7, 8, 75, 76, 78, 102, 149, 151–5, 159, 172, 173, 179, 192, 209, 223, 228–32, 238, 241, 243, 244, 247, 273, 274, 276 basic architecture for 88 and capital’s aim 92, 96 collapse of 106 compound rate of 228–9 and the credit system 83 and democratisation 43 and demographic growth 231 and household consumerism 192 and lack of aggregate effective demand in the market 81 and the land market 59 and Marx 5 maximising 98 models of 53 in a new territories 152–3 perpetual 92, 110, 146, 162, 233, 265 private 23 promotion of 34 and the property market 50 recent problems of 10 and the state 48 capitalism ailing 58 an alternative to 36 and capital 7, 57, 68, 115, 166, 218 city landscape of 160 consumerist 197 contagious predatory lawlessness within 109 crises essential to its reproduction ix; defined 7 and demand-side management 85 and democracy 43 disaster 254–5, 255 economic engine of xiii, 7–8, 11, 110, 220, 221, 252, 279 evolution of 218 geographical landscape of 146, 159 global xi–xii, 108, 124 history of 7 ‘knowledge-based’ xii, 238 and money power 33 and a moneyless economy 36 neoliberal 266 political economy of xiv; and private property rights 41 and racialisation 8 reproduction of ix; revivified xi; vulture 162 capitalist markets 33, 53 capitalo-centric studies 10 car industry 121, 138, 148, 158, 188 carbon trading 235, 250 Caribbean migrants 115 Cartesian thinking 247 Cato Institute 143 Central America 136 central banks/bankers xi–xii, 37, 45, 46, 48, 51, 109, 142, 156, 161, 173, 233, 245 centralisation 135, 142, 144, 145, 146, 149, 150, 219 Césaire, Aimé 291 CFCs (chloro-fluorocarbons) 248, 254, 256, 259 chambers of commerce 168 Chandler, Alfred 141 Chaplin, Charlie 103 Charles I, King 199 Chartism 184 Chávez, Hugo 123, 201 cheating 57, 61, 63 Cheney, Dick 289 Chicago riots (1968) x chicanery 60, 72 children 174 exploitation of 195 raising 188, 190 trading of 26 violence and abuse of 193 Chile 136, 194, 280 coup of 1973 165, 201 China air quality 250, 258 becomes dynamic centre of a global capitalism 124 a BRIC country 170, 228 capital in (after 2000) 154 class struggles 233 and competition 150, 161 consumerism 194–5, 236 decentralisation 49 dirigiste governmentality 48 dismantlement of old ships 250 dispossessions in 58 education 184, 187 factories 123, 129, 174, 182 famine in 124–5 ‘great leap forward’ 125 growth of 170, 227, 232 income inequalities 169 industrialisation 232 Keynesian demand-side and debt-financed expansion xi; labour 80, 82, 107, 108, 123, 174, 230 life expectancy 259 personal debt 194 remittances 175 special economic zones 41, 144 speculative booms and bubbles in housing markets 21 suburbanisation 253 and technology 101 toxic batteries 249–50 unstable lurches forward 10 urban and infrastructural projects 151 urbanisation 232 Chinese Communist Party 108, 142 Church, the 185, 189, 199 circular cumulative causation 150 CitiBank 61 citizenship rights 168 civil rights 202, 205 class affluent classes 205 alliances 143, 149 class analysis xiii; conflict 85, 159 domination 91, 110 plutocratic capitalist xiii; power 55, 61, 88, 89, 92, 97, 99, 110, 134, 135, 221, 279 and race 166, 291 rule 91 structure 91 class struggle 34, 54, 67, 68, 85, 99, 103, 110, 116, 120, 135, 159, 172, 175, 183, 214, 233 climate change 4, 253–6, 259 Clinton, President Bill 176 Cloud Atlas (film) 271 CNN 285 coal 3, 255 coercion x, 41–4, 53, 60–63, 79, 95, 201, 286 Cold War 153, 165 collateralised debt obligations (CDOs) 78 Collins, Suzanne: The Hunger Games 264 Colombia 280 colonialism 257 the colonised 289–90 indigenous populations 39, 40 liberation from colonial rule 202 philanthropic 208, 285 colonisation 229, 262 ‘combinatorial evolution’ 96, 102, 104, 146, 147, 248 commercialisation 262, 263, 266 commodification 24, 55, 57, 59–63, 88, 115, 140, 141, 192, 193, 235, 243, 251, 253, 260, 262, 263, 273 commodities advertising 275 asking price 31 and barter 24 commodity exchange 39, 64 compared with products 25–6 defective or dangerous 72 definition 39 devaluation of 234 exchange value 15, 25 falling costs of 117 importance of workers as buyers 80–81 international trade in 256 labour power as a commodity 62 low-value 29 mobility of 147–8 obsolescence 236 single metric of value 24 unique 140–41 use value 15, 26, 35 commodity markets 49 ‘common capital of the class’ 142, 143 common wealth created by social labour 53 private appropriation of 53, 54, 55, 61, 88, 89 reproduction of 61 use values 53 commons collective management of 50 crucial 295 enclosure of 41, 235 natural 250 privatised 250 communications 99, 147, 148, 177 communism 196 collapse of (1989) xii, 165 communist parties 136 during Cold War 165 scientific 269 socialism/communism 91, 269 comparative advantage 122 competition and alienated workers 125 avoiding 31 between capitals 172 between energy and food production 3 decentralised 145 and deflationary crisis (1930s) 136 foreign 148, 155 geopolitical 219 inter-capitalist 110 international 154, 175 interstate 110 interterritorial 219 in labour market 116 and monopoly 131–45, 146, 218 and technology 92–3 and turnover time of capital 73, 99 and wages 135 competitive advantage 73, 93, 96, 112, 161 competitive market 131, 132 competitiveness 184 complementarity principle of 70 compounding growth 37, 49, 222, 227, 228, 233, 234, 235, 243, 244 perpetual 222–45, 296 computerisation 100, 120, 222 computers 92, 100, 105, 119 hardware 92, 101 organisational forms 92, 93, 99, 101 programming 120 software 92, 99, 101, 115, 116 conscience laundering 211, 245, 284, 286 Conscious Capitalism 284 constitutional rights 58 constitutionality 60, 61 constitutions progressive 284 and social bond between human rights and private property 40 US Constitution 284 and usurpation of power 45 consumerism 89, 106, 160, 192–5, 197, 198, 236, 274–7 containerisation 138, 148, 158 contracts 71, 72, 93, 207 contradictions Aristotelian conception of 4 between money and the social labour money represents 83 between reality and appearance 4–6 between use and exchange value 83 of capital and capitalism 68 contagious intensification of 14 creative use of 3 dialectical conception of 4 differing reactions to 2–3 and general crises 14 and innovation 3 moved around rather than resolved 3–4 multiple 33, 42 resolution of 3, 4 two modes of usage 1–2 unstable 89 Controller of the Currency 120 corporations and common wealth 54 corporate management 98–9 power of 57–8, 136 and private property 39–40 ‘visible hand’ 141–2 corruption 53, 197, 266 cosmopolitanism 285 cost of living 164, 175 credit cards 67, 133, 277 credit card companies 54, 84, 278 credit financing 152 credit system 83, 92, 101, 111, 239 crises changes in mental conceptions of the world ix-x; crisis of capital 4 defined 4 essential to the reproduction of capitalism ix; general crisis ensuing from contagions 14 housing markets crisis (2007–9) 18, 20, 22 reconfiguration of physical landscapes ix; slow resolution of x; sovereign debt crisis (after 2012) 37 currency markets, turbulence of (late 1960s) x customary rights 41, 59, 198 D Davos conferences 169 DDT 259 Debord, Guy: The Society of the Spectacle 236 debt creation 236 debt encumbrancy 212 debt peonage 62, 212 decentralisation 49, 142, 143, 144, 146, 148, 219, 281, 295 Declaration of Independence (US) 284 decolonisation 282, 288, 290 decommodification 85 deindustrialisation xii, 77–8, 98, 110, 148, 153, 159, 234 DeLong, Bradford 228 demand management 81, 82, 106, 176 demand-side management 85 democracy 47, 215 bourgeois 43, 49 governance within capitalism 43 social 190 totalitarian 220, 292 democratic governance 220, 266 democratisation 43 Deng Xiaoping x depressions 49, 227 1930s x, 108, 136, 169, 227, 232, 234 Descartes, René 247 Detroit 77, 136, 138, 148, 150, 152, 155, 159, 160 devaluation 153, 155, 162 of capital 233 of commodities 234 crises 150–51, 152, 154 localised 154 regional 154 developing countries 16, 240 Dhaka, Bangladesh 77 dialectics 70 Dickens, Charles 126, 169 Bleak House 226 Dombey and Son 184 digital revolution 144 disabled, the 202 see also handicapped discrimination 7, 8, 68, 116, 297 diseases 10, 211, 246, 254, 260 disempowerment 81, 103, 116, 119, 198, 270 disinvestment 78 Disneyfication 276 dispossession accumulation by 60, 67, 68, 84, 101, 111, 133, 141, 212 and capital 54, 55, 57 economies of 162 of indigenous populations 40, 59, 207 ‘land grabs’ 58 of land rights of the Irish 40 of the marginalised 198 political economy of 58 distributional equality 172 distributional shares 164–5, 166 division of labour 24, 71, 112–30, 154, 184, 268, 270 and Adam Smith 98, 118 defined 112 ‘the detail division of labour’ 118, 121 distinctions and oppositions 113–14 evolution of 112, 120, 121, 126 and gender 114–15 increasing complexity of 124, 125, 126 industrial proletariat 114 and innovation 96 ‘new international division of labour’ 122–3 organisation of 98 proliferating 121 relation between the parts and the whole 112 social 113, 118, 121, 125 technical 113, 295 uneven geographical developments in 130 dot-com bubble (1990s) 222–3, 241 ‘double coincidence of wants and needs’ 24 drugs 32, 193, 248 cartels 54 Durkheim, Emile 122, 125 Dust Bowl (United States, 1930s) 257 dynamism 92, 104, 146, 219 dystopia 229, 232, 264 E Eagleton , Terry: Why Marx Was Right 1, 21, 200, 214–15 East Asia crisis of 1997–98 154 dirigiste governmentality 48 education 184 rise of 170 Eastern Europe 115, 230 ecological offsets 250 economic rationality 211, 250, 252, 273, 274, 275, 277, 278, 279 economies 48 advanced capitalist 228, 236 agglomeration 149 of dispossession 162 domination of industrial cartels and finance capital 135 household 192 informal 175 knowledge-based 188 mature 227–8 regional 149 reoriented to demand-side management 85 of scale 75 solidarity 66, 180 stagnant xii ecosystems 207, 247, 248, 251–6, 258, 261, 263, 296 Ecuador 46, 152, 284 education 23, 58, 60, 67–8, 84, 110, 127–8, 129, 134, 150, 156, 168, 183, 184, 185, 187, 188, 189, 223, 235, 296 efficiency 71, 92, 93, 98, 103, 117, 118, 119, 122, 126, 272, 273, 284 efficient market hypothesis 118 Egypt 107, 280, 293 Ehrlich, Paul 246 electronics 120, 121, 129, 236, 292 emerging markets 170–71, 242 employment 37 capital in command of job creation 172, 174 conditions of 128 full-time 274 opportunities for xii, 108, 168 regional crises of 151 of women 108, 114, 115, 127 see also labour enclosure movement 58 Engels, Friedrich 70 The Condition of the English Working Class in England 292 English Civil War (1642–9) 199 Enlightenment 247 Enron 133, 241 environmental damage 49, 61, 110, 111, 113, 232, 249–50, 255, 257, 258, 259, 265, 286, 293 environmental movement 249, 252 environmentalism 249, 252–3 Epicurus 283 equal rights 64 Erasmus, Desiderius 283 ethnic hatreds and discriminations 8, 165 ethnic minorities 168 ethnicisation 62 ethnicity 7, 68, 116 euro, the 15, 37, 46 Europe deindustrialisation in 234 economic development in 10 fascist parties 280 low population growth rate 230 social democratic era 18 unemployment 108 women in labour force 230 European Central Bank 37, 46, 51 European Commission 51 European Union (EU) 95, 159 exchange values commodities 15, 25, 64 dominance of 266 and housing 14–23, 43 and money 28, 35, 38 uniform and qualitatively identical 15 and use values 15, 35, 42, 44, 50, 60, 65, 88 exclusionary permanent ownership rights 39 experts 122 exploitation 49, 54, 57, 62, 68, 75, 83, 107, 108, 124, 126, 128, 129, 150, 156, 159, 166, 175, 176, 182, 185, 193, 195, 208, 246, 257 exponential growth 224, 240, 254 capacity for 230 of capital 246 of capital accumulation 223, 229 of capitalist activity 253 and capital’s ecosystem 255 in computer power 105 and environmental resources 260 in human affairs 229 and innovations in finance and banking 100 potential dangers of 222, 223 of sophisticated technologies 100 expropriation 207 externality effects 43–4 Exxon 128 F Facebook 236, 278, 279 factories ix, 123, 129, 160, 174, 182, 247, 292 Factory Act (1864) 127, 183 famine 124–5, 229, 246 Fannie Mae 50 Fanon, Frantz 287 The Wretched of the Earth 288–90, 293 fascist parties 280 favelas ix, 16, 84, 175 feminisation 115 feminists 189, 192, 283 fertilisers 255 fetishes, fetishism 4–7, 31, 36–7, 61, 103, 111, 179, 198, 243, 245, 269, 278 feudalism 41 financial markets 60, 133 financialisation 238 FIRE (finance, insurance and real estate) sections 113 fishing 59, 113, 148, 249, 250 fixity and motion 75–8, 88, 89, 146, 155 Food and Drug Administration 120 food production/supply 3, 229, 246, 248, 252 security 253, 294, 296 stamp aid 206, 292 Ford, Martin 104–8, 111, 273 foreclosure 21, 22, 24, 54, 58, 241, 268 forestry 113, 148, 257 fossil fuels 3–4 Foucault, Michel xiii, 204, 209, 280–81 Fourier, François Marie Charles 183 Fourierists 18 Fourteen Points 201 France banking 158 dirigiste governmentality under de Gaulle 48 and European Central Bank 46 fascist parties 280 Francis, Pope 293 Apostolic Exhortation 275–6 Frankfurt School 261 Freddie Mac 50 free trade 138, 157 freedom 47, 48, 142, 143, 218, 219, 220, 265, 267–270, 276, 279–82, 285, 288, 296 and centralised power 142 cultural 168 freedom and domination 199–215, 219, 268, 285 and the good life 215 and money creation 51 popular desire for 43 religious 168 and state finances 48 under the rule of capital 64 see also liberty and freedom freedom of movement 47, 296 freedom of thought 200 freedom of the press 213 French Revolution 203, 213, 284 G G7 159 G20 159 Gallup survey of work 271–2 Gandhi, Mahatma 284, 291 Gaulle, Charles de 48 gay rights 166 GDP 194, 195, 223 Gehry, Frank 141 gender discriminations 7, 8, 68, 165 gene sequences 60 General Motors xii genetic engineering xii, 101, 247 genetic materials 235, 241, 251, 261 genetically modified foods 101 genocide 8 gentrification 19, 84, 141, 276 geocentric model 5 geographical landscape building a new 151, 155 of capitalism 159 evolution of 146–7 instability of 146 soulless, rationalised 157 geopolitical struggles 8, 154 Germany and austerity 223 autobahns built 151 and European Central Bank 46 inflation during 1920s 30 wage repression 158–9 Gesell, Silvio 35 Ghana 291 global economic crisis (2007–9) 22, 23, 47, 118, 124, 132, 151, 170, 228, 232, 234, 235, 241 global financialisation x, 177–8 global warming 260 globalisation 136, 174, 176, 179, 223, 293 gold 27–31, 33, 37, 57, 227, 233, 238, 240 Golden Dawn 280 Goldman Sachs 75, 239 Google 131, 136, 195, 279 Gordon, Robert 222, 223, 230, 239, 304n2 Gore, Al 249 Gorz, André 104–5, 107, 242, 270–77, 279 government 60 democratic 48 planning 48 and social bond between human rights and private property 40 spending power 48 governmentality 43, 48, 157, 209, 280–81, 285 Gramsci, Antonio 286, 293 Greco, Thomas 48–9 Greece 160, 161, 162, 171, 235 austerity 223 degradation of the well-being of the masses xi; fascist parties 280 the power of the bondholders 51, 152 greenwashing 249 Guantanamo Bay, Cuba 202, 284 Guatemala 201 Guevara, Che 291 Guggenheim Museum, Bilbao 141 guild system 117 Guinea-Bissau 291 Gulf Oil Spill (2010) 61 H Habermas, Jürgen 192 habitat 246, 249, 252, 253, 255 handicapped, the 218 see also disabled Harvey, David The Enigma of Capital 265 Rebel Cities 282 Hayek, Friedrich 42 Road to Serfdom 206 health care 23, 58, 60, 67–8, 84, 110, 134, 156, 167, 189, 190, 235, 296 hedge funds 101, 162, 239, 241, 249 managers 164, 178 Heidegger, Martin 59, 250 Heritage Foundation 143 heterotopic spaces 219 Hill, Christopher 199 Ho Chi Minh 291 holocausts 8 homelessness 58 Hong Kong 150, 160 housing 156, 296 asset values 19, 20, 21, 58 ‘built to order’ 17 construction 67 controlling externalities 19–20 exchange values 14–23, 43 gated communities ix, 160, 208, 264 high costs 84 home ownership 49–50 investing in improvements 20, 43 mortgages 19, 21, 28, 50, 67, 82 predatory practices 67, 133 production costs 17 rental markets 22 renting or leasing 18–19, 67 self-built 84 self-help 16, 160 slum ix, 16, 175 social 18, 235 speculating in exchange value 20–22 speculative builds 17, 28, 78, 82 tenement 17, 160 terraced 17 tract ix, 17, 82 use values 14–19, 21–2, 23, 67 housing markets 18, 19, 21, 22, 28, 32, 49, 58, 60, 67, 68, 77, 83, 133, 192 crisis (2007–9) 18, 20, 22, 82–3 HSBC 61 Hudson, Michael 222 human capital theory 185, 186 human evolution 229–30 human nature 97, 198, 213, 261, 262, 263 revolt of 263, 264–81 human rights 40, 200, 202 humanism 269 capitalist 212 defined 283 education 128 excesses and dark side 283 and freedom 200, 208, 210 liberal 210, 287, 289 Marxist 284, 286 religious 283 Renaissance 283 revolutionary 212, 221, 282–93 secular 283, 285–6 types of 284 Hungary: fascist parties 280 Husserl, Edmund 192 Huygens, Christiaan 70 I IBM 128 Iceland: banking 55 identity politics xiii illegal aliens (‘sans-papiers’) 156 illegality 61, 72 immigrants, housing 160 imperialism 135, 136, 143, 201, 257, 258 income bourgeois disposable 235 disparities of 164–81 levelling up of 171 redistribution to the lower classes xi; see also wages indebtedness 152, 194, 222 India billionaires in 170 a BRIC country 170, 228 call centres 139 consumerism 236 dismantlement of old ships 250 labour 107, 230 ‘land grabs’ 77 moneylenders 210 social reproduction in 194 software engineers 196 special economic zones 144 unstable lurches forward 10 indigenous populations 193, 202, 257, 283 dispossession of 40, 59, 207 and exclusionary ownership rights 39 individualism 42, 197, 214, 281 Indonesia 129, 160 industrial cartels 135 Industrial Revolution 127 industrialisation 123, 189, 229, 232 inflation 30, 36, 37, 40, 49, 136, 228, 233 inheritance 40 Inner Asia, labour in 108 innovation 132 centres of 96 and the class struggle 103 competitive 219 as a double-edged sword xii; improving the qualities of daily life 4 labour-saving 104, 106, 107, 108 logistical 147 organisational 147 political 219 product 93 technological 94–5, 105, 147, 219 as a way out of a contradiction 3 insurance companies 278 intellectual property rights xii, 41, 123, 133, 139, 187, 207, 235, 241–2, 251 interest compound 5, 222, 224, 225, 226–7 interest-rate manipulations 54 interest rates 54, 186 living off 179, 186 on loans 17 money capital 28, 32 and mortgages 19, 67 on repayment of loans to the state 32 simple 225, 227 usury 49 Internal Revenue Service income tax returns 164 International Monetary Fund (IMF) 49, 51, 100, 143, 161, 169, 186, 234, 240 internet 158, 220, 278 investment: in fixed capital 75 investment pension funds 35–6 IOUs 30 Iran 232, 289 Iranian Revolution 289 Iraq war 201, 290 Ireland dispossession of land rights 40 housing market crash (2007–9) 82–3 Istanbul 141 uprising (2013) 99, 129, 171, 243 Italy 51,161, 223, 235 ITT 136 J Jacobs, Jane 96 James, C.L.R. 291 Japan 1980s economic boom 18 capital in (1980s) 154 economic development in 10 factories 123 growth rate 227 land market crash (1990) 18 low population growth rate 230 and Marshall Plan 153 post-war recovery 161 Jewish Question 213 JPMorgan 61 Judaeo-Christian tradition 283 K Kant, Immanuel 285 Katz, Cindi 189, 195, 197 Kenya 291 Kerala, India 171 Keynes, John Maynard xi, 46, 76, 244, 266 ‘Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren’ 33–4 General Theory of Employment, Interest, and Money 35 Keynesianism demand management 82, 105, 176 demand-side and debt-financed expansion xi King, Martin Luther 284, 291 knowledge xii, 26, 41, 95, 96, 100, 105, 113, 122, 123, 127, 144, 184, 188, 196, 238, 242, 295 Koch brothers 292 Kohl, Helmut x L labour agitating and fighting for more 64 alienated workers 125, 126, 128, 129, 130 artisan 117, 182–3 and automation 105 capital/labour contradiction 65, 66, 68–9, 146 collective 117 commodification of 57 contracts 71, 72 control over 74, 102–11, 119, 166, 171–2, 274, 291–2 deskilling 111, 119 discipline 65, 79 disempowering workers 81, 103, 116, 119, 270 division of see division of labour; domestic 196 education 127–8, 129, 183, 187 exploitation of 54, 57, 62, 68, 75, 83, 107, 108, 126, 128, 129, 150, 156, 166, 175, 176, 182, 185, 195 factory 122, 123, 237 fair market value 63, 64 Gallup survey 271–2 house building 17 housework 114–15, 192 huge increase in the global wage labour force 107–8 importance of workers as buyers of commodities 80–81 ‘industrial reserve army’ 79–80, 173–4 migrations of 118 non-unionised xii; power of 61–4, 71, 73, 74, 79, 81, 88, 99, 108, 118–19, 127, 173, 175, 183, 189, 207, 233, 267 privatisation of 61 in service 117 skills 116, 118–19, 123, 149, 182–3, 185, 231 social see social labour; surplus 151, 152, 173–4, 175, 195, 233 symbolic 123 and trade unions 116 trading in labour services 62–3 unalienated 66, 89 unionised xii; unpaid 189 unskilled 114, 185 women in workforce see under women; worked to exhaustion or death 61, 182 see also employment labour markets 47, 62, 64, 66–9, 71, 102, 114, 116, 118, 166 labour-saving devices 104, 106, 107, 173, 174, 277 labour power commodification of 61, 88 exploitation of 62, 175 generation of surplus value 63 mobility of 99 monetisation of 61 private property character of 64 privatisation of 61 reserves of 108 Lagos, Nigeria, social reproduction in 195 laissez-faire 118, 205, 207, 281 land commodification 260–61 concept of 76–7 division of 59 and enclosure movement 58 establishing as private property 41 exhausting its fertility 61 privatisation 59, 61 scarcity 77 urban 251 ‘land grabs’ 39, 58, 77, 252 land market 18, 59 land price 17 land registry 41 land rents 78, 85 land rights 40, 93 land-use zoning 43 landlords 54, 67, 83, 140, 179, 251, 261 Latin America ’1and grabs’ 58, 77 labour 107 reductions in social inequality 171 two ‘lost decades’ of development 234 lawyers 22, 26, 67, 82, 245 leasing 16, 17, 18 Lebed, Jonathan 195 Lee Kuan-Yew 48 Leeds 149 Lefebvre, Henri 157, 192 Critique of Everyday Life 197–8 left, the defence of jobs and skills under threat 110 and the factory worker 68 incapable of mounting opposition to the power of capital xii; remains of the radical left xii–xiii Lehman Brothers investment bank, fall of (2008) x–xi, 47, 241 ‘leisure’ industries 115 Lenin, Vladimir 135 Leninism 91 Lewis, Michael: The Big Short 20–21 LGBT groups 168, 202, 218 liberation struggle 288, 290 liberty, liberties 44, 48–51, 142, 143, 212, 276, 284, 289 and bourgeois democracy 49 and centralised power 142 and money creation 51 non-coercive individual liberty 42 popular desire for 43 and state finances 48 liberty and freedom 199–215 coercion and violence in pursuit of 201 government surveillance and cracking of encrypted codes 201–2 human rights abuses 202 popular desire for 203 rhetoric on 200–201, 202 life expectancy 250, 258, 259 light, corpuscular theory of 70 living standards xii, 63, 64, 84, 89, 134, 175, 230 loans fictitious capital 32 housing 19 interest on 17 Locke, John 40, 201, 204 logos 31 London smog of 1952 255 unrest in (2011) 243 Los Angeles 150, 292 Louis XIV, King of France 245 Lovelace, Richard 199, 200, 203 Luddites 101 M McCarthyite scourge 56 MacKinnon, Catherine: Are Women Human?

Legacy of Empire
by Gardner Thompson

The endorsement of Zionism distracted officials from that broader agenda. Here was a further contradiction. On the one hand, by fuelling inter-communal tension, Jewish immigration rendered the Balfour Declaration unattainable in practice. This is what the men on the spot witnessed. On the other hand, Zionist enterprise helped greatly to subsidise colonial rule. That is what London thought was needed. Enough members of the British government continued to believe that there was a strategic case for Palestine to remain in British hands. But there was no consensus here. The case against keeping Palestine remained strong, too. The army general staff were confident, as in the past, that British forces stationed in Egypt were sufficient to defend the Suez Canal and would only be financially drained by the need to defend Palestine as well.

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It may be read as a last heartfelt appeal for the British to give precedence to the principles of the League of Nations Covenant over the terms of their Palestine mandate. The letter conveys his exasperation. ‘The British government has always ignored Arab rights, Arab national existence, and Arab demands; instead it administers Palestine under direct colonial rule and facilitates Jewish immigration and the usurpation of Arab lands.’78 At the same time, the AHC submitted three demands: an end to Jewish immigration; an end to Jewish land purchases; and Arab national self-government. In response, and recognising that immigration was a central issue, on 18 May 1936 the British administration announced that Jewish immigration would be restricted to 4,500 for the coming six months.

…

After ten more years, it was ironic that the forces of armed Zionism, not those of Arab resistance, put pressure on Britain to abandon its administration of Palestine after the Second World War. Arthur Koestler’s often quoted aphorism – that ‘one nation solemnly promised to a second nation the country of a third’ – points to an exceptional, hybrid, form of British colonial rule. This proved exceptionally unsustainable and also distinctive in its outcome. Whereas in Africa British settlers eventually had to accept indigenous majority rule (in Kenya after Mau Mau, and in Rhodesia after years of liberation war), in Palestine it was Zionists acting in the name of the settlers – Koestler’s ‘second nation’ – who in the end persuaded the British to leave and inherited the land they had colonised.

Among the Islands
by Tim Flannery
Published 13 Dec 2011

When their time was up they were supposed to be transported back to the Solomons. But all too frequently they were not dropped at their home village, thus placing them in grave danger of being killed by people who were their traditional enemies. The twentieth century was just seven years away when, in 1893, British colonial rule was established in the Solomons. Indeed it was with considerable reluctance that the British government declared the Solomon Islands a protectorate, their principal motive being the suppression of blackbirding. Despite the good intentions, the European impact on the islands was particularly fatal.

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Admiralty Islands 96 Alcester Island 15, 46–7, 50–5 bats 54 collecting 52, 53 cultural influences 51, 52, 53 flying foxes 53, 54, 55 geology 50–1 quadoi 46, 52, 53–4 Alotau 55 American Museum of Natural History 19, 58, 60–1 Andersen, Knud (taxonomist) 126, 128, 139 Anthops ornatus 178 Araucaria schmidii 228 Archbold Expedition 58–9, 70, 83 Aspidomorphus 67 Aujare, Ian 183, 236 Australasian long-eared bats 215–16 Australia Museum 235 biological exploration of Solomons 115 Flannery at 16–17, 38–9, 74 Hangay at 76, 77–8, 133–4 museum cadets 37 Poncelet collecting for 182 Troughton at 37–40 Wang at 134 Bainimarama, Frank 203 Balof Cave, New Ireland 89, 102, 105, 112 archaeological history 102–4 faunal record 103, 104 pollen record 103–4 bandicoots 36–7, 38, 40, 72, 100 bare-backed fruit bats 107, 109 Basiana (Kwaio ramo) 161–2, 164 bats 1, 2 Alcester Island 54 classification 126 Fiji 203, 205 Guadalcanal 129, 137–9 Makira Island 149, 155–6 New Caledonia 215–16 New Georgia and Vangunu 185–6 New Ireland 106–10 Sideia Island 80 Woodlark Island 31 bêche-de-mer 195 Beechey, Des 20, 21, 25, 42 Bell, William (district officer, Malaita) 161, 162, 167 birds Fiji 205–6 Goodenough Island 66, 67, 73 Guadalcanal 172–3 Makira Island 148 New Caledonia 217, 218 Bismarck Archipelago 84, 87–9, 111 human history 87–9 Bismarck bare-backed fruit bat 109 Bismarck giant rat 84 Bismarsk blossom bat 109 black gazelle-faced wallaby 59, 68, 69–72 blackbirding 119–20, 183 blossom bats 109, 138, 155, 156 Fiji 203 Solomon Islands 155–6 blue-breasted pittas 67 Bougainville 89, 118, 180–4 flower-faced bat 178 giant rats 181, 182 monkey-faced bats 139–40 political climate 180–1 Poncelet’s collecting 183 zoological expeditions 183 Bower, Lieutenant (HMS Sandfly) 149 brahminy kite 66 Bridie, Susan 17 brown tree snakes 43 Buka Island 180, 181, 182 Bulominski, Franz 101 Calaby, John 37–8 Calvert, James 206 cane toads 83, 106, 211 cannibalism 120, 121, 197–8 in Fijian culture 193, 195–7, 206 China Strait 14–15, 23, 25, 82 Choiseul Island 183–4 Colubridae 43 convergent evolution 131, 213 Cook, James 8, 51, 193–4 Coral Sea 21–2 Corris, Peter 152 crocodiles 191–2 curl-crested manucode 67 cuscuses Alcester Island 47, 52, 53–4 Manus Island 96 New Guinea 45 New Ireland 103, 104–5 piebald 2 spotted 95, 105–6 Woodlark Island 18, 19, 29, 45–6 Damon, Fred 26 Dampier, William 87 de Bougainville, Louis Antoine 14 de Maire, Jacob 87 de Rays, Marquis 87–9 d’Entrecasteaux, Antoine Raymond Joseph de Bruni 14 D’Entrecasteaux Group 14, 55, 57–8, 76, 83–4 Des Voeux Peak, Fiji 205–6, 210–11 diadem horseshoe bat 137, 138 Discodeles guppyi 145 Dorcopsis atrata 59 dusky pademelon 104 Dutch seafarers 87, 193 Echymipera 36 Echymipera davidi 38, 40, 72 Emballonura serii 109 emperor rat 129–32, 136–7, 143, 147, 229 endangered species preservation 132–3, 141–2 Endicott, William 195–7 Ennis, Tish 20–1, 30, 53, 55, 63, 68, 73, 76, 80, 236 at Manus Island 90, 93 at New Britain 84, 100 at New Ireland 101 Ennis’s flying fox 110 Etheridge Jr, Robert 37 European exploration 13–14, 87–8, 116–17 evolutionary process, on islands 5–8 expedition funding 17, 18, 132–3 expedition planning 2–4, 9, 75 Fergusson Island 83, 84 Fiji 191 bats 203, 205, 211, 212 birds 192, 205 cannibalism 193, 195–7, 206, 207 colonial history 193, 199 extinct fauna 191–2 human settlement 192 independence and military coups 202–3 indigenous culture 192–3 kava drinking tradition 200–3, 231 zoogeography 193 Fijian blossom bats 203 Fijian flying foxes 211, 212 Fijian monkey-faced bat 211–12 biology and reproduction 212, 213 evolutionary relationship 213 fish and fishing 22, 222 Fisher, Diana 185–7, 236 Flannery’s monkey-faced bat 140 flightless birds 7, 192 floating islands 92 flower-faced bat 178–9 flying foxes 110–11 Alcester Island 53, 54, 55 Makira Island 149, 157 Malaita Island 167 Manus Island 91, 94 New Caledonia 220, 228 New Ireland 110 Taveuni 211 Folofo’u (Malaita) 166–7, 168 Forbes’s tree mouse 72–3, 83–4 French exploration and mapping 14 Fruhstorfer, Eric 60, 61 German, Pavel 83–4, 194, 203–5, 211, 236 collecting on Taveuni 212–13 Geve, Fr Augustin 169 giant crocodile skink 145 giant flightless pigeon, Fiji 192 giant geckos 216–17 giant rats 84, 100 Bougainville 182 Buka 182 Choiseul 183–4 Guadalcanal 129, 130–1, 136, 137, 141, 142–3 Malaita 168 New Georgia and Vungunu 187 Poncelet’s 182 Ugi Island and Makira 157–8 gigantism 6, 145 goannas 49–50, 55–6 Goodenough Island 55, 57–74, 83, 120 birds 66, 67, 73 boulder campsite in forest 65–7, 72, 73 climb up mountain peak 63–4 drought conditions 62–3 funeral practices 74 kunai slopes 64 mammals 58, 59–60, 69–72, 84 prior expeditions to 58–9, 70 snakes 67 wallabies 59, 68, 69–711 war legacy 62 zoogeography 58 great black bat 129 Great Council of Chiefs (Fiji) 202–3 Greater Bukida 181, 183 Griffin, Des 235 Grimes, Captain 27 Guadalcanal 118, 120, 121, 158 bats 129, 137–9, 144–5, 175–6, 178 birds 172–3 civil war 135 climb up Mount Makaramomburu 171–9 Cyclone Namu impact on 171, 176 feral cats 174 frogs 145 giant rats 129, 130–1, 136–7, 141–3, 145, 147, 229 Gumburota Caves 144–5 mountain climb and forests 143, 145–6, 147 Pacific rats 174 political unrest 169 rat evolution 131–2 savagery on 123 weather coast expedition 147, 169, 170–9 Woodford’s experiences and collecting 122–4 Guadalcanal monkey-faced bat 138–9, 140 Guadalcanaria inexpectata 172–3 Guasopa village (Woodlark Island) 27–30, 34, 47 Gumburota Caves, Guadalcanal 144, 145 habitat destruction, impact of 184, 188 Hangay, George (taxidermist) 76–8, 134, 138 non-museum taxidermy 78–9 Sideia Island research 79–83 as world-championship wrestler 79 Heinsohn, Tomm 101 Helgen, Kris 139, 140, 213 Hill, John Edwards 127, 129 Holics, Michael 20 honeyeaters 172 Honiara, Solomon Islands 134, 135, 136, 144, 179, 230 hornbills 73 horned tortoise 191 horseshoe bats 137, 138, 144–5, 149, 156 huia bird 156 hunting rituals 69, 70–1 huntsman spiders 227 Ingleby, Sandra (Sandy) 194, 199, 236 International Union for the Conservation of Nature 71, 140, 213, 230 Irani, Aziz 20 Isabel Island 183 island biodiversity 1–2 importance of preservation 229 loss of 230 island formation 4–5, 6 island peaks 3–4 island species 6–8, 229 islands, and the evolutionary process 5–8 Islands of Love 16, 17, 35 Jean-Claude gecko 217 Jumelutt, Matt (Captain of Sunbird) 20, 22–3, 42 and the goanna 49–50, 55–6 outboard fuel-mixture screw 44–5 as The Captain 27–8 kagu 217, 218 Kaona, Sam 180–1 Kava, Ronnie 169 kava drinking, Fiji 200–3, 231 Kavieng, New Ireland 100, 101 Keesing, Roger 152, 164–5 Keke, Harold, and henchmen 169, 171 king rat 129, 130–1, 132, 142–3 Kiriwini Island 15, 30 bandicoot 37, 38 Mengden’s experience 40–2 Seri’s collecting 36, 40 snakes 40–1 Kisokau, Karol 91, 92, 94 knob-headed giant gecko 216 Kolombangara Island 185 Kula Ring 13, 27, 47 Kula shell valuables 32–3 kuru (brain disease) 198 Kwaio people, Malaita 159, 160–1 massacre of 163–4 ramo 160–1, 162–3 women and culture 165–6, 167 land-bridge islands 4–5 Lapérouse Expedition 14 Lapita culture 104 largy spiny rat 104 Leache’s giant gecko 216 Leary, Tanya 170, 178, 183, 236 L’Esperance (ship) 14 Lillies (district assistant, Malaita) 161, 162 little pig rat 129, 131, 132, 141, 142 Louisade Archipelago 14 McCoy, Mike 143, 145, 147, 152, 159, 165, 170 Makira flying fox 149 Makira horseshoe bat 149 Makira Island 147, 148–58 bats and flying foxes 149, 155–7 birds 148 collecting 155–6 rats 149, 150, 157 Malaita Island 118–19, 124, 147, 159–68 British colonial administration 161–2 climb up Sifola 165 flying foxes 167 giant rats 168 Malinowsi, Bronislaw 16 mangrove monitor 56 Manueli, Peter 236 Manus friarbird 97 Manus Island 90–9 birds 9, 96–7 flying foxes 91, 94 geographical isolation 92 human history 91–2 mammals 92, 96 native rats 94–5, 97–8 spotted cuscus 96 war history 91, 93 marsupials 8 masolai (Melanesian spirits) 32–4 Mbara Island 122 Medinilla waterhousei 205 Meek, Albert 18–19, 45, 58 Melanesian seafarers 87, 118–19 Melanesians 199 Melanycteris fardoulisi 155 Melomys matambuai 96, 97 Melomys rufescens 95–6 Mendaña, Alvaro de 116–18, 120 Mengden, Greg 20, 30, 34 snake collection and sampling, Woodlark 42–4 snake experience, Kirawina 40–2 Microchiroptera 128 Mipi (Matt’s wife and crew of Sunbird) 20, 28, 49–50, 55 Mirimiri 213 missionaries, Taveuni 206–8 mist-nets 31, 68, 97, 144, 172–3, 211, 219 molecular sampling 43, 44 monkey-faced bats 2, 129, 138–40 behaviour 186, 187 classification 140, 213 New Caledonia 214, 224 new species 174–6, 185–7 Taveuni 211–13 Mont Dzumac, New Caledonia 221–2 Mont Koghi, New Caledonia 215, 218 Mont Panié, New Caledonia 224–8 Moresby, Captain 14 Morton, Alexander (HMS Cormorant) 149–50 mosquitoes 106 Mount Goodenough 57, 66 Mount Makarakomburu 134, 143, 147, 169, 170–1 bats 175–7, 185 climb up 172–9 collecting 172–4 honeyeaters 172–3 rats 175 Mount Popamanesu 134, 143 museum collections 2–3, 17, 60, 127–8 museum specimens 3 collection methods 233–4 Mussau Island 105 naked-tail rats 142–3 native cultures, vulnerability to change 8 Natural History Museum, London 124, 129–30 Naufe’e, Malaita 166–7, 168 New Britain 84, 111 New Britain flying fox 110, 111 New Caledonia 191, 194, 214–23 bats and flying foxes 215–16, 220, 224, 228 birds 217 buying formaldehyde in 220–1 collecting 215–16, 218–19, 221–2, 224–8 extinct fauna 191–2 flora 222, 225–6, 228 as French colony 194 giant geckos 216–17 human settlement 192 indigenous culture 192–3 Kanaks and conflict 219–20 zoogeography 193, 214 New Caledonia flying fox 220, 228 New Caledonian nautilus 223 New Georgia Island 183, 185, 187, 188 New Guinea 4, 16 cuscuses 45 expedition reaches 23–5 as German protectorate 89 mountains 57 southeastern islands 13, 14–15 transferred to Australian colonial control 89 New Ireland 1988 expedition to 91, 100–12 Balof Cave excavation 89, 102–4 bats 106–11 cane toads 106 colonial German administration 101, 102 geography 100–1 human geography 103, 105–6 mammal fauna 103, 104, 106 Marquis de Rays exploits 87, 88 rats 104, 106, 112 spotted cuscus 104, 105–6 Normanby dasyure 83 Normanby Island 76, 83–4 Norris, Chris 29 Noumea 215 Nyctophilus nebulosus 216 Oldfield Thomas, Michael (curator of mammals, British Museum) 124–5, 127, 139 classifies Woodford’s rats 129, 130–1 naming of species 124, 125 outrigger canoes 47, 51 Oxford University research team 29, 46 Pacific Island collections 17 Papua New Guinea customs clearance 24–5 independence 89 parasitism 227–8 Parnaby, Harry 183, 185, 216, 236 Pentecost Island 201 philanthropy 60–1 phosphorescence 21, 227 piebald cuscus 2 Polomou research station, Manus Island 94, 97 Polynesians 13, 104, 199 Poncelet, Fr 182 Poncelet’s giant rat 182 possums 167 predators 7, 47 Pteralopex 129, 213 Pteralopex flanneryi 140 Pteralopex pulchra 176 Pteralopex taki 185 Pteropus capistratus 110 Pteropus cognatus 157 Pteropus ennisae 110 quadoi see cuscuses Rabuka, Sitiveni 202 rat-traps 98–9 rats 2, 31 Guadalcanal 129, 130–1 Makira Island 149 Manus Island 94–5, 97–8 New Ireland 104, 106, 112 Rattus sanila 112 Revercé, Jean-Pierre 222–3 Riufaa of Kwangafi 164 Roe, David 136 Samarai Island 14–15, 24–5 Santa Cruz 117, 120 Santa Isabel 117, 120 Saunders, Robert 20 Schouten, Willam 87 Sclater’s honeyeater 148 Scott expeditions 133, 177, 205, 216, 231, 235–6 Scott, Winifred Violet 132–3, 177, 185, 200 seasickness 21, 42 Sepik River 92 Seri, Lester 20, 30, 53, 55, 63, 64, 76, 236 Alcester quadoi 54 at Manus Island 90, 93, 95, 97 at New Ireland 101, 107 at Normanby Island 83 collecting on Kiriwini 36, 40 goanna from Woodlark Island 49–50, 55–6 Seri’s sheathtail bat 109, 110 sheathail bats 54, 109, 110 Shortland Islands 145 Sideia Island 76, 77, 80 cane toads 83 Hangay’s collecting and experiences 79–83 leper colony 81, 82 mammals 77, 80 zoogeography 77 silktail 205 slugs 226–7 snakes Goodenough Island 67 Kiriwina Island 40–2 molecular sampling 43, 44 New Ireland 106 Woodlark Island 30–1, 34, 42–3 Solomon Islands 115, 230 bats 137–8, 144–5, 155–6 biodiversity 119 blackbirding 119–20 British colonial rule 120 British law 151–2 cannibalism 120–1, 124, 183 Greater Bukida landmass 181, 183 habitat destruction 184, 188 history of Spanish contact 116–18 ice age impact on animal distribution 184–5 Melanesian seafarers arrival in 118–19 monkey-faced bats 129 threats to biodiversity 115–16, 184 zoogeography 119 see also Guadalcanal; Makira Island; Malaita Island Solomon Islands Ministry of Conservation 170 Solomons blossom bat 138 Solomons flying fox 157 Solomons giant horseshoe-bat 144–5 Solomys 168 Solomys salamonis 149 Somosomo, Taveuni 206 cannibalism 206–7 funerary practice 208–10 missionaries’ experiences 206–10 Spanish explorers 116–17 spotted cuscus 96, 105–6 Spriggs, Matthew 181 Sunbird (catamaran) 18, 55 Supreme Rat Trap Company, Sydney 98–9 Szaley, Alexandra 194, 214–15, 218, 223, 225, 236 Talevat, Sanila 105, 109, 111, 155 TAMS (the Australian Museum Society) 17, 18, 54 Tasker, Elizabeth 236 Tasman, Abel 193 Taveuni Island 205–13 taxidermy 77–8 taxonomy, science of 234 Thurston, John Bates 123, 199 Toxicocalamus 40 traditional island cultures 8, 47–8 tree mice 72–3, 83–4 Trobriand Islands 15, 16, 18 Troughton, Ellis Le Geyt 38–9 at Australia Museum 37–40, 178 receives giant rodents from Bougainville 182 visit to Santa Cruz 120 Tuithaku, King, death of 208–10 Tulagi Island 123, 165 type specimens 234 Udre Udre, Ratu 198 Ugi Island 149, 150 giant rat 149, 157–8 Uki Ni Masi 150, 157 Unicomys ponceleti 182 Uromys 131 Uromys rex 142 Valearanisi, Guadalcanal 170, 171 Van Deusen, Hobart 59, 60, 70 Vangunu Island 185, 187, 188 Vanikoro 14 Vanua Levu 193, 206 venom collection 44 venomous snakes 43 Viti Levu 193, 199, 203 survey of highest peaks 199 Vokeo Island 92 volcanoes 4 wallabies black gazelle-faced 59, 68, 69–70, 71 New Ireland 104 Wang, Alex (taxidermist) 134 whale-tooth pine 199–200 White, Peter 89, 101, 102, 104, 105, 112 Williams, Thomas (missionary) 208–10 Woodford, Sir Charles Morris bat collecting 178 collection of giant rats 124, 129–31, 137, 141 as deputy commissioner of Solomon Islands 123–4 on Guadalcanal 121, 122–4, 171 Woodlark Island 15, 18, 26–35, 48 bats 31 caves 31, 32–3 collecting 30–2 councillors and culture 30, 31–3 cuscus 18, 19, 29, 45–6 geology 26 goannas 49–50 history 27 mammals 18, 19, 30 Oxford University researchers 29, 46 prior expeditions to 18–20 snakes 30–1, 34, 42–4 WWII infrastructure 27, 29 World War I, and New Guinea 89 World War II cave refuges 102, 144 legacy on Pacific islands 15, 27, 62, 91, 93, 230 Xeronema moorei 225 About the Author TIM FLANNERY is a writer, a scientist and an explorer.

Amazing Train Journeys
by Lonely Planet
Published 30 Sep 2018

Then the Eastern & Oriental Express slides across the causeway into Singapore’s gleaming modern rail terminal, and the dream is sadly over. But you’ll always have the memories. % Hotel of writers The Eastern & Oriental Express train shares its name with the Eastern & Oriental Hotel on the Malaysian island of Penang. Established in 1885 during British colonial rule, its elaborate Moorish architecture has played host to many famous authors, including Rudyard Kipling, Noel Coward, Somerset Maugham and Hermann Hesse. % Join travellers, including saffron- robed monks and commuters, at Bangkok’s main station. % Visit the Bridge over the River Kwai and reflect on its sombre wartime history

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Travelling over a thousand miles from Hanoi in the north to Ho Chi Minh City in the south, there is no more atmospheric way to haul into Vietnam’s twin metropolises. And there’s no better way of exploring all the glories in between. ❶ RIDING THE RAILS The story of the North–South Railway is the story of modern Vietnam in microcosm. The railway has its origins in the days of French colonial rule in Indochina – the government promising to build a new ‘backbone’ that would connect northern and southern portions of their territory. It quickly became caught up in Vietnam’s tumultuous 20th- century history. The railway was hijacked by invading Japanese forces in World War II, and soon after formed the front line during the First Indochina War when Viet Minh guerrillas seeking independence from France attacked armoured trains that rolled along the line.

The World in 2050: Four Forces Shaping Civilization's Northern Future
by Laurence C. Smith
Published 22 Sep 2010

It seems plausible to imagine the ascendance of shining, modern, prosperous cities all over the world. Take, for example, the success story of Singapore. A port city situated on a large island at the southern tip of the Malay Peninsula, Singapore began as a British trading colony in 1819 and remained under colonial rule for one hundred and forty-one years before gaining independence in 1960. Since then, despite its small size (less than 270 square miles), few natural resources, and no domestic fossil fuel supply, Singapore’s growth and economic success have been phenomenal. Between 1960 and 2005 Singapore’s population grew rapidly, averaging 2.2% annually or doubling every thirty-six years.

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In the year of its passage Greenlanders voted into their provincial council463 some radical youth, including an unknown twenty-four-year-old schoolteacher, Lars-Emil Johansen (whom I would meet years later as the former prime minister of Greenland), and the young firebrand Moses Olsen. These two began stridently objecting to Denmark’s sovereignty of Greenland, and for the first time in memory, Greenlanders began thinking seriously about disentangling themselves from Copenhagen’s colonial rule. One year later, Greenlanders heartily rejected Denmark’s referendum to join the European Community (predecessor to today’s EU) with 70% of the vote. Alongside their growing nationalism, natural resources were again a root cause, but this time going the other way: Danish membership in the EC would impose fishing restrictions and a sealskin ban on Greenland, both dear to her small aboriginal economies.

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The chief connection between the two countries today is economic, as Greenland depends on heavy subsidies from Denmark for solvency. In 2008 Greenland voters overwhelmingly passed another referendum moving Greenland toward full independence from Denmark. 465 As noted in the preceding note, full independence for Greenland, which some speculate could be declared in 2021, the 300th anniversary of Danish colonial rule, will require weaning from generous Danish subsidies averaging $11,000 annually for every Greenlander. The most likely mechanism for this weaning is revenue from oil and gas development, which is being actively encouraged by the Greenland government. So far, thirteen exploration licenses have been issued to companies like ExxonMobil, and another round of licensing will take place in 2010.

Falling Behind: Explaining the Development Gap Between Latin America and the United States
by Francis Fukuyama
Published 1 Jan 2006

In short, though Americans by birth, we derive our rights from Europe, and we have to assert these rights against the rights of the natives, and at the same time we must defend ourselves against the invaders.4 In hindsight, it is difficult to understand why the collective subject of the Spanish American revolution would not be composed of the “legitimate proprietors” of the countries in question, but instead of those who proclaimed themselves the heirs of certain rights whose legitimacy they were the first to denounce. Bolívar shied away from posing that question for two reasons. The first is the obvious fact that he himself belonged to that “species midway.” And, second, all who knew something about Spanish America would have agreed that the three centuries of colonial rule had not been in vain, and, as had been proven three decades earlier by the successful suppression of the vast indigenous rebellion that shook the ancient Incan empire to its core, the other kind of revolution was already an impossible feat. As a direct descendant of Creole aristocracy, Bolívar could no doubt refrain from lamenting that such an alternative was unavailable, but his heritage did not keep him from envisioning, through the successful marginalization of the “legitimate proprietors” of the land, the legacy of a historical experience that was tainted from the very start.

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Sokoloff, “Institutions, Factor Endowments, and Paths of Development in the New World,” Villa Borsig Workshop Series 2000, on The Institutional Foundations of a Market Economy, pp. 78, 79 [summary version available online at http://www.inwent.org/ef-texte/instn/sokoloff.htm]. Terry Karl echoes the prevailing view: “In Latin America from the very beginning, mineral and agricultural riches were a mixed blessing; in the context of a specific form of colonial rule they produced concentrated rents that centralized economic and political power and established the region’s patterns of inequality.” Terry L. Karl, The Vicious Circle of Inequality in Latin America, Working Paper 2002/177 (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Avanzados en Ciencias Sociales, Instituto Juan March, 2002), pp. 7, 8. 58.

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The main factors which determined Spanish colonial activities were whether the indigenous peoples possessed “permanent intensive agriculture, stable town and village sites, strong tribute mechanisms, and dense populations.”33 Other institutions were designed to reinforce this system. For instance, the legal system systematically discriminated against the indigenous population, and the testimony of natives in court was highly circumscribed. Although Indians certainly did use the legal system to challenge aspects of colonial rule, they could not alter the main parameters of the system. In addition to all of this, the Spanish Crown created a complex web of mercantilistic policies and monopolies in order to raise revenues for the state. Spanish colonies that had small populations of native peoples, such as Costa Rica and Argentina, seem to have followed different paths of institutional development.

The Vietnam War: An Intimate History
by Geoffrey C. Ward and Ken Burns
Published 4 Sep 2017

In 1910, the year before Ho Chi Minh fled Cochinchina, a government survey found that just three French officials in the whole colony understood Vietnamese well enough to make policy decisions on their own. The French depended instead on a network of French-speaking Vietnamese willing to carry out their wishes—and all too often eager to enrich themselves in the process. Other Vietnamese benefited by colonial rule. They became bankers, merchants, or landlords in Cochinchina, where the availability of cheap, newly opened lands created a fresh entrepreneurial frontier for those with enough capital to get started. These privileged people created a Westernized urban world of their own; they spoke French, drank wine, and followed Paris fashions.

…

“The French usually disembarked in Indochina determined to be on the best possible terms with the Annamese,” one critical colonist remembered. “It was only gradually, moving from one small misunderstanding to another, that they arrived at isolation and a separation from the Annamese world.” But for the peasants who made up 90 percent of Vietnam’s population, colonial rule provided few benefits. Subject to French monopolies on salt and alcohol, sometimes dragooned to labor without pay on public works, burdened by ever-climbing taxes and saddled by debt, many stood by helplessly as lands they once had owned slipped into the hands of big landowners. By the beginning of the twentieth century, just 5 percent of the population owned 95 percent of the arable land in Cochinchina.

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Imperial Japan, soon to ally itself with Germany and eager to move against British and Dutch colonies throughout Asia, then forced the collaborationist Vichy French to permit them to station troops in Tonkin in exchange for the right to continue day-to-day administration of the colony. Within a year, Japanese soldiers would occupy all of Vietnam. To some Vietnamese, the collapse of the French and the coming of the Japanese had seemed to signal a welcome end to white colonial rule. But Ho Chi Minh saw things differently. To him, the Japanese were alien invaders, no more welcome than the French. France might be an “imperialist wolf,” he said, but Japan was a “fascist hyena,” interested only in exploiting his country, commandeering rubber for its war machine, and seizing Vietnamese crops to fill its own rice bowls.

Kicking Awaythe Ladder
by Ha-Joon Chang
Published 4 Sep 2000

Another piece of evidence that 'good institutions' are not enough to generate growth is the fact that the major Asian developing economies remained virtually stagnant during the first half of the twentieth century, despite the fact that many modern institutions were introduced under (formal or informal) colonial rule. According to the estimate by Maddison 1989, the average per capita GDP growth rate for the nine largest Asian developing countries (Bangladesh, China, India, Indonesia, Pakistan, the Philippines, South Korea, Taiwan, and Thailand) during 1900-50 was 0 per cent p.a.. During this period, Taiwan and the Philippines grew at 0.4 per cent p.a., Korea and Thailand at 0.1 per cent p.a.. China grew at -0.3 per cent p.a., the South Asian countries and Indonesia at -0.1 per cent. These countries were, however, able to generate much faster growth after the end of colonial rule. The average per capita GDP growth rate for the 1950-87 period for these countries was 3.1 per cent p.a..

The Shame Machine: Who Profits in the New Age of Humiliation
by Cathy O'Neil
Published 15 Mar 2022

Beth Daley, The Conversation, October 1, 2017, https://theconversation.com/​what-gandhi-can-teach-todays-protesters-83404. GO TO NOTE REFERENCE IN TEXT “inflicted such humiliation and defiance”: E. Andrews, “When Gandhi’s Salt March Rattled British Colonial Rule,” The Daily Star, March 14, 2021, https://www.thedailystar.net/​in-focus/​news/​when-gandhis-salt-march-rattled-british-colonial-rule-2060665. GO TO NOTE REFERENCE IN TEXT he in turn called them “sissies”: Daniel Lewis, “Larry Kramer, Playwright and Outspoken AIDS Activist, Dies at 84,” The New York Times, May 27, 2020, https://www.nytimes.com/​2020/​05/​27/​us/​larry-kramer-dead.html.

Rule Britannia: Brexit and the End of Empire
by Danny Dorling and Sally Tomlinson
Published 15 Jan 2019

National Service, by which some two million young men were conscripted into Britain’s armed services between 1946 and 1962, was used to force many young British men to fight colonial wars.10 The experiences of these men shaped the attitudes of their generation. As one RAF flight controller explained, ‘We had Empire Day at school and we all thought empire was a marvellous thing. When Britain chose to give her empire away we were all rather saddened. The colonial people had all the blessings of British colonial rule and look how casually they dismissed them.’11 When the British public did vote to stay in the European Economic Community in 1975, there was a vague feeling that since the old empire was ‘going, going, gone’, another alliance was better than nothing. Flippantly, people were told that maybe the price of Danish butter might come down.

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To understand Brexit, we have to revisit the geography textbooks in use in schools up until the 1960s, which told school children, including some recent migrants from former colonial countries, that under the guidance of Europeans, Africa is steadily being opened up … Doctors and scientists are working to improve the health of the Africans, missionaries and teachers are educating the people … The Europeans have brought civilisation to the peoples of Africa …whose standards of living have been raised by their contact with white people.40 This is a very different story from that told by the descendants of the 10,000 or so Kenyans killed during the 1950s uprising against colonial rule. So how can the current generation of school and university students – and all the rest of us born after overt colonialism – understand the empire, how Britain now fits into the world, and the importance of the EU? Statutory guidance for the study of history still demands that students should know the history of our islands as a chronological narrative, and also ‘how Britain has influenced the wider world’.

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Much of this importation caused malnutrition in the colonies in which the food was originally grown. Colonial policies for food did little for the nutrition of the colonised and often left populations more vulnerable to food scarcity. This led to hypocritical claims that hunger and poverty were endemic in colonies, thus creating an apparent justification for colonial rule. Even as recently as the 1970s, in Kenya many farmers stopped growing the beans that had been a staple for local markets and instead began growing French green beans exported by air for a mainly out-of-season European market. As Thomas Sankara, the former President of Burkina Faso, put it, ‘Do you not know where imperialism is to be found?

The Billionaire Raj: A Journey Through India's New Gilded Age
by James Crabtree
Published 2 Jul 2018

These boom years brought undoubted benefits, helping over one hundred million escape from poverty. Just as importantly, they began to reintegrate India with the rest of the world. The Indian subcontinent had been the planet’s largest economy for most of the last two millennia.9 Three centuries of colonial rule ruined that legacy, as the East India Company suppressed and plundered southern Asia. In the late seventeenth century, when Britain controlled just a handful of coastal cities, India’s Mughal Empire presided over close to a quarter of global gross domestic product. That figure stood at four percent when the last British troops left, not long after Independence in 1947, the final battalion marching out through the grand basalt arch of Mumbai’s Gateway of India, just down the road from the apartment in which my wife and I would later live.10 Yet even under the yoke of imperialism local merchants still sent plentiful cargoes to Liverpool and Manchester, while Indian capital coursed through the exchanges of the City of London.

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“I looked at each business and I said to myself, you know, how can we compete with the Nestlés and the Unilevers of this world? Either we have to come up with a huge bunch of resources or we’re going to die.” The 1991 crisis had roots going back more than half a century and the battle against colonial rule. In 1947, just when Mallya’s father bought UB Group, a fierce debate raged among India’s national founders. On one side stood Gandhi, with his vision of a future agrarian utopia, dotted with prosperous villages and free of commercial exploitation. On the other was Nehru, who became prime minister of a newly independent India at the stroke of midnight on August 15, 1947.

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Yet if India can complete it, with an estimated population of 1.7 billion by the middle of this century, it will bring more people into conditions of moderate prosperity than any country in history.9 India would also be the first major world economy to do this as a democracy, rather than turning democratic as it grew prosperous, as happened in America and Britain, or, like China, not being a democracy at all. “Long years ago, we made a tryst with destiny, and now the time comes when we shall redeem our pledge,” Jawaharlal Nehru said on the evening of August 15, 1947, as his country readied to cast aside the injustices of British colonial rule.10 “India stands forth again, after long slumber and struggle, awake, vital, free and independent.” By 2047, as its people celebrate their centenary, India has a chance to fulfill that destiny: to become history’s second democratic superpower and a beacon for free peoples around the world. Modi’s admirers like to see him in just these historic terms, as the man destined to take a nation beset by graft and poverty and wrestle it doggedly towards greatness.

A World in Disarray: American Foreign Policy and the Crisis of the Old Order
by Richard Haass
Published 10 Jan 2017

At the close of World War II, much of the world, including most of the Middle East, Africa, and Asia, was ruled by the countries of Europe. Decolonization was founded on the idea that peoples had the right to establish independent nation-states; this was the concept of self-determination. Independence was sought by virtually all the populations living under colonial rule. Interestingly, it was also supported by both the Soviet Union and the United States: the former saw it as an opportunity to win converts, while the latter feared that absent independence these societies would turn to the Soviets for support against the Western colonialists. With time, the populations of the mostly European colonial powers themselves grew weary of the costs of maintaining rule in faraway places that wanted to be on their own.

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The principle was so broadly embraced that it often included sympathy and even outright support for the use of violence in its pursuit. Self-determination was thus a fundamental tenet of the post–World War II order. But less clear and certainly less broadly embraced was the notion of a right of self-determination for peoples living within established nation-states. Unlike those seeking to get out from under colonial rule, self-determination broadly applied would not be a one-time affair. To the contrary, it could be potentially unlimited in its application. What is more, if it applied to groups living within countries, it threatened the idea and the ideal of state sovereignty, in that sovereignty could be attacked and undermined not just from the outside but from within.

Happy Valley: The Story of the English in Kenya
by Nicholas Best
Published 9 Aug 2013

As an example of how the Kikuyu dominated African thinking, eight out of nine central committee members of the Kenya African Union – a non-tribal party set up at the end of the war to represent the political interests of all Kenya Africans – were Kikuyu by 1951. President of KAU from 1947 was Jomo Kenyatta. He used the party as a respectable front for the still-proscribed Kikuyu Central Association. Kenyatta’s aims were the same as they had always been: to obtain freedom from colonial rule, and to get hold of the white highlands. The difference now was that people were beginning to listen to him. Among his earliest recruits were the old soldiers, tough dissatisfied men who felt that the world owed them a living and did not shrink from talk of bloodshed to achieve their aims. Many of these Kikuyu were comrades of the same age group, having been circumcised together in the initiation rites of 1940.

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He appealed, but the appeal was dismissed. In Nairobi prison, on 18 February 1957, Dedan Kimathi was hanged. He has subsequently become a hero to the Kikuyu people, a martyr to the cause of independence and the most famous of all the freedom fighters who lost their lives in the struggle against colonial rule. Every emerging country needs a warrior figure to give it self-respect. In a country lamentably short of heroes, Kimathi is Kenya’s choice. Prominent streets are named after him in every town. He is the subject of numerous eulogistic books, poems and – to be honest – awful plays, all of them written in English, the language of the oppressor.

Fallen Idols: Twelve Statues That Made History
by Alex von Tunzelmann
Published 7 Jul 2021

Far from being granted independence, he said, the Congolese people had fought for it, and that fight ‘was filled with tears, fire and blood. We are deeply proud of our struggle, because it was just and noble and indispensable in putting an end to the humiliating bondage forced upon us. That was our lot for the eighty years of colonial rule and our wounds are too fresh and much too painful to be forgotten.’12 Lumumba’s speech was interrupted eight times by loud applause from the Africans present. Most of the Europeans sat in stony silence. Baudouin stormed out. Six months later, in January 1961, Lumumba was taken captive, beaten, and murdered by Belgian and Congolese officers.

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, BBC News, 5 November 2011. 30‘Mayawati should reimburse public money spent on building statues, observes Supreme Court’, Scroll.in, 8 Feb 2019, https://scroll.in/latest/912521/mayawati-should-reimburse-public-money-spent-on-building-statues-observes-supreme-court. 31Krishnadas Rajagopal, ‘Why no questions raised on 182-m high Sardar Patel statue, Mayawati asks in SC’, The Hindu, 2 April 2019. 6: ‘The Horror! The Horror!’: King Leopold II 1Daniel Boffey, ‘New find reveals grim truth of colonial Belgium’s “human zoos”’, Guardian, 4 October 2020. 2Quoted in Isam Shihada, ‘Historicizing Joseph Conrad’s Heart of Darkness: A Critique of King Leopold II’s Colonial Rule’ in English Language and Literature Studies, vol. 5, no. 1; 2015. 3Valérie Rosoux, ‘The Two Faces of Belgium in the Congo: Perpetrator and Rescuer’, European Review of International Studies, vol. 1, no. 3 (Winter 2014), pp. 20–1. 4George Washington Williams, ‘An Open Letter to His Serene Majesty Leopold II, King of the Belgians and Sovereign of the Independent State of Congo By Colonel, The Honorable Geo.

The Rational Optimist: How Prosperity Evolves
by Matt Ridley
Published 17 May 2010

Paradoxically, African countries are often also cursed by sudden windfalls of rich mineral wealth, such as oil or diamonds, which serve only to corrupt democratic politicians, strengthen the power of dictators, distract entrepreneurs, spoil the terms of trade of exporters and encourage reckless state borrowing. Take, therefore, one such typical African country. It is landlocked, drought-prone and has a very high population growth rate. Its people belong to eight different tribes speaking different tongues. When freed from colonial rule in 1966 it had eight miles of paved road (for an area the size of Texas), twenty-two black university graduates, and only 100 secondary school graduates. It was later cursed by a huge diamond mine, crippled by AIDS, devastated by cattle disease, and ruled by one party with little effective opposition.

…

The Tswana were also inclusive, happy to bring other tribes into their system, which stood them in good stead when a collective army was needed to repel the Boers at the battle of Dimawe in 1852. This was a good start, but Botswana then had a stroke of good fortune in its colonial experience. It was incorporated into the British empire in such a half-hearted and inattentive fashion that it barely experienced colonial rule. The British took it mainly to stop the Germans or Boers getting it. ‘Doing as little in the way of administration or settlement as possible’ was explicitly stated as government policy in 1885. Botswana was left alone, experiencing almost as little direct European imperialism as those later success stories of Asia – places like Thailand, Japan, Taiwan, Korea and China.

…

Botswana was left alone, experiencing almost as little direct European imperialism as those later success stories of Asia – places like Thailand, Japan, Taiwan, Korea and China. In 1895, three Tswana chiefs went to Britain and successfully pleaded with Queen Victoria to be kept out of the clutches of Cecil Rhodes; in the 1930s, two chiefs went to court to prevent another attempt at more intrusive colonial rule and though they failed, the war then kept bossy commissioners at bay. Benign neglect continued. After independence, Botswana’s first president, Seretse Khama, one of the chiefs, behaved like most African leaders in setting out to build a strong state and disenfranchise the chiefs, as well as to win all future elections (so far so good for his party under two successors).

Second World: Empires and Influence in the New Global Order
by Parag Khanna
Published 4 Mar 2008

Latin culture radically favors the masking of power in the language of esteem and purpose, but truth in Latin politics is about reading between the lines, even inverting what one is told. With notable exceptions, exaggeration is integral to communication for Latin politicians, more important than reality as it actually occurs. The result is a culture that implicitly asks, “Why tell the truth when you can lie instead?” The legacy of subverting colonial rule is a prime justification for habits that now only subvert themselves. The social contract of laws and institutions in Asian countries—whether guided by Confucian or Islamic values—is all but absent in Latin America. Trust and commitment to leaders—these things do not exist: Few governments ever complete a first term.

…

“A Tale of Two Slavic States,” The Economist, June 3, 2006, 53. 11. E. Wayne Merry, “Therapy’s End: Thinking Beyond NATO,” The National Interest, Winter 2003–04. 12. This climate of malaise and frustration led the Third International Commission on the Balkans in 2005 to declare the region “as close to failure as to success,” adding, “If Europe’s neo-colonial rule becomes further entrenched, it will encourage economic discontent; it will become a political embarrassment for the European project; and, above all, European electorates would see it as an immense and unnecessary financial and moral burden.” International Commission on the Balkans, The Balkans in Europe’s Future (Sofia, Bulgaria: Centre for Liberal Strategies, 2005), 7, 11. 13.

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*33Because the Maghreb countries lie between Europe and third-world Africa, it is swelling migration not only from the Arab world that Europeans fear, but also from West and sub-Saharan Africa as well. Timbuktu, once a great center of Islamic learning and the starting point for Saharan caravans, today represents much of Africa’s inability to achieve even the level of material progress and social organization that existed a century ago under colonial rule. Hordes of young West African men traverse and hide in Mauritania, Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia before storming the Spanish exclaves of Ceuta and Melilla to gain entry into Europe. Mauritanians have desperately sailed in overwhelming numbers to the Canary Islands, which are viewed as a weak link in “fortress Europe,” arriving dehydrated, sick, and without identity papers.

The Logic of Life: The Rational Economics of an Irrational World
by Tim Harford
Published 1 Jan 2008

They gathered careful data on the modern wealth, colonial history, and weather patterns of eighty small islands, and they concluded that the islands that were easy to reach because of the prevailing winds back in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries are wealthier today. An extra century of colonial rule increased per-capita incomes by 40 percent and reduced infant deaths by 2.6 per hundred births. Needless to say, the wealth brought by colonial rule did not usually benefit the original inhabitants of the colonies. While Australia leapt from being perhaps the poorest place in the world to one of the richest in just a couple of centuries, that impressive record is a little tarnished by the fact that most of the original inhabitants died of smallpox.

Thieves of State: Why Corruption Threatens Global Security
by Sarah Chayes
Published 19 Jan 2015

Muhammed Tabiu, a Kano lawyer and deputy program manager for a Nigeria-wide access-to-justice project called J4A, sees the movement within the historical context of the region’s desire for shari’a law. “We’ve had shari’a law here historically. But under colonial rule and even afterward, those courts were seen as the courts of the people in power. In 2000 the people wanted ‘our’ shari’a courts. The whole agitation for shari’a was a search for a solution to corruption. You can’t get a fair deal. You have to bribe. The law itself is alien. You can’t get justice. People felt that boko—Western education that traced back to the mechanics of colonial rule—was the way we got to this state of affairs.” Indeed, Western Africanists and residents of countries from Nigeria to South Africa alike deplore what they see as a pattern: that post-independence elites seem to have left much of the structure of colonial-era administration intact, just taking over as beneficiaries of the oppressive and extractive system in positions left vacant by the departed colonizers.

Grave New World: The End of Globalization, the Return of History
by Stephen D. King
Published 22 May 2017

Hobbes was, however, no fan of democracy, arguing that a sovereign was less likely to be corrupt than those with vaunting political ambitions keen to gain the support of the people. Of modern-day political systems, he might have expressed a preference for, say, Lee Kuan Yew’s Singapore, which enjoyed huge increases in living standards over a handful of decades thanks to a strong legal system (a legacy of British colonial rule), a benevolent leader who also happened to be a Cambridge-educated lawyer, and a high level of political stability (helped by restrictions on civil liberties of which Hobbes might well have approved). Hobbes certainly would not have favoured the separation of powers between legislature and executive incorporated within the US Constitution, an outcome that owed a great deal to the writings of John Locke (1632–1704), who, unlike Hobbes, thought a monarch should not be allowed to rule supreme when men (and, presumably, women) were by nature free and equal.

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Over the next two decades, large numbers also arrived from the Indian subcontinent, a mixture of Hindus from Gujarat, Sikhs from the East Punjab and Muslims from both Pakistan and modern-day Bangladesh (not that the indigenous British population was very interested in the distinctions between these various groups). And in 1972, thanks to Idi Amin’s brutal racism, over 27,000 East African Asians, whose forebears had arrived in East Africa under nineteenth-century British colonial rule, found sanctuary in the UK. In Amin’s own words, ‘Our deliberate policy is to transfer the economic control of Uganda into the hands of Ugandans, for the first time in our country’s history.’ Still, Amin was not the only politician suspicious of the ‘foreigner’ in his midst. Enoch Powell, in his notorious April 1968 ‘Rivers of Blood’ speech, argued: For reasons they could not comprehend [the existing UK population] found themselves made strangers in their own country … The Race Relations Bill … is the means of showing that the immigrant communities can organise to consolidate their members, to agitate and campaign against their fellow citizens, and to overawe and dominate the rest with the legal weapons which the ignorant and the ill-informed have provided.

Bastard Tongues: A Trailblazing Linguist Finds Clues to Our Common Humanity in the World's Lowliest Languages
by Derek Bickerton
Published 4 Mar 2008

The oddest thing was that one was Afro-Guyanese and the other was Indo-Guyanese. Workers from India were brought to Guyana to cut sugar cane after the abolition of slavery in the 1830s, when the Afro­ Guyanese, almost to a man, walked off the plantations and set up as subsistence homesteaders. All through the subsequent years of colonial rule, the British played the two races off against one an­ other. But in the rising tide of anticolonialism that followed World War II, they joined together to demand independence, and for a few years it looked like Guyana might become a haven of inter­ ethnic harmony. But the Brits rallied, worked the divide-and-rule routine they'd mastered over centuries, exploited personal jeal­ ousies between Cheddi Jagan, the Indo leader, and Forbes Burn­ ham, the Afro leader, and in no time brought the country to the brink of an undeclared civil war in which, with British boots back on Guyanese streets, they could pose as the peacemakers.

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Fa d'Ambu, 108-109, 182; TMA sys­ tem, 109, 182 Farrington, Wallace, 223 Federal University, Rio de Janeiro, 135 Feldman, Carol, 144 Fern, Joe, 218 Fernando P60, 153 194 Filipino, 91, 92, 100, 101, lUj-lU4. 105, 146, 147,221; Creole, 112 finite sentence;., 205 Firth, Raymond, 182 folk etymology, 105 Fort Creoles, 146, 147 "for-to" constructions, 224 ' Foundations of Language, 46 France, 7,151,153, 188, 189, 193-94; colonialism, 164, 189-90, 194 Franco, Francisco, 8, 162 Frederick II of Sicily, 241 free variation, 203 French, 10, 12,34-35, 189, 193, 203; Creole, 14,33, 148, 170; Pidgin, 209 French Louisiana, 153 Futunan, 124 Gambia, 12,47 Garifuna, 26 genetic-related hypothesis, 84-88 Genie, 240 Georgia, 153 Germany, 79,94-95; 196,228 Ghana, 3-6, 18,54,62,200 Gibbons, Yutaka, 120-21 Givon, Tom, 114, 115-16, 126, 133, 134 Gnierre, Antonio, 135, 136 Gold Coast, 172 Goodenough, Ward, 128,133-34 Goodman, Morris, 47 Goree, 200 Gould, Stephen jay, 144 grammar, 5,6, 7, 14, 28,40,53,85,113, 126,170,181-82,197,218,225,234; childhood acquisition of, 124-26, 141-43; Guyanese Creole, 19,33-43, 107-10; Hawaiian Creole, 106-10, 113, 227; systemic, 6; transforma­ tional, 6; see also specific grammar and languages Great Britain, 4, 5, 6, 66-71, 73-75, 153; colonialism, 9, 20, 26, 164, 172-76,194 Greece. 241 Guam, 228 Guyana, 9-10,15,17-48,57,63,65, 66,81,181,194; colonial rule, 19, 20; ethnic cleansing, 20-21, 31; society, 18-21,30-32; supernatural, 31 Guyanese Creole, 19-48,57,63-65,66, 93,105,142,148, 156-58, 163,177, 181-82,227; article system, 37, 39; English compared to Guyanese, 33­ 44, 156-58; grammar, 19, 33-43, 107-10; Hawaiian Creole compared to, 105-10; TMA system, 41-43, 47, 48,67,68,82-84, 182; variation, 33-44,47; vocabulary, 33-36 Haiti, 57,164,182,190 Haitian Creole, 14,34,40,57,139,148, 155-56,190 263 Hall, Robert, Jr., 12 Hamlet (Shakespeare), 158 Hammer, Barbara, 131 Hancock, Ian, 68-69, 76, 108 haole, 79,80,81,82,219 hapa-haole, 81, 209 Hawaii, 14,65,71-72,75-76,77-114, 115-16,132,140,188.207;annexed by the U.S., 79-80, 219; children, 101-104,106-10,219-20,223-29; court records, 2l4-15, English in early years of, 213-23; haoles, 79-80, 81,82,219; history oflanguage in, 80-81, 209-11; justice system, 214; leprosy, 211; literacy, 210, 227; monarchy, 79, 80; pidgin, 209-25; pidgin to Creole in, 97-114, 125, 141; sociery, 78-80, 82, 101-107, 209-12,226-29; statehood, 82,105; sugar, 79,100,209,214,218,221, 222,227; supernatural, 31, 90-91; tourism, 78 Hawaiian Creole, 81-114,123, l41, 162, 166,182,190,219-29; article system, 83,212; children and, 101-104, 106­ 10,114,219-20,223-29; diffusion and, 220-22; grammar, 106-10, 113, 227; Guyanese Creole compared to, 105-10; pidgin interface, 97-1l4, 125, 141; Saramaccan compared to, 170; TMA system, 82-84, 107 Hawaii Sugar Producers Association, 100 Hebrew, 242 Helmreich, Bob, 128 Holm, John, 85 home sign, 232, 234 homesteading, 153, 160, 172 Honolulu, 80, 83, 105, 215, 219, 222 lIocano,91 imbecile jargons, 14-15 264 \ r I. !

How to Stand Up to a Dictator
by Maria Ressa
Published 19 Oct 2022

I suppose you could call my last decade a “coming out”—coming out against the killings and brazen abuses of power, coming out against technology’s dark side, coming out and owning my political views and my sexuality. I was born on October 2, 1963, in a wooden house in Pasay City, Manila, in the Philippines, a sprawling archipelago of disparate languages and cultures united by the Catholic Church. A feudal society, it was dominated by oligarchs who had been given their lands during centuries of Spanish colonial rule. After the Spanish-American War ended in 1898, Spain gave the Philippines to the United States under the Treaty of Paris. A year later, Filipinos say the Philippine-American War began, long a footnote in US history books, which referred to it as “the insurrection.”1 It was a time of “manifest destiny” in the United States.

…

Rudyard Kipling published his famous imperialist poem “The White Man’s Burden” to encourage the Americans to govern the Philippines in 1899. They did until 1935, when the Philippines became a self-governing commonwealth. Its Constitution, which had to be approved by US president Franklin D. Roosevelt, was a virtual rewrite of the US Constitution. The joke about colonial rule is that the Philippines spent three hundred years in a convent and fifty years in Hollywood. In 1964, my father, twenty-year-old Manuel Phil Aycardo, died in a car accident when I was a year old and my mother, Hermelina, was pregnant with my sister, Mary Jane. My mom took us away from my father’s family, and my sister and I lived in a half-built home with my mother and my great-grandmother, who reeked of alcohol but took care of us.

This America: The Case for the Nation
by Jill Lepore
Published 27 May 2019

Neither will we go with you on a wild and reckless adventure which we know will lead us only to a total ruin.” This form of nationalism was largely ignored by American historians. So were other forms. Even as nationalism was on the rise in many parts of Africa, Asia, and Latin America, in nations that declared their independence after decades of colonial rule, scholars in Europe and the United States generally turned a blind eye. “The neglect of nationalism within the academy after 1945 is easily explained,” as one scholar later observed. “Nationalism was blamed for the onset of war in 1939.” Nationalism and After was the title of the English historian E.

Escape From Rome: The Failure of Empire and the Road to Prosperity
by Walter Scheidel
Published 14 Oct 2019

Thus Hoffman 2015, esp. 7–15 for a summary (quote: 7). Sharman 2019 disagrees. Outgrowth: Mann 2006: 380–83 (quote: 383). 81. Global share: Hoffman 2015: 2n4; see also Etemad 2007: 119–87 for quantitative analysis of the evolution of territory and population under colonial rule. For 1938 (42 percent of territory and 32 percent of population under colonial rule), see Etemad 2007: 123, table 7.1. 1760–1830: Etemad 2007: 125, table 7.2. 82. See, e.g., Darwin 2008; S. Dale 2010; Stanziani 2012. 83. Hoffman 2015: 69–81 (China) (see also I. Morris 2014: 176), 81–85 (Japan), 85–89 (India), 89–94 (Ottomans and Russia). 84.

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Smaller regions in other parts of the world add little of substance to this picture. Polities in the Pre-Columbian New World operated on a much smaller demographic scale. In Mesoamerica, uncertainties surround the political reach of Teotihuacan and the nature of the Toltec polity. In the end, the eventual ascent of the Aztec empire and subsequent universal Spanish colonial rule across Central America snuffed out any semblance of polycentrism for hundreds of years. In the Andean region, the extent of Tiwanaku and Wari rule in the second half of the first millennium remains unclear. A period of fragmentation in the early second millennium preceded the rise of the Inka empire that captured what must have been a very large share of the total population of western South America until it too was absorbed into the global Spanish colonial empire.

…

On the continent, the Angkorian Khmer empire occupied a dominant position from the ninth through the fourteenth centuries, followed by several coexisting major powers (Ayutthaya, Khmer and Lan Xang), short-lived Taungoo Burmese expansion in the late sixteenth century, more intense fragmentation in the eighteenth century, and dominance by the Rattanakosin kingdom of Siam around 1800. In Malaya and Indonesia, the Srivijaya empire exercised hegemony from the seventh through the thirteenth centuries, succeeded on the islands by the Singhasari empire of the thirteenth century and the Majapahit empire of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Dutch colonial rule eventually took over in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Yet anything resembling hegemonic empire was always conspicuously absent from this region. Even during the most noteworthy peaks, demographic imperial dominance remained rather limited: perhaps one-third of the region’s population under Angkor and Rattanakosin, and less for other imperial ventures.

Empire
by Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri
Published 9 Mar 2000

This global utopian vein in Marx is nonetheless ambiguous, perhaps even more so than in the other two cases, as we can see clearly from the series of articles he wrote for the New York Daily T H E D I A L E C T I C S O F C O L O N I A L S O V E R E I G N T Y 119 Tribune in 1853 on British rule in India. Marx’s primary goal in these articles was to explain the debate going on at the time in the British Parliament over the status ofthe East India Company and situate the debate in the history ofBritish colonial rule. Marx is of course quick to note the brutality ofthe introduction ofBritish ‘‘civilization’’ into India and the havoc and suffering wrought by the rapacious greed ofBritish capital and the British government. He immediately warns, however, in terms that bring us right back to the revolutionary face of the Renaissance, against simply reacting to the barbarity ofthe British by supporting blindly the status quo ofIndian society.

…

Important segments ofthe discipline ofhistory were also deeply embedded in the scholarly and popular production ofalterity, and thus also in the legitimation ofcolonial rule. For example, upon arriving in India and finding no historiography they could use, British administrators had to write their own ‘‘Indian history’’ to sustain and further the interests of colonial rule. The British had to historicize the Indian past in order to have access to it and put it to work. This British creation ofan Indian history, however, like the formation of the colonial state, could be achieved only by imposing European colonial logics and models on Indian reality.24 India’s past was thus annexed so as to become merely a portion of British history—or rather, British scholars and administrators created an Indian history and exported it to India.

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Once we recognize postmodernist discourses as an attack on the dialectical form of modern sovereignty, then we can see more clearly how they contest systems ofdomination such as racism and sexism by deconstructing the boundaries that maintain the S Y M P T O M S O F P A S S A G E 141 hierarchies between white and black, masculine and feminine, and so forth. This is how postmodernists can conceive their theoretical practice as heir to an entire spectrum ofmodern and contemporary liberation struggles. The history ofchallenges to European political- economic hegemony and its colonial rule, the successes ofnational liberation movements, women’s movements, and antiracist strug- gles, are all interpreted as the heritage ofpostmodernist politics because they, too, aim at disrupting the order and the dualisms of modern sovereignty. Ifthe modern is the field ofpower ofthe white, the male, and the European, then in perfectly symmetrical fashion the postmodern will be the field of liberation of the non- white, the non-male, and the non-European.

Disrupt and Deny: Spies, Special Forces, and the Secret Pursuit of British Foreign Policy
by Rory Cormac
Published 14 Jun 2018

No details about Razzle exist in the declassified archives; it was discussed only orally by the few in the know. One Treasury official, however, jotted down just four tantalizing words in pencil next to a fleeting mention: ‘Yemen. Imam Dying. Friends’.40 ‘Friends’ likely refers to SIS involvement and Britain would certainly have wanted rid of the troublesome Imam Ahmad. He had long opposed colonial rule in Aden and, in addition to authorizing trade deals with the Soviets, by 1956 had signed a defensive pact with Nasser’s Egypt. Perhaps there were plans to rig the system and ensure a more amenable successor. But whatever the mysterious Razzle entailed, Ahmad did not die until 1962, despite suffering regular bouts of ill health.

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It spawned an unhappy period of drift for Britain’s covert action planners. OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 06/02/18, SPi 8 Decolonization and Drift The Battle for Influence after Empire From my point of view there is no doctrinal objection to the use of clandestine and covert activities. Alan Lennox-Boyd, 1955 1 B ritain’s colonial rule was built on information management and it is no exaggeration to describe the British Empire as an ‘empire of intelligence.’2 Swathes of information, gathered as part of the process of colonial governance, were vital to allow a few administrators to govern vast territories such as India. Intelligence in the colonies had developed differently from intelligence in Whitehall: it remained more informal, less glamorous, part of the quotidian administration.

…

The third, Operation Alismah, somehow involved the nationalist political and religious leader Abd al-Rahman al-Mahdi. However, in what appears to be another case of Britain hiding behind someone else—likely Israel—to maximize deniability, the plan merely involved SIS giving a guarantee of up to £250,000 while hoping not actually to spend anything.37 Al-Mahdi had long been a thorn in the side of colonial rule but was seen as the lesser evil after a Nasserite People’s Democratic Party established itself in 1956. Details of the covert action are sparse, but the Umma Party, of which al-Mahdi was a leading figure, won the most seats in the 1958 elections. In November, a military coup overthrew the civilian government OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 06/02/18, SPi T h e Bat t le for I n f lu e nce a f t e r E m pi r e147 altogether.

Insight Guides South America (Travel Guide eBook)
by Insight Guides
Published 15 Dec 2022

The Andes are home to communities that have preserved traditions for centuries, while life in the huge metropolises of Brazil and Argentina is so energetic it will leave you breathless. The countries of South America share a common history – thousands of years of Indigenous cultures broken by European intrusion over 500 years ago; colonial rule followed by bitter wars of independence; then an unsteady progress at the fringe of world events – yet each country retains its own character. On the north coast are Colombia, Venezuela, and the Guianas, divided between rugged mountains, Caribbean coastline, and Amazon rainforest. Peru, Bolivia, and Ecuador form the Andean heartland.

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Getty Images INTO THE 21ST CENTURY The republics of South America have trodden a rocky road to stability, failing to prosper despite – or because of – natural wealth. Opening ceremony of the 2016 Olympic Games in Rio de Janeiro. ddp USA/REX/Shutterstock Much of Latin America has just turned the page on bicentennial independence celebrations, but it took until 1827 for Portuguese and Spanish colonial rule to end. Years of war took their toll on local economies. Black people and mestizos, lured into the fight with promises of freedom, soon saw these hopes dashed as, for the most part, the same wealthy families and military leaders refused to relinquish power. Except for Brazil, ruled by Dom Pedro – crown prince and later king of Portugal – most countries descended into virtual anarchy as disputes over the spoils arose among the victors.

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Columbia is a country where myth and modernity mingle to produce a vast diversity of cultures. This is where the legend of El Dorado and the lure of untold riches caught the imagination of the Spanish conquistadors. Miners still pursue this dream, now in search of emeralds as well as gold. Although the society is contemporary and outward-looking on the surface, the legacy of Spanish colonial rule remains here for all to see, as are the remnants of some of the great pre-Columbian civilizations. Geographically, Colombia is the fourth-largest country in South America, and is unique in having lengthy Pacific and Atlantic coasts. Three cordilleras (mountain ranges) stretch north from the southern border with Ecuador to meet the lowland plains of the Caribbean.

Globish: How the English Language Became the World's Language
by Robert McCrum
Published 24 May 2010

In 1773 another riot, against the importation of cheap tea, became the ‘Boston Tea Party’, an impromptu protest with a long afterlife. Britain was now at war throughout New England. With many misgivings, all the colonies rallied in support of Massachusetts. The next year, 1774, the first American Congress met in Philadelphia. American nationalism was building from a mood of sullen opposition to colonial rule towards a convulsion of revolutionary fury. If there was to be a storm, there first had to be a lightning strike. This necessary explosion was ignited by a little book, attributed to an unnamed ‘Englishman’, and published by Robert Bell from a print shop on Third Street, Philadelphia, on 9 January 1776.

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Privately, Harris was serious about his representation of slave culture, and paid tribute to the rich tradition of speech and narrative he was trying to preserve: ‘If the language of Uncle Remus fails to give vivid hints of the really poetic imagination of the Negro’, Harris wrote, then he would have failed to capture its essence. 6 The half-century between the American Civil War and the First World War saw two contrasting, but equally humiliating, sets of experience for black people in the English-speaking world. In Africa, Britain became engaged on an imperial competition, the ‘scramble for Africa’, with rival European powers that saw the whole continent subjugated to colonial rule. In America, meanwhile, the slaves, finally liberated in December 1865, found themselves catapulted from servitude to legal equality and then reduced to a state almost as degrading as slavery. Four million African-Americans were freed at the end of the Civil War, and an old English legal phrase, ‘civil rights’, entered the American lexicon for the first time.

The New Harvest: Agricultural Innovation in Africa
by Calestous Juma
Published 27 May 2017

These tanks were an important component of rain-fed agriculture systems and provided a reservoir that helped mitigate the effects of flooding and sustain agriculture and drinking-water needs throughout the dry season by capturing rainwater. The Vayalagams were groups of community leaders who managed the distribution of water resources to maximize resources and sustainability, and to ensure that the whole community participated in, and benefited from, the appropriate maintenance of the tanks. Under British colonial rule, and later under the independent Indian government, Agricultural Innovation Systems 109 irrigation systems became centralized, and communities were no longer encouraged to use the tanks, so both the physical structures and the organizations that managed them fell into disrepair. As the tank-fed systems fell apart and agricultural systems changed, rural communities began to suffer from the lack of sufficient water to grow crops.

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See also education: clusters and, 106, 114; economicagricultural linkages and, 20, 146, 152; entrepreneurship and, 208–9; future and, 253; gender and, 148; infrastructure and, 118; innovation and, xvii, 114, 146–47, 234 Index hunger: data on Africa’s levels of, 14; economicagricultural linkages and, 12, 14–15, 132; Einstein on, xv; food processing as means of addressing, 217; free trade as a means of addressing, 247; Green Revolution and, 68; policy challenges presented by, xv–xvi, 27; Strategy for Africa 2024 (STISA-2024) and, 224 Hyundai Rotem, 140 iCow (mobile technology platform), 203–4 ICRISAT (International Crops Research Institute for the SemiArid Tropics), 161, 164 IGAD (Intergovernmental Authority for Development), 133 IITA (International Institute of Tropical Agriculture), 88–90, 199 Illumina, 81 Imperial Bakeries, 201 Improved Management of Agriculture Water in Eastern and Southern Africa (organization), 133 incomes: biotechnology and, 68, 79; economic-agricultural linkages and, xx, 1, 12, 14–15, 17, 23; education and, 147, 151, 224; entrepreneurship and, 132, 189–90, 192, 207, 214, 216–17; growth in Africa’s overall, 22, 26; infrastructure and, 118, 120, 129 independent power projects (IPPs), 125–27 India: brinjal production in, 71–72; cotton production in, 65, 69–70; diaspora population from, 311 240; drought-resistant crops in, 74; e-Choupal system in, 133–34; entrepreneurship in, 191–94, 210; geographic information systems (GIS) programs and, 52; Green Revolution in, 13, 192; immigration policy in, 244; infrastructure in, 129, 131, 134–35, 143–44; innovation and, 233, 240; irrigation in, 130–31; National Innovation Council in, 210, 230; National Knowledge Commission in, 240; rice production in, 75; state seed corporations in, 192–94; sugarcane cultivation in, 130; technology and, 134–35, 242; transgenic crops in, 65, 69–72, 74–75; Vayalagam system of, 108–9 Indian Seed Act (1966), 192 Indonesia, 74 infrastructure: climate change and, 257; clusters and, 95, 105, 107, 114; definition of, xxii, 117; economic-agricultural linkages and, 17, 19–20, 79, 118; education and, 118–19, 145, 147, 158, 167, 177, 179, 182; energy and, 6, 42, 118, 123–28, 134, 141, 143–45; entrepreneurship and, 11, 190, 197, 207–8, 217; future and, 253, 255, 257–63; innovation and, xx–xxii, 111–12, 117–20, 129–45, 220–22, 224, 228–31, 234, 237, 241, 246–47, 251; investments and, xvii, 10, 19–20, 27, 30, 32–33, 41–42, 111–12, 118–20, 123, 128–29, 132–45, 261; rural deficiencies regarding, 29–30; “social infrastructure” and, 49; social service delivery and, 121; technology and, 134–41; value chains and, 26 312 Index Ingredion, 7 innovation and innovation systems: African diasporas and, 239–42; biotechnology and, xviii, 23, 41, 63–70, 190, 239, 242–43, 251; clusters and, xxi, 94–116; for cocoa, 4–5, 92–94; definition of, xxi; economic-agricultural linkages and, xxi, 37, 45, 49, 83–84; education and, xxii, 10, 20, 87, 91, 94–95, 151, 160–61, 163, 165–69, 173–80, 182, 224, 229, 231, 234, 236–38, 241, 258; entrepreneurship and, xxii–xxiii, 4, 10–11, 37, 99, 101–2, 185–86, 198–202, 204, 206, 223–24, 243, 259–62; “farm firms” and, 86; food security and, 132, 221, 224, 251; fostering culture of, xvi–xix, xxi, xxiii; future and, 265–66; governance of, xvii, xix, 84, 90, 96, 101, 219, 221, 224, 231, 237, 243; infrastructure and, xx–xxii, 111–12, 117–20, 129–45, 220–22, 224, 228–31, 234, 237, 241, 246–47, 251; intellectual property rights and, 246; investment and, 4, 7–8, 23, 26, 30, 85, 93–94, 119, 221, 228, 232, 235–40; knowledge and, xviii, xx–xxi, 20, 28, 43, 84–86, 90–91, 94, 96, 102, 144, 219, 225–26, 234–35, 238, 240–41, 243–44, 246, 255–58, 260–63, 265; latecomer advantages and, 40–45, 48–49; leadership and, xvi, xix, 8–10, 38, 218, 220, 222, 226–27, 232–33, 237, 240–41, 245, 251; mechanization of agriculture and, 25; prizes for, 231–32, 238–39; regulation and, 248–50; research and, 26–27, 41, 44–46, 55, 83–90, 92–93, 102–4, 110–13, 219, 224–25, 227, 229, 232, 234–37, 239–40, 243, 252; sustainability and, 83; technology and, xvii–xxi, 6, 19, 26, 33, 37, 39–40, 43–47, 52, 55–57, 74–75, 84, 86, 89–90, 98–99, 101, 219–20, 222–33, 228, 235–36, 238–39, 242–46, 248–51, 254–59, 264 insecticides, 53, 55, 65, 67–72, 74, 77, 108 insect-resistant (IR) agricultural crops, 65–67, 69–70, 72, 75 Intergovernmental Authority for Development (IGAD), 133 International Centre for the Improvement of Maize and Wheat (CIMMYT), 58, 75 International Civil Aviation Organization, 122 International Crops Research Institute for the Semi- Arid Tropics (ICRISAT), 161, 164 International Institute of Tropical Agriculture (IITA), 88–90, 199 International Monetary Fund (IMF), 9 International Rice Research Institute (IRRI), 58, 75 International Telephone and Telegraph Corporation, 59 International Water Management Institute, 133 Internet: business and, 50; education and, 179, 261; entrepreneurship and, 186; innovation and, 59, 96, 179; open access movement and, 59; penetration by and access to, 50–51, 134, 186, 203, 261; research and, 50, 179 investments: clusters and, 107; community development funds and, 32; developed world’s declining levels of, 80; Index economic-agricultural linkages and, 8, 15, 18–19, 30; education and, 162, 179; in energy, 43; entrepreneurship and, 191, 194; foreign direct (FDI), 30–31, 187; future and, 261; government initiatives to attract, 28–31, 34; infrastructure and, xvii, 10, 19–20, 27, 30, 32–33, 41–42, 111–12, 118–20, 123, 128–29, 132–45, 261; innovation and, 4, 7–8, 23, 26, 30, 85, 93–94, 119, 221, 228, 232, 235–40; land tenure rules and, 31; in research, 44–45, 85; returns on, 93; technology and, 54, 85, 111, 113 IPPs (independent power projects), 125–27 Ireland, 9, 89 irrigation: Africa’s levels in international context, 15, 19–21, 131; Africa’s potential and, xvi, 20; colonial rule in India and, 109; economic-agricultural linkages and, 10, 14, 16, 100; entrepreneurship and, 191; infrastructure and, 10, 27, 30, 42, 119, 128–35, 141–43, 145; innovations in, 68, 102, 128–32, 163, 167; investments in, 131, 261; yields improved by, 45 Israel, 181, 208 Italy, 102 ITC (Indian company), 134–35 Japan, 66, 244 John Innes Centre (UK), 73 Jomo Kenyatta University of Agriculture and Technology (JKUAT), 57–58 Jonathan, Goodluck, 2, 6–7, 10, 199 Junior Farmer’s Field School (South Africa), 159 313 Kamano Seeds, 194 Kampala (Uganda), 121 Kenya: aquaculture in, 24; banana crops in, 71; breadfruit trees in, 213; CAADP and, 28; cassava crops in, 79; climate change and, 36; coffee production in, 174; COMESA research laboratory in, 210; droughtresistant crops in, 65–66, 74; education in, 175, 194, 238; Electricity Regulatory Board in, 127; entrepreneurship in, 194, 196–97; export-led agricultural innovation in, 120; fertilizer use in, 16; fruit exports from, 197; gender inequality in, 149; independent power projects (IPPs) in, 126–27; infrastructure of, 120–21; innovation and, 120; land tenure system in, 31; maize crops in, 75; Ministry of Industrialization in, 57; mobile phones in, 49, 203; national academy of science and technology in, 230; One Acre Fund in, 205–6; Power Africa initiative in, 127; risk insurance in, 37; school gardens in, 157; smallholders in, 184–85, 194; tax-supported research institutes in, 236; technology and, 49, 136, 203, 238; Water Efficient Maize for Africa (WEMA) program and, 75; weather stations in, 136 Kenya Multimedia University, 238 Kigali (Rwanda), 121 Kikwete, Jakaya, 2 King’s College Hospital (London), 241 Kisumu (Kenya), 121 314 Index knowledge: clusters and, 96, 100, 105–8, 114–16; economicagricultural linkages and, 37, 39, 42; education and, 147, 156, 165, 169, 171, 173–74, 176, 179, 258; entrepreneurship and, xvii, 183, 185–86, 201, 203, 215, 260–61; future and, 262–63, 265; Green Revolution and, xx, 39; human capacity and, 40; indigenous forms of, 39, 107–9; infrastructure and, 117, 128, 138, 257; innovation and, xviii, xx–xxi, 20, 28, 43, 84–86, 90–91, 94, 96, 102, 144, 219, 225–26, 234–35, 238, 240–41, 243–44, 246, 255–58, 260–63, 265; prospecting and, 185–86; rate of growth of, 40, 44; sustainability and, xxii, 43, 83, 117; technology and, 40–41, 43–44, 46–47, 50, 54, 59, 257, 262 Korea, South, 45, 67, 136–41, 244 Korean High-Speed Rail Construction Authority (KHRC), 139–40 Korean Train Express (KTX), 136–40 Korea Railroad Research Institute (KRRI), 141 Kotler, Steven, 40 Lake Victoria region, 136 La Molina (national agricultural university of Peru), 180–82 land policy and land records, 31–32 Latin America.

Zero-Sum Future: American Power in an Age of Anxiety
by Gideon Rachman
Published 1 Feb 2011

But what did the rising powers of Asia think? 14 THE OPTIMISTIC EAST KISHORE MAHBUBANI AND THE ASIAN CENTURY On the night of June 30, 1997, the Foreign Correspondents Club in Hong Kong was packed. The crowd had gathered to watch television coverage of the ceremonies marking the end of British colonial rule over Hong Kong and its return to China. The people at the bar were journalists, they were Westerners, and they were drunk—so the mood was raucous and irreverent. The official ceremonies, with their anthems, flags and somber-looking officials, were greeted with jeers and laughter. Suddenly, from behind the bar, there was a shout: “Shut up, all of you!”

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The forced ceding of the territory to Britain after the Opium Wars was one of the more humiliating moments of China’s “century of humiliation.” Margaret Thatcher, who handled the negotiations with the Chinese during the 1980s, found it hard to believe that it was really necessary to hand over Hong Kong, which she regarded as a temple of free-market capitalism and a tribute to the wisdom of British colonial rule. Again and again, British officials had to explain to Thatcher that, in a phrase that she herself made famous in another context, “there is no alternative.” International law, power politics, and time were all on China’s side. The Chinese side played their hand with skill, patience, and determination.

Powers and Prospects
by Noam Chomsky
Published 16 Sep 2015

One of the leading historians of Africa, Basil Davidson, observes that modernising reforms in West Africa’s Fanti Confederation and Asante kingdom were similar to those implemented by Japan at the same time, and indeed were seen in that light by African commentators and historians, one of whom wrote bitterly a few years later that ‘The same laudable object was before them both, [but] the African’s attempt was ruthlessly crushed and his plans frustrated’ by British force. Davidson’s own view is that the potential ‘was in substance no different from the potential realised by the Japanese after 1867’. But West Africa joins Egypt and India, not Japan and the United States, which were able to pursue an independent path, free from colonial rule and the strictures of economic rationality.9 By the 1920s, England could not compete with more efficient Japanese industry. It therefore called the game off, returning to the practices that allowed it to develop in the first place. The empire was effectively closed to Japanese trade; Dutch and Americans followed suit.

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For most of the world, ‘complementary development’ was the most that could be allowed; there are interesting exceptions in the region of Japanese influence, where the two major former Japanese colonies, largely under the stimulus of Vietnam War ‘military Keynesianism’, were able to renew the rapid economic development that had taken place under the harsh colonial rule of Japan, which, unlike the West, developed its colonies. From the outset, the US was on a collision course with Third World nationalism, one of the major themes of postwar history, generally concealed in a Cold War framework. The Western hemisphere and the world’s major energy resources of the Middle East were assigned to the global ruler itself.

Owning the Sun
by Alexander Zaitchik
Published 7 Jan 2022

In 1946, India was on the verge of achieving independence from Britain. But within the Indian National Congress, celebrations were tempered by an awareness of the monumental task of nation building that lay ahead. The country’s public health needs were particularly urgent: nearly 400 million Indians lived in extreme poverty, and two centuries of export-oriented colonial rule had left the country with little health or industrial infrastructure. The poor country was starting from scratch. A year before the official declaration of independence, prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru sent a team of scientists on a tour of European and North American pharmaceutical plants. They returned with a plan for the domestic manufacturing of essential drugs and medicines, beginning with antibiotics, antimalarials, and sulfa drugs.

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Not just any products, but “wonder drugs” like penicillin and streptomycin that seemed to fall from the robes of Jesus Christ himself, spoonful cures for tuberculosis and infections that once meant certain death. The biggest and most ambitious of the U.S. firms developed expansion plans to conquer a world newly populated by nations emerging from colonial rule. It didn’t matter that U.S. patents had no legal standing in these countries. They would buy American drugs because they had to. And most had just enough wealth—concentrated in a middle or “creamy” class—to make it worth the trouble. Then, in the late 1940s, the American Century took a troubling turn.

Step by Step the Life in My Journeys
by Simon Reeve
Published 15 Aug 2019

You can read about a place as much as you like, but only by going and seeing can you truly appreciate both the beauty and the tragedy. The DRC had both in epic quantities. It was explorer Henry Morton Stanley, he of ‘Dr Livingstone, I presume’ fame, who really helped begin the subjugation of the people of the Congo basin. Under the colonial rule of King Leopold II of Belgium 5–10 million people died in what is now the DRC. Some historians argue it is the hidden holocaust. Independence from Belgium was no salvation. The country set sail on its own with just a couple of dozen graduates in the entire country and not a single person with a university degree in law, medicine or engineering.

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In the years that followed the President of the DRC, Joseph Kabila, secured repeat terms in office in 2006 and 2011, then refused to leave when his term expired in December 2016. Further fighting has erupted in the north-east, with more suffering and tens of thousands forced to flee. Meanwhile in Mbandaka there have been Ebola outbreaks even within the town. It seems the people of the DRC must continue to endure the endless consequences of climate, colonial rule, conflict and sapping corruption. CHAPTER TWENTY-ONE The Open Prison We flew east to Uganda, and then travelled on overland to Kenya, the most stable African country on the equator, where my guide Michael Kaloki has since become a firm favourite on repeated trips. Keep your ears open for his name, because he often pops up on the radio.

Lonely Planet Pocket Seoul
by Lonely Planet

Palace History Originally built by King Taejo in 1395, Gyeongbokgung served as the principal royal residence until 1592, when it was burnt down during the Japanese invasion. It lay in ruins for nearly 300 years until Heungseon Daewongun, regent and father of King Gojong, started to rebuild it in 1865. Gojong moved in during 1868, but the expensive rebuilding project bankrupted the government. During Japanese colonial rule, the front section of the palace was again destroyed in order to build the enormous Japanese Government General Building. This was itself demolished in the 1990s to enable Gwanghwamun to be rebuilt in the form you see today. Palace Layout The palace’s impressive main gate, Gwanghwamun (광화문), restored in 2010, is flanked by stone carvings of haechi, mythical lion-like creatures traditionally set to protect the palace against fire; they never really did work and, appearances to the contrary, are superfluous today as the gate is now a painted concrete rather than wood structure.

The Cold War: A New History
by John Lewis Gaddis
Published 1 Jan 2005

But in 1905, Japan, a rising non-European power, won a war it had started with Russia, one of the weakest of the European empires: that victory shattered the illusion that the Europeans, if challenged, would always win. The Europeans themselves then shattered another illusion—that of unity among themselves—by going to war in 1914. World War I, in turn, produced two compelling justifications for an end to colonial rule. One came out of the Bolshevik Revolution, when Lenin called for an end to “imperialism” in all its forms. The other came from the United States. When Woodrow Wilson made the principle of self-determination one of his Fourteen Points his intent had been to undercut the appeal of Bolshevism, but the effect was to excite opponents of imperialism throughout Asia, the Middle East, and Africa.

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The old dictator knew little about the “third world,” however, and undertook no sustained effort to project Soviet influence into it. Khrushchev was more energetic: unlike Stalin, he loved to travel abroad and rarely missed a chance to do so. Among his favored destinations were the newly independent countries that were emerging from European colonial rule. “I’m not an adventurer,” Khrushchev explained, “but we must aid national liberation movements.”6 The Americans feared precisely this. Colonialism, they believed, was an antiquated institution that could only discredit the West in the regions where it had existed, while weakening its practitioners in Europe, where they needed to be strong.

A Pelican Introduction Economics: A User's Guide
by Ha-Joon Chang
Published 26 May 2014

At the time, Britain accounted for 20 per cent of world manufacturing output (as of 1860) and 46 per cent of world trade in manufactured goods (as of 1870), despite having only 2.5 per cent of the world population; these numbers can be put into perspective by noting that the corresponding figures for China today are 15 per cent and 14 per cent, despite its having 19 per cent of the world population. The US as the champion of protectionism The US case is yet more interesting. Under British colonial rule, its development of manufacturing was deliberately suppressed. It is reported that, upon hearing about the first attempts by the American colonists to engage in manufacturing, William Pitt the Elder, the British prime minister (1766–8), said that they should ‘not be permitted to manufacture so much as a horseshoe nail’.

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Between the 1820s and the 1850s, a string of other countries were forced to sign them – the Ottoman Empire (Turkey’s predecessor), Persia (Iran today) and Siam (today’s Thailand), and even Japan. The Latin American unequal treaties expired in the 1870s and the 1880s, but the Asian ones lasted well into the twentieth century. The inability to protect and promote their infant industries, whether due to direct colonial rule or to unequal treaties, was a huge contributing factor to the economic retrogression in Asia and Latin America during this period, when they saw negative per capita income growths (at the rates of -0.1 and -0.04 per cent per year, respectively). 1870–1913: High Noon Capitalism gets into a higher gear: the rise of mass production The development of capitalism began to accelerate around 1870.

Age of Anger: A History of the Present
by Pankaj Mishra
Published 26 Jan 2017

Imperialism had not only imposed inapposite ideologies and institutions upon societies that had developed, over centuries, their own political units and social structures; it had also deprived many of them of the resources to pursue Western-style economic development. Despite, or because of, this disadvantage, the explicitly defined aim of Asia and Africa’s first nationalist icons (Atatürk, Nehru, Mao, Sukarno, Nasser and Nkrumah) was ‘catch-up’ with the West. Immense problems – partly the consequence of colonial rule – confronted these many catch-up modernizations soon after independence. The antagonisms and alliances of the Cold War aggravated them further. Left-wing regimes across Asia, Africa and Latin America were embargoed or overthrown by the representatives of the free world; explicitly communist movements, as in Indonesia and Egypt, were brutally suppressed by their local allies.

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A few months later this same young man by the name of Mohammed Atta was told that he been chosen to lead a mission to destroy America’s most famous skyscrapers. * * * ‘Imperialism has not allowed us to achieve historical normality,’ Octavio Paz lamented in The Labyrinth of Solitude (1950). Paz was surveying the confused inheritance of Mexico from colonial rule, and the failure of its many political and socio-economic programmes, derived from Enlightenment principles of secularism and reason. Paz himself was convinced that Mexico had to forge a modern politics and economy for itself. But, writing in the late 1940s, he found himself commending the ‘traditionalism’ of the revolutionary Emiliano Zapata.

The Key Man: The True Story of How the Global Elite Was Duped by a Capitalist Fairy Tale
by Simon Clark and Will Louch
Published 14 Jul 2021

Arif Naqvi, 278 Grazer, Brian, 136 Guenez, Ghizlan, 36, 157, 193–94, 265 Gülen, Fethullah, 121 Guterres, Antonio, 222 Hamdan, Lawrence Abu, 248 Hameed, Asim, 285 Hamid, Wahid, 12, 81–82, 150, 172–73, 208, 213, 263–64 Hamilton Lane, 136–37, 151–52, 207, 213, 223, 242, 257, 289, 291 Hanadi bint Nasser Al Thani, Sheikha, 159 Hasan, Khaldoun Haj, 35–37 Hawaii Employees’ Retirement System, 213 Hepsiburada, 189 Hilal, Badruddin, 225–26 Hilton Hotels, 23 Hirsch, Erik, 137, 151, 207, 289 Hoffman, Reid, 101 Hohn, Chris, 216 Houlihan Lokey, 254 HSBC, 142, 285 Human Genome Project, 163 Hussein (king of Jordan), 78, 110 Hussein, Saddam, 25, 35 Husseini, Fayez, 77–78 Hydari, Imtiaz (partner), 16, 18–19, 27, 29, 31, 34, 51 impact investing Catholic Church and, 148–49 Kito de Boer on, 203, 236 development finance institutions and, 92–93 Bill Gates and, 216–17 as movement, 88–89, 90, 91 Arif Naqvi as impact investor, 1–2, 4, 6, 7, 91–93, 99–100, 172 Arif Naqvi’s speeches on, 92, 99, 134–35, 161, 191–92, 221–22 Palestine and, 198 Vatican conference on, 89–90, 91, 243 Inchcape, 18–19, 22, 23, 32, 124 India Abraaj Group’s acquisitions in, 74 Abraaj investments in, 174 British colonial rule of, 11, 24 demographics of, 202 economic expansion of, 139 Haveli mansions of, 51 population boom of, 45 relations with Pakistan, 47–48 inequality, 86–88, 294 Institutional Investor, 50 Integrated Diagnostics Holdings (IDH), 143–44, 152 International Finance Corp. (IFC), 95, 150, 161, 167–69, 176–78, 182, 226–28 Interpol Foundation, 142, 251, 271, 277, 278 investment capital.

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(OPIC), 72–73, 76–77, 92, 98, 182, 224, 288–89 Oxfam, 168 Pakistan. See also Karachi Electric Abraaj Group’s acquisitions in, 74, 118 Abraaj Group’s attempts to bribe prime minister of, 6, 152, 154, 254 Abraaj Growth Markets Health Fund in, 182, 190 academic debates on future of, 84 British colonial rule of, 9–11, 20, 24, 59 corrupt elite of, 53 failing economy of, 61–62 family-planning program in, 171 Federal Investigation Agency, 267–68 government policy in, 219 Haveli mansions of, 51 in hierarchy of Middle East nationalities, 27 income tax in, 293 Kashmir region and, 24 Arif Naqvi’s childhood and youth in Karachi, 3, 9–13, 43, 65, 108 Arif Naqvi’s knowledge of, 91 Arif Naqvi’s properties in, 110 national debt of, 58 political violence in, 58–59 population boom of, 45 relations with India, 47–48 removal of Nawaz Sharif, 209 social class in, 11–12 status of Pakistani passports, 108 U.S.

World Travel: An Irreverent Guide
by Anthony Bourdain and Laurie Woolever
Published 19 Apr 2021

It was also completely and fundamentally exploitative, often violent, and, well, racist, favoring white settlers, landowners, and foreign entrepreneurs in every possible way. Kenya existed to make white people from far away rich. “But, in 1963, Kenya won its independence, and elected its first president, Jomo Kenyatta, and since that time, has fought an uphill battle to shake the last vestiges of colonial rule while hanging on to what worked. Things are, by most accounts, going well. Today’s Kenya is phenomenally beautiful. There is a growing middle class, a highly rated educational system, and an enthusiastic and multilingual professional sector.” ARRIVAL AND GETTING AROUND * * * Arriving in Nairobi, you’ll fly into Jomo Kenyatta International Airport (NBO), originally called Embakasi for the suburb in which it’s located, but renamed in 1978 for Kenya’s first president and prime minister.

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Newly constructed hotels are largely empty, and outside tightly designated zones, visiting remains a dangerous and, in some cases, expressly forbidden proposition. Consult the advice of the US State Department, or the advice of your country’s embassy or mission, before planning travel. THREE CLASSICS IN YANGON * * * Tony’s preferred place to stay was the Strand, a relic of British colonial rule, built in 1901. Much like its grand counterparts in Singapore, Phnom Penh, Saigon, and Bangkok, the Strand has seen decades of high grandeur and extreme neglect. After a 2016 renovation, it’s currently operating in the former camp. THE STRAND: 92 Strand Road, Yangon, Tel +95 243 377, www.hotelthestrand.com (rooms start at about 500,000 kyat/US$300 per night) “Of course, morning in Yangon has always been about tea.

The Long Twentieth Century: Money, Power, and the Origins of Our Times
by Giovanni Arrighi
Published 15 Mar 2010

A different but equally striking combination of ultramodern and early modern traits is present in the quasi-states on which Robert Jackson has focused his attention: In Third World regions such as Africa and South Asia, a student of Western history cannot help noticing apparent disjunctions between the existence of Western-looking twentieth-century armies, on the one hand, and the prevalence of military politics reminiscent of the Renaissance, between the apparatus of representative government and the arbitrary use of state power against citizens, between the installation of apparently conventional bureaucracies and the widespread use of governmental organization for individual gain. These disjunctions are more visible in states that have recently escaped from colonial rule than in the rest of the Third World. (Tilly 1990: 204) The resurgence of early modern forms of military politics in an ultraor post-modern world is not confined to Third World regions that have recently shaken off colonial rule. Well before the Second World of Communist regimes disintegrated into a host of ethno-nations actually or potentially at war with one another, a RAND report stressed the tendency for warfare to revert to early modern patterns: With continuous, sporadic armed conflict, blurred in time and space, waged on several levels by a large array of national and subnational forces, warfare in the last quarter of the twentieth century may well come to resemble warfare in the Italian Renaissance or warfare in the early seventeenth century, before 80 THE LONG TWENTIETH CENTURY the emergence of national armies and more organized modern warfare.

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While the zone of amity and civilized behavior was extended to include the newly independent settler states of the Americas, and the right of Western nations to pursue wealth was elevated above the absolute rights of government of their rulers, non-Western peoples were deprived both in principle and in practice of the most elementary rights to self-determination through despotic colonial rule and the invention of appropriate ideologies, such as “Orientalism” (cf. Said 1978). At the same time, the nations that had become the constituent units of THE THREE I-IEGEMONIES OF HISTORICAL CAPITALISM 65 the interstate system under British hegemony were as a rule communities ofproperty-holders from which the propertyless were effectively excluded.

Owning the Earth: The Transforming History of Land Ownership
by Andro Linklater
Published 12 Nov 2013

The proposed American taxes and duties on sugar, official documents, and imported goods, including tea, comprised the sort of indirect taxation that the British had become used to. To the colonists, however, they came as a shock, partly because internal taxation was light, and partly because after years of benign neglect, London’s demands were a reminder of the realities of colonial rule. But the Americans’ explosive reaction when the 1765 Stamp Act was introduced pointed to the change of outlook that had taken place in the new, young generation of colonists. As poor, undermanned settlements, the colonies had had no choice but to accept London’s rule—the restrictions on what could be manufactured, from hats to pig iron, the prohibition on New England shippers selling cod to French sugar planters, the duties on Virginian tobacco, and the impressment, or forcible enlistment, of sailors from American vessels; but in the previous thirty years they had grown into wealthy, populous societies that resented and resisted affronts by an outside power.

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Nevertheless, in a country that was primarily divided between the basin of the Mekong River in the south, source of most of the region’s rice, and the immense rubber plantations and mountainous, untouched forest in the north, the disparity of ownership was so gross that even Diem had promised land reform when he took power in 1954 following the collapse of French colonial rule. One in three of South Vietnam’s seven million peasants owned no land at all and most of the remainder worked plots of less than three acres that they did not own, while more than half the cultivated land belonged to an elite 3 percent of landlords with holdings that extended to thousands of acres containing several villages, each with twenty or thirty families paying as much as 60 percent of the value of their crops to rent the land.

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Like many Islamic desert societies, ownership evolved a communal pattern, with tribes claiming use of particular areas and controlling access to unirrigated pasture and reserve land, while specific parcels of land, measuring around three acres, were recognized as belonging to individual families though liable to redistribution by village elders according to need and to rank. Under French colonial rule, ownership of the water, without which the land was useless, was vested in a shadowy government body, the Office du Niger. In 2009, however, this traditional shape was upset by forces from outside. The first of the outside elements was a sovereign fund from Colonel Muammur Gaddafi’s Libya that leased the water rights to a quarter of a million acres from the Office du Niger.

The Great Mental Models: General Thinking Concepts
by Shane Parrish
Published 22 Nov 2019

When they tried to do something good, or even just benign, and instead brought calamity, we can safely assume the negative outcomes weren’t factored into the original thinking. Very often, the second level of effects is not considered until it’s too late. This concept is often referred to as the “Law of Unintended Consequences” for this very reason. We see examples of this throughout history. During their colonial rule of India, the British government began to worry about the number of venomous cobras in Delhi. To reduce the numbers, they instituted a reward for every dead snake brought to officials. In response, Indian citizens dutifully complied and began breeding the snakes to slaughter and bring to officials.

Poisoned Wells: The Dirty Politics of African Oil
by Nicholas Shaxson
Published 20 Mar 2007

She turned Fela on to the hedonistic, drug taking, sexually liberated American counterculture, and tuned him in to the Black Power movement and the ideas of thinkers like Malcolm X and Marcus Garvey. “For the first time, I heard things I’d never heard before about Africa,” Fela later said. “She was the one who opened my eyes.”29 18 Fela Kuti These ideas intertwined in his mind with pan-African ideals that he had imbibed from his fiery mother, a leading agitator against British colonial rule who had often thrashed Fela as a child. He hung pictures of Kwame Nkrumah and other pan-African heroes at the Afrika Shrine in Lagos, the chaotic musical commune where he proclaimed himself chief priest and where traditional leaders offered libations as Fela worshiped his ancestors. (One visitor said the Shrine looked like a cross between a Black Panther safe house and the Playboy mansion.)

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A third way of organizing the world is what most people in the West are familiar with: open markets, economic and political freedom, and the rule of law. This had clearly not rooted deeply in Malabo, either. Over the centuries, competing foreign powers had often tried to pull Equatorial Guinea into their orbits. At one point during colonial rule the Spanish here exported up to 40,000 tons per year of the world’s finest cocoa, grown on Bioko’s fertile volcanic soils. The colonizers grew rich, but scores died from malaria and yellow fever; and the lives of the conquered inhabitants were far worse. The residue from this colonial wrestling, and years of dictatorship, had—as my BBC friend had warned me—turned this into a peculiar place.

Dangerous Ideas: A Brief History of Censorship in the West, From the Ancients to Fake News
by Eric Berkowitz
Published 3 May 2021

That was damning enough, but when Green compared the situation in the bus to the suffering of Jews in railway carriages on the way to Nazi death camps, the entire book was deemed too incendiary for Palestinian consumption.17 Even in former colonies, the subject of colonialism has been closely controlled. Colonial rule was almost invariably replaced by regimes that proved no less repressive. If descriptions of life under foreign rule or of anticolonial resistance reflected poorly on the new states, however obliquely, they were likely to be censored. Indonesia is an example of this. In 1977, more than two decades after it gained independence, authorities banned Fons Rademakers’s Saijah and Adinda, a film adapted from a nineteenth-century novel that depicted the complicity of the Indonesian gentry under Dutch colonial rule. The government feared the film would give the impression that Indonesians were victimized by their own people rather than the Dutch—which could raise uncomfortable questions about the present.

The Costs of Connection: How Data Is Colonizing Human Life and Appropriating It for Capitalism
by Nick Couldry and Ulises A. Mejias
Published 19 Aug 2019

The remnants of colonialism will linger as long as former colonizers continue to try to impose their economic and political models of development as the only worthy goals for the rest of the world.25 Thus, although historical colonialism might be over, we can still speak of coloniality, that is, of legacies of colonialism that have outlived colonial rule per se. Theoretical and critical approaches such as neocolonialism, postcolonialism, and decoloniality have emerged to help us come to grips with that legacy. Although these terms—neocolonial, postcolonial, and decolonial—are sometimes used interchangeably to describe similar projects of critique, it is important to locate their roots and differentiate their goals.

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Around the time Columbus arrived in America, a typical European had an average per capita income three times that of someone living in what is now sometimes called the Global South. By 1850, that ratio had increased to five to one. By the early to mid-twentieth century, when around 85 percent of the world was under some form of colonial rule, the ratio was fourteen to one.5 The inequality that plagues us today is not entirely the result of colonialism but at the same time cannot be explained without it. From the perspective of postcolonial and decolonial studies (the disciplines that consider critiques of colonialism and capitalism from the viewpoint of the colonized), it is impossible to understand most aspects of our contemporary world—including, we propose, the role of data in our lives—without considering the unfinished history of colonialism and how it continues to shape former colonizers and the formerly colonized.

Under the Loving Care of the Fatherly Leader: North Korea and the Kim Dynasty
by Bradley K. Martin
Published 14 Oct 2004

The family had lived in Manchuria since the start of the century, he said, and one could imagine their feelings “at the sight of the independent homeland, a country of freedom and a state which was now rising magnificently on the debris, beneath the banner of self-reliance.”35 More significant was to prove the case of Korean nationals who had lived and labored in Japan as an oppressed minority since the period of Japanese colonial rule over Korea. In 1955, in accordance with Kim’s instruction that “the overseas citizens’ movement had to contribute to the Korean revolution,” pro-Pyongyang Korean residents banded together in Chongryon, the General Association of Korean Residents in Japan.36 Most of the members actually hailed from the southern part of the peninsula; their identification with the North over the South reflected leftist sentiment as well as the widespread perception that the North was doing better than the South economically.

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According to one account, the young man displayed open contempt toward any Korean of his father’s generation who had shown any weakness toward the enemy and thus failed to meet Kim Il-sung’s high standard. “Comrade, how much did you devote yourself to the revolution at the time of the Japanese colonial rule?” he would ask one of his elders. “Did you ever commit anti-revolutionary acts?” (I encountered a similar attitude in a great many South Korean youngsters, of his and subsequent generations, who had little direct knowledge of the pressures and complexities of life under Japanese rule. They-were eager to reject and despise any authority figures—from parents right up to the late South Korean President Park Chung-hee, a former Japanese soldier—on the ground of insufficient patriotism.)

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Even though they are alive, the people are worse than gutter dogs, and even if the mountains and rivers remain the same, they will not retain their beauty. —KIM IL-SUNG Writing those words in the memoirs that he began publishing in 1992,1 Kim Il-sung meant to contrast the horrors of Japanese colonial rule with the wonders achieved during his rule of nearly half a century. The main ruination brought by colonialism, in his view, was to national dignity. But by the time of his death in 1994 it would have been clear to almost any reader of his words that the harsh description applied, in material even if not in nationalistic terms, to the North Korea that he had created.

The Anarchy: The Relentless Rise of the East India Company
by William Dalrymple
Published 9 Sep 2019

See also Sushil Chaudhury, ‘The banking and mercantile house of Jagat Seths of Bengal’, in Studies in People’s History, 2, 1 (2015), pp. 85–95; Lakshmi Subramanian, ‘Banias and the British: the role of indigenous credit in the Process of Imperial Expansion in Western India in the second half of the Eighteenth century’, Modern Asian Studies, 21, 3 (1987); Kumkum Chatterjee, ‘Collaboration and Conflict: Bankers and Early Colonial Rule in India: 1757–1813’, Indian Economic and Social History Review, vol. 30, 3 (1993); Thomas A. Timberg, The Marwaris: From Jagat Seth to the Birlas, New Delhi, 2014, p. 22; Lokanatha Gosha, The Modern History of the Indian Chiefs, Rajas, Zamindars, & C., Calcutta, 1881. For the wider Indian economy at this time see also Rajat Datt, ‘Commercialisation, Tribute and the Transition from late Mughal to Early Colonial in India’, Medieval History Journal, vol. 6, no. 2 (2003), pp. 259–91; D.

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Bayly, The Birth of the Modern World 1780–1914, Oxford, 2004, p. 111. 64Anderson Correspondence, BL, Add Mss 45, 427, Wm Palmer to David Anderson, 12 November 1786, f. 196. 65Marshall, Bengal: The British Bridgehead, pp. 122–5. 66Bayly, The Birth of the Modern World, p. 111; Marshall, Bengal: The British Bridgehead, pp. 122–5; C. A. Bayly, Rulers, Townsmen and Bazaars: North Indian Society in the Age of British Expansion, Cambridge, 1983, pp. 466–7, 474, 479; Bayly, Indian Society and the Making of the British Empire, pp. 108, 150. 67Kumkum Chatterjee, ‘Collaboration and Conflict: Bankers and Early Colonial Rule in India: 1757–1813’, Indian Economic and Social History Review, 30, 3 (1993), pp. 296–7. This whole argument was first made in the 1980s by Christopher Bayly in Rulers, Townsmen and Bazaars and by Karen Leonard in her groundbreaking essay ‘The Great Firm Theory of the Decline of the Mughal Empire’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 21, 2 (1979), and in ‘Banking Firms in Nineteenth-Century Hyderabad Politics’, Modern Asian Studies, 15, 2 (1981).

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Park, Urban Bengal, East Lansing, 1969 Carlos, Ann M. and Nicholas, Stephen, ‘Giants of an Earlier Capitalism: The chartered trading companies as modern multinationals’, Business History Review, vol. 62, no. 3 (Autumn 1988), pp. 398–419 Chandra, Satish, Parties and Politics at the Mughal Court, 1717–1740, New Delhi, 1972 Chandra, Satish, ‘Social Background to the Rise of the Maratha Movement During the 17th Century’, The Indian Economic & Social History Review, x, (1973) Chatterjee, Indrani, Gender, Slavery and Law in Colonial India, New Delhi, 1999 Chatterjee, Kumkum, ‘Collaboration and Conflict: Bankers and Early Colonial Rule in India: 1757–1813’, The Indian Economic and Social History Review, vol. 30, no. 3 (1993) Chatterjee, Kumkum, Merchants, Politics & Society in Early Modern India, Bihar: 1733–1820, Leiden, 1996 Chatterjee, Kumkum, ‘History as Self-Representation: The Recasting of a Political Tradition in Late Eighteenth Century Eastern India’, Modern Asian Studies, vol. 32, no. 4 (1998) Chatterjee, Partha, The Black Hole of Empire: History of a Global Practice of Power, New Delhi, 2012 Chatterji, Nandlal, Mir Qasim, Nawab of Bengal, 1760–1763, Allahabad, 1935 Chatterji, Nandlal, Verelst’s Rule in India, 1939 Chaudhuri, K.

Enemies and Neighbours: Arabs and Jews in Palestine and Israel, 1917-2017
by Ian Black
Published 2 Nov 2017

It was vague and open-ended: the final goal was not spelled out. And the imbalance in power between the two sides was enormous, to the extent that the agreement’s many critics were to denounce the whole exercise as a form of ‘outsourcing’ by Israel to the Palestinians, of ‘occupation by remote control’33 or the substitution of direct colonial rule for indirect or ‘neo-colonial’ rule. Each side had an unspoken fallback: the Israelis to hold on to the occupied territories; the Palestinians to return to resistance. Israel’s most important gains – recognition by the Palestinians and the pledge by them to stop fighting – were immediate. But the core issues of the conflict – still the subject of enormous gaps – remained untouched.

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Now they were evicted, and that ‘incomprehensible innovation’ naturally fuelled fears about the future.12 At best, the Zionists continued to argue, relations with the Arabs would improve as the Jewish presence became stronger and generated economic growth. If relations did not improve, then so be it. Ronald Storrs, the British military governor of Jerusalem and author of the most elegant memoir penned about the early years of British colonial rule, described an atmosphere that was ‘always critical, frequently hostile, sometimes bitterly vindictive and even menacing’13 as Arab resentment spread. Storrs noted how ‘two hours of Arab grievances drive me into the synagogue, while after an intense course of Zionist propaganda I am prepared to embrace Islam’.14 In March 1920, Jewish feelings of insecurity were fuelled by attacks on the settlements of Metullah and Tel Hai in northern Palestine, the result of tensions in French-controlled Lebanon and Syria.

A United Ireland: Why Unification Is Inevitable and How It Will Come About
by Kevin Meagher
Published 15 Nov 2016

Engagement and encouragement, and, indeed, validation, of the kind offered by Corbyn and many others on Labour’s left during the 1980s spurred on those in Sinn Féin who wanted to go down the political route. Indeed, without such support, the balance may well have tipped towards the militarists who were content to make ‘the long war’ against the British state even longer. Like many on the left, Corbyn saw Ireland as a classic struggle for national selfdetermination against colonial rule. But he was by no means alone. Nelson Mandela may be the safest of safe options for any politician responding to the question ‘who do you most admire in politics?’ but he was also a strong supporter of Irish Republicanism. It was an association that weathered his transformation into international statesman.

The Cosmopolites: The Coming of the Global Citizen
by Atossa Araxia Abrahamian
Published 14 Jul 2015

Since the fifteenth century, the islands have seen a heavy Arab influence, thanks in large part to the Shirazi sultans who controlled several city-states on the African coast and moved to the islands, bringing Islam with them. Then, in 1841, the French took possession of Mayotte, and in the ensuing decades claimed the rest of the islands, which remained under colonial rule until 1912, when they were classified as a province of Madagascar. After World War II, the Comoros were “freed” from Madagascar to become a self-standing French overseas territory. Over the following decades, plans were made for the islands to become independent. Then, for the first and most likely last time in Comorian history, local leaders decided to work ahead of schedule, and called for national elections early, without informing the French.

Empire: What Ruling the World Did to the British
by Jeremy Paxman
Published 6 Oct 2011

Like the Victorian socialist Annie Besant, they could find the colourful abundance of Indian spiritualism an intoxicating alternative: when she moved to India in 1893, Besant took to wearing Hindu mourning dress in grief at what the British had done to the country, and spent decades encouraging Indians to throw off colonial rule. Subversive figures like these were, of course, hugely outnumbered by the conventional memsahibs, exerting what they considered a civilizing influence in the military cantonments, towns, cities and hill stations. How many younger officers wanted to cohabit with an Indian woman when the colonel’s wife so clearly disapproved?

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At one point he spluttered about Nasser on an open telephone line to his junior minister at the Foreign Office: ‘I want him murdered.’ The assassination did not happen. But the French government, which already loathed Nasser for his vocal support of Algerian nationalists fighting to escape French colonial rule, weighed in on Britain’s side. The political influence of both these colonial powers had been eclipsed by the United States, which continued to warn that world opinion would not tolerate a military intervention to regain the canal. But British newspapers thundered on, the Daily Herald pronouncing on its front page that ‘Britain and the other Powers must swiftly show Nasser that they are going to tolerate no more Hitlers!

A Game as Old as Empire: The Secret World of Economic Hit Men and the Web of Global Corruption
by Steven Hiatt; John Perkins
Published 1 Jan 2006

He singled out Britain for special mention: “We, the Ijaw and Niger Delta people, want to remind the people of the world that Great Britain has facilitated the illegal, criminal and inhuman occupation and exploitation of our lands for 112 years.”51 It is interesting that Asari blamed the old colonial power for the problems of the Niger Delta, just as the new powers—America and China—were beginning to fight over Nigeria’s oil. There is no doubt that Shell benefited from British colonial rule in Nigeria, and its continuing dominance of the Nigerian oil industry is a colonial legacy. Its monopolistic position means that, ironically, for Shell, Nigeria remains a lethal legacy, too. In February 2006, Citigroup released an in-depth study on Nigeria. “Our analysis,” it said, “suggests that Nigeria is the major growth region for Shell to the turn of the decade.”

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Index Abacha, Sani 44, 125 Abedi, Agha Hasan 69, 70, 75, 77, 86, 87 Abu Dhabi 69, 73, 75, 76 Adham, Kamal 75, 86, 87, 88 Afghanistan 26 drug trade in 70 civil war in 70–71 African Development Bank 251 Africa Oil Policy Initiative Group 119 Akbayan 192–93 Alamieyeseigha, Diepreye 121, 123 Algeria 15, 200, 266 Allende, Salvador 27 al-Qaeda 77, 89 and offshore banks 24 al-Taqwa Bank 71, 89 Altman, Robert A. 78, 79, 86, 88 American Express Co. 268 American Mineral Fields 99 Amin, Idi 27 Annan, Kofi 126 AngloGold 244 Anglo-Iranian Oil Company 14 Angola 27, 95 foreign debt 243, 244 Aquino, Benigno 26 Aquino, Corazon 190 Arbusto Energy, Inc. 76 Argentina 236 defiance of IMF 273 foreign debt 228, 230, 233, 241, 244, 273 popular movements in 276 World Bank lending in 169–73 Asari, Alhaji 121, 123, 128–29 Asian “tiger” economies 21, 229, 257n16, 258n27 Azerbaijan 200 Bahamas, as offshore banking haven 45, 89 Baker, Howard 100 Baker, James 239, 256n12 Baker Plan 228, 239–40 Balfour Beatty 211 Banca del Gottardo 71 Banca Nazionale del Lavoro 72 Banco Ambrosiano 71 Bank of America 69–70, 74, 77 Bank of England 84 Bank of Credit and Commerce International 24 accountants and 83–84, 86 arms trade and 72–73, 90 CIA and 69, 70, 71–72, 73, 76 drug trade and 70, 80, 87, 90 indictments 86–88 Iran-Contra 72 money laundering 69, 79–81, 90 operations 73–75, 86 owners 69–70, 75, 76 as Ponzi scheme 75 terrorism and 70, 72, 73, 88–90 U.S. operations 77–79 Bank of New York-Inter-Maritime Bank 83, 88–89 Barrick Gold Corp. 99, 244 Bath, James R. 76 Bechtel Corp. 3, 99, 138, 278 Belgium 101, 104 Bello, Walden 186–87, 273 Ben Barka, Medhi 26 Benin, foreign debt of 249 Berlusconi, Silvio 54 Bernabe, Riza 191 “big-box” stores, campaigns against 278 bin Faisal al-Saud, Prince Turki 75, 78 bin Laden family enterprises 71–72, 89 bin Laden, Haydar Mohamed 89 bin Laden, Osama 26, 77, 88, 89, 42 and BCCI 71 Binladen, Yeslam 89 bin Mahfouz, Khalid 76, 77, 78, 86, 87, 88, 89 bin Sultan al-Nahyan, Sheikh Zayed 69, 75 Blair, Tony 219, 250 Blandón, José 80 Blum, Jack 79–81, 85–86 Bolivia 236, 273 foreign debt 230, 246, 247, 249 gas industry 154, 208 water privatization in 277 Boro, Isaac 122 Brady, Nicholas 80, 256n12 Brady Plan 221, 227, 228, 240–41, 259n35 Brazil 18, 27, 130, 208, 216, 236 foreign debt 227, 228, 230, 241, 244 Bretton Woods agreements 63 Bretton Woods institutions see World Bank, International Monetary Fund British Gas 139 British Petroleum 139, 144, 153 British Virgin Islands, as offshore banking haven 54 Brown & Root 99 Brown, Gordon 126, 127, 219, 250 Burkina Faso, foreign debt of 246, 249 Burundi 95, 247, 249 Bush, George H.W., and administration 27–28, 69, 72, 77, 80, 87, 88, 91n10, 100, 138, 206, 271, 272 Bush, George W., and administration 66, 271, 278 and Iraq War 13, 28 Bush Agenda, The (Juhasz) 4, 275 Cabot Corporation 104, 112n32 Cameroon, foreign debt of 249 Canada 99, 101, 201, 268, 271 Canadian Export Development Corp. 201, 202, 203, 204, 206 capital flight 24, 43–44, 231–36, 253, 258n27 Carter, Jimmy 76, 140 Casey, William 70, 82, 90 Cavallo, Domingo Felipe 238 Cayman Islands, as offshore banking haven 65, 72, 73, 74, 75, 86 Center for Global Energy Studies 145 Center for Strategic and International Studies 119, 120 Central African Republic 231 Central Intelligence Agency 3, 5, 15 Afghan rebels and 70–71 BCCI and 69, 70, 71–72, 73, 76, 78, 79–82, 85 Saudi intelligence services and 75 Chad, foreign debt of 249 Chavez, Hugo 3, 25, 273 Cheney, Dick 28, 133 Chevron Oil 135, 138, 139, 144, 153 in Nigeria 123–24 Chile 236 1973 coup in 27 China 4, 229, 236 foreign debt 222–23 Third World resources and 5, 117–18, 120–21, 124, 126–27, 130 Chomsky, Noam Hegemony or Survival 4 Christian Peacemaker Team 96, 106–8 Citibank, Citigroup 75, 100, 130, 138, 226, 238, 268 Clifford, Clark 78–79, 85, 86, 88 Clinton, Bill, and administration 119, 120, 126, 212, 271 Coalition of Immokalee Workers 272, 280 COFACE 201, 205, 212 Cogecom 100 cold war 4 and decolonization 16–17 Colombia, human rights in 107 colonialism, decline of formal 13–14 coltan: efforts to control 5, 26, 95 shortages of 95 uses for 94 Commission for Africa 251 Communism: appeal of 14 fall of 4, 13, 27, 137–38, 238 Confessions of an Economic Hit Man (Perkins) 1–4, 6, 17 Congo, Democratic Republic of (Zaire): civil war in 26, 94–96, 108n3 corruption in 24, 254 foreign debt 220, 230, 247, 249 human rights in 107–8 rape as a weapon of war in 93, 96–98 Western role in 98–105, 109n4, 111n29 World Bank and 158 Congo Republic 230, 247, 249 cooperatives 276–77 corporations, as legal persons 277 CorpWatch 278 corruption: culture of 51–54 IMF/World Bank and 24–25, 157–74 offshore banking and 44–45, 52- power and 24 privatization and 24–25, 256n12 COSEC 209–10 Council on Foreign Relations 119–20 dam projects, 209–12 Dar al-Mal al-Islami 89 Daukoru, Edmund 125–27, 128 Davos see World Economic Forum DeBeers Group 101, 103 decolonization 13, 16–17 debt/flight cycle 231–36, 253, 258n27 debt relief, campaigns for 246, 252–55, 268 in U.S. 235 debt, Third World 32, 35 amount of relief 224–29 banks and 226–27, 229, 232–34 business loans 35–37, 227 cold war strategy and 17 corruption and 230, 231, 232, 253, 254, 257n23 1982 crisis 39, 55 disunity among debtor nations 237–39 dubious debts and 230, 235, 247, 253, 257n23, 261n68 growth of 18–19, 181, 229–36 as means of control 17, 23, 183–84 payments on 19, 190–91, 223, 228, 231, 247–48, 275 relief plans 220–22, 225–29, 239–52, 274 size of 221–24, 259n37, 260n46 social/economic impacts of 190–91, 231–36, 247–48 democracy: debt crisis and 236 economic reform and 276–79 global justice and 279–81 in Iraq 151–54 Deutsche Bank 226 drug trade 70, 80, 87 Dubai 73 Dulles, Alan 15 Eagle Wings Resources International 104 East Timor 205 economic development strategies: “big projects” and 16–17 debt-led 18–19 state-led 16–17, 19 economic forecasting 3 economic hit men 5 definition 1, 3, 18 John Perkins and 1–4, 17 types of 5, 18 Ecuador 236, 266 foreign debt 244 Egypt 14 Suez Crisis 15–16 Eisenhower, Dwight, and administration 15 elites, wealthy 4, 18, 57, 176, 183, 228, 232, 253 use of tax havens 43–44, 54–56, 65–66, 226, 232–34 El Salvador 26 empire see imperialism Eni SpA 144, 153 Enron 53, 54, 208–9 Ethiopia 230, 249 European Union 51 agricultural subsidies 22 environment degradation: development projects and 199, 200–211, 257n23 oil production and 115–16 export credit agencies: arms exports and 204–5 campaigns against 209–16 corruption and 200, 202–3, 205, 207–8 debt and 200 environmental effects 199, 200–211 nuclear power and 202, 205–6 operation of 197–201 secrecy of 205, 210–12 size of 201 World Bank and 199, 201, 202, 204 Export Credit Group 210, 215 Export Credits Guarantee Department 201, 205, 211 Export Finance and Investment Corp. 203, 204 export processing zones 178 Export Risk Guarantee 203, 211, 213 ExxonMobil 144 fair trade movement 280 Faisal, Mohammad al-89 Faux, Jeff Global Class War, The 4 Federal Bureau of Investigation 71 Federal Reserve Bank of New York 87 Federal Reserve System 78, 82, 88 Ferguson, Niall 13 First American Bankshares 78, 79, 82, 83, 85, 88 First Quantum Materials 101 First, Ruth 26 Focus on the Global South 187, 273 foreign aid 19 in Congo civil war 99–100 France 236, 244 empire 13 Suez Crisis and 15 free trade 4, 19, 21–23, 268, 271 British development and 21 U.S. development and 21 Free Trade Area of the Americas 271 Friends of the Earth 104, 269 G8 summits 212, 213, 219–20, 221, 246, 250, 271, 275 Gambia 243, 249 García, Alan 74 Gates, Robert 85 Gécamines 100, 104 General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade agricultural trade 186–87 establishment of 267 TRIPS 23 Uruguay Round 23, 267 General Union of Oil Employees 135–36, 141–44 Georgia 207 Germany 212, 213, 216, 236 export credit agency 201, 202, 203, 205, 206, 207, 209–11, 212, 215–16 Green Party 206, 215 Ghana 16 development projects in 16, 207 foreign debt 230, 247, 249 impact of IMF SAP 5, 22 Giuliani, Carlo 271 Global Awareness Collective 278 Global Class War, The (Faux) 4 Global Exchange 278 globalization 3 alternatives to corporate 275–79 economic 176–79, 230, 236 impacts of 185–90, 234, 236, 263–65 of the financial system 55, 63–66 Globalization and Its Discontents (Stiglitz) 3, 4 Global justice movement: achievements of 276–79 campaigns 269–72, 274–75 in Global North 268–69, 271–72, 274 in Global South 271–74 origins of 268–69 proposals of 275–79 protests by 265–66, 270–71 Global South see Third World Gonzalez, Henry 72, 90 Gorbachev, Mikhail 137 Goulart, João 27 Groupement pour le Traitment des Scories du Terril de Lubumbashi 104 Guatemala 14, 236 Arbenz government 26 Guinea, foreign debt of 249 Guinea-Bassau 26, 247, 249 Guyana: export credit agencies and 203 environmental problems 203 foreign debt 241, 243, 244, 246, 247, 249 Haiti 236, 249 World Bank and 158 Halliburton 3, 133, 278 Hankey, Sir Maurice 145 Harken Energy Corp. 77, 78 Heavily Indebted Poor Countries initiative 221, 225, 226, 230, 242–48, 275 conditions of 243–45 results of 248–50 Hegemony or Survival (Chomsky) 4 Hekmatyar, Gulbuddin 70 Helms, Richard 82 Henwood, Doug 23, 177–79 Heritage Foundation 121 Heritage Oil and Gas 100 Hermes Guarantee 201, 202, 203, 205, 206, 207, 209, 211, 212, 215–16 Honduras, foreign debt of 249 Hope in the Dark (Solnit) 281 Hungary, Soviet intervention in 16 Hussein, Saddam 28, 90, 141–42 and BCCI 72 Hutu people 94–96 Hypovereinsbank 209 Ijaw people 116, 121–23, 128 Illaje people 123 immigrant rights movement 281 imperialism 13–14 coups d’état and 27 divide-and-rule tactics 25, 26, 265 post-cold war changes 4–5 pressure on uncooperative countries 25, 142 resistance to 28, 115–17, 121–30, 143–44, 151–54, 176, 191–92, 265–66 resources and 98–106, 118–21, 133–34, 136, 139–40, 145 as system of control 17–28, 176 use of force 5, 25–28, 111n22, 113–14, 115–17, 123, 111n22 India 16, 119, 229, 236, 266 foreign debt 222, 223 export credit agencies and 206, 208 Maheshwar Dam 209–10 Indonesia 236 corruption in 202–3 export credit agencies and 200, 202–3, 205, 207, 216 foreign debt 228, 230, 244 inequality 44 Institute for Policy Studies 278 International Bank for Reconstruction and Development 157 International Development Association 157, 242 International Forum on Globalization 266 International Monetary Fund 3, 4, 19, 135, 275 conflicts of interest 244 debt relief and 221–22, 224, 226, 237, 240, 243–46, 250–51, 252 Iraq and 151–53 Malaysia and 273 neoliberalism and 176–79, 222 offshore banking and 43, 234 protests against 266 structural adjustment programs 22, 23, 245, 265–66 Rwanda and 100 Uganda and 100 International Tax and Investment Center 134–35, 138–39, 144–54 International Trade Organization 267 Iran 14, 90, 145, 200 coup against Mossadegh 14–15 nationalization of oil industry 14 Iran-Contra affair 71–72 Iraq: BCCI and 72 foreign debt 152 Gulf War and 28, 72, 140, 141, 146 human rights in 105–6 oil production and reserves 135–36, 139–54 production sharing agreements in 147–54 sanctions against 72, 142 social conditions in 135, 142, 143 U.S. occupation of 28, 140, 141–42, 146, 250, 275, 278 Israel: and Suez Crisis 15 Yom Kippur War and 17 Ivory Coast 230 foreign debt 244, 249 “jackals” 25–26 James, Deborah 273 Japan 216, 236 Japan Bank for International Cooperation 201, 202, 203, 241 Jersey 88 banking boom in 46–47 impact on island 46, 51–52, 56–62 as offshore banking haven 43, 45, 56–61 Johnson, Chalmers Sorrows of Empire 4 Jordan 241, 266 Jordan, Vernon 100 JPMorganChase 226, 238 Jubilee South 190 Jubilee 2000 268 Juhasz, Antonia Bush Agenda, The 4, 275 Juma’a, Hassan 135–36, 140, 142–44, 154 Kabila, Joseph 96 Kabila, Laurent 94, 96, 99 Kagame, Paul 94, 98–99 ties to U.S. 99 Kazakhstan 138, 139, 144, 150 Keating, Charles 83 Kenya 236 foreign debt 243, 244 Kerry, John 76 investigation of BCCI 79–83, 87, 89 Kirchner, Nestor 273 Korea, Republic of 229, 272 Korten, David When Corporations Rule the World 4 KPMG 52 Krauthammer, Charles 13 Krushchev, Nikita 16 Kurdistan 211–12, 214 Kuwait 133, 141, 146, 152, 154 labor exports 235–36 Lake, Anthony 119–20 Lance, Bert 77 Lawson, Nigel 242 Lawson Plan 221, 242 Lee Kyung Hae 272 Liberia, World Bank lending to 159–67 Liberty Tree Foundation 276 Li Zhaoxing 117–18, 124 Lu Guozeng 117 Lumumba, Patrice 26 Luxembourg, as offshore banking haven 72, 73, 74 Madagascar, foreign debt of 249 Mahathir, Mohamad 273 Malawi 254 foreign debt 243, 249 Malaysia 41–43, 229 defiance of IMF 273 Mali, foreign debt of 246, 249 Marcos, Ferdinand 31, 48, 175, 176, 181–85 markets, corporate domination of 16 Martin, Paul 54 mass media, manipulation of 25 Mauritania, foreign debt of 247, 249 McKinney, Cynthia; hearing on Congo 98–99, 110n11 McLure, Charles 137–39 mercenaries: in Congo 111n22 in Nigeria 5, 25–26, 113–14, 115–17 Mexico 207, 256n14, 273 foreign debt 55, 227, 228, 230, 233, 240–41, 244 labor exports 236 Zapatista uprising 272 Middle East, and struggle for oil 27–28 military-industrial complex 99 military interventions 27–28 Mizban, Faraj Rabat 141 Mitterand Plan 221 Mobutu Sese Seko 24, overthrow of 94 Mondlane, Eduardo 26 Mongolia 207 Morales, Evo 277 Morganthau, Robert 69, 84–87 Moscow, John 58, 87 Mossadegh, Mohammad 3, 14–15, 27 Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta 122–24, 129 Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (Landless Workers’ Movement) 272 Mozambique 26, 27, 230 foreign debt 241, 246, 249 Mueller, Robert 87 mujahadeen (Afghanistan): and BCCI 70 and drug trade 70 Mulroney, Brian 100 Multilateral Agreement on Investment 269–70, 281 Multilateral Debt Relief Initiative 222, 225, 230, 250–52 Multilateral Investment Agreement 269 multinational corporations: export credit agencies and 209–11 export processing zones and 178 globalization, pressure for 138, 268, 275 mercenaries, use of 25–26, 111n22, 113–14, 115–17, 123 resources and 101–6, 111n29, 112n31, 112n32 scandals 5 transfer mispricing by 49–51 offshore banks, use of 24, 49–51 patents, control of 23 Museveni, Yoweri 95 Myanmar, foreign debt of 230 Nada, Youssef Mustafa 71–72 Namibia 95 export credit agencies and 207 Nasser, Gamal Abdel 15–16 National Commercial Bank of Saudi Arabia 88–89 National Family Farm Coalition 272 nationalism: pan-Arab 15 Iranian 14 Nehru, Jawaharlal 16 neocolonialism see imperialism neoliberalism 4, 19 critique of 176–79, 190–92, 234, 236 defined 176–77 economic development and 176–79, 232 economic strategies 178–81, 222, 230, 231, 236 Netherlands, overseas empire of 13 Newmont Mining Corp. 244 New World Order 27–28 Nicaragua 207 foreign debt 225, 230, 247, 249 U.S. proxy war against 26, 27, 79 Nicpil, Liddy 190–91, 192 Nidal, Adu 73 Niger, foreign debt of 241, 249 Niger Delta People’s Volunteer Force 121, 123 Niger Delta Volunteer Service 122 Niger Delta region: attack on oil platforms 116–17 as “Next Gulf” 118–21 pollution from oil production 115–16 struggle against Shell 115–16, 121–24 Nigeria 200, 266 China and 117–18 colonial rule 115 corruption in 44–45, 230 foreign debt 223, 230, 233, 243, 244 oil production 115–16, 125–27 World Bank lending in 158, 167–69 Nkrumah, Kwame 16 nongovernmental organizations 239, 250 Noriega, Manuel 80 and BCCI 72, 79 North American Free Trade Agreement 4, 268, 272 nuclear power 205–6, 210 Obasanjo, Olusegun 125, 127 Obiang, Teodoro 48 O’Connor, Brian 144–45 OECD Watch 105 offshore banking havens: arms trade and 71–73 campaign against 62–64 central role in world trade 44, 47–48, 64–65 corruption and 24, 44–45, 52–56, 64, 231–33, 253 drug trade and 70 extraction of wealth 43, 54–56, 64–65, 226, 231–33, 253, 258n58 financial centers and 234, ignored by academia 44, 234 secrecy and 47–48, 53, 66 tax evasion and 43, 48, 49–51, 54, 57–59, 64–65, 226, 232 terrorism and 71, 88 Ogoni people 122–23, 125 Okadigbo, Chuba 116 Okonjo-Iweala, Ngozi 118 Okuntimo, Paul 123 Oil Change International 278 oil price spikes 236 oil production and reserves: future shortages of 28, 140 Indonesia 207 Iraqi 135–36, 144–54 Nigerian 113–14, 128–29 strategies to control 25–26, 27–28, 139–40 OM Group, Inc. 104, 112n31 OPEC 125–26, 128 1973 oil embargo by 17 dollar deposits in First World 17–18 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development 135, 269 “Action Statement on Bribery” 216 export credit agencies and 210, 215 Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises 101, 102, 105–6, 112n31 “OECD Arrangement” 215 Overseas Private Investment Corp. 204, 206–9 Oxfam 43, 62–63, 250 Pakistan 90 Afghan mujahadeen and 70–71 BCCI and 70 export credit agencies and 207 foreign debt 244 Panama 3, 26, 72 as offshore banking haven 73, 74 Papua New Guinea: export credit agencies and 204 mining and environmental problems 204 Paris Club of creditors 220, 225–26, 227, 228, 242, 252 Peru 74 foreign debt 241 impact of IMF SAP 22 petrodollars, recycling of 17–18 Perkins, John 19 Confessions of an Economic Hit Man 1–2, 17 Pharaon, Ghaith 76, 77, 86, 87, 88 Philippines, the 31–34, 35–36 corruption in 181–82 democratic movements in 182–85, 236 economic decline in 187–89 emigration from 189, 236 foreign debt 181, 190–91, 230, 241, 244 Marcos regime 31, 34, 175, 176, 180–85, 261n61 martial law in 180–85 social conditions in 179–80, 185–86, 189–91 U.S. rule 175–76 World Bank and 158, 178–81 Pinochet, General Augusto 27, 45–46, 48 PLATFORM 140, 156n28 Portugal 209–10 Posada Carriles, Luis 26 poverty reduction strategy programs see structural adjustment programs Price Waterhouse 83–84 privatization 191 production sharing agreements 147–54 protectionism 21, 181, 186–87 proxy wars 27, 70–71 Public Citizen 269, 273 public utilities, privatization of 191, 261n61, 277 Rahman, Masihur 85 Reagan, Ronald, and administration 19, 79, 87, 136–37, 239 Iran-Contra affair 72 Rich, Marc 90 Rights and Accountability in Development 101, 104, 105 Rio Tinto Zinc 204 Ritch, Lee 79–80 Robson, John 138 Roldós, Jaime 3, 26 Roosevelt, Kermit 15 Rumsfeld, Donald 138 rural economic development 183, 186–87 Russia: debt relief and 225 oil industry 154 transition to capitalism 137–39, 258n28 Rutledge, Ian 149 Rwanda 94–96, 98, 249 massacre in 94, 99 SACE 201 Sachs Plan 221 Saleh, Salim 95 Saõ Tomé, foreign debt of 247, 249 Saud al-Fulaij, Faisal 86, 87 Saudi Arabia 3, 88 and BCCI 70, 75 Saro-Wiwa, Ken 125–26 Scholz, Wesley S. 104 Scowcroft, Brent 72 Senegal 16, 249 Senghor, Léopold 16 September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks 71 Shell Oil 144 Nigeria and 113–15, 122, 123, 125–29 at World Economic Forum 127 Shinawatra, Thaksin 54 Sierra Club 269 Sierra Leone 247 SmartMeme 276 Solnit, Rebecca Hope in the Dark 281 Somalia 251 Sorrows of Empire (Johnson) 4 South Africa 236 military interventions 27 Truth and Reconciliation Commission 26 Soviet Union 13, 14 de-Stalinization 16 Hungary, intervention in 16 influence in Third World 14 U.S. and 137 Stephens, Jackson 76, 77 Stiglitz, Joseph 24 Globalization and Its Discontents 3, 4 structural adjustment programs (SAPs) 19, 229–30 in Ghana 5, 22 in Peru 22 in the Philippines 176–79, 183–85, 190–92 in Zambia 22 Sudan 230, 251 Suharto 200, 202–3 Syria 211 Switzerland, as offshore banking haven 45, 65, 72 Taco Bell, boycott of 280 Tanzania, foreign debt of 247, 249 tax evasion 43, 48, 49–51, 54, 57–59, 64–65 Tax Foundation 137–38 tax havens see offshore banking havens Tax Justice Network 63 Tax Reform Act of 1986 138 Tenke Mining 99 terrorism: as EHM strategy 26, 72 financing of 42, 88–89 inequality and 44 Islamist 71–72, 89 Palestinian 73 Thatcher, Margaret 19, 138 Third World: as commodity producers 17, 23 conditions in 5, 96–97, 106–8, 116, 179–80, 185–90, 234, 236 development strategies 176–79 divisions among countries 265–68 elites in 25, 28, 43–44, 176, 226, 232–34 emergence of 14 lack of development in 232, 237 terms of trade and 22, 178–79 Third World Network 269 Tidewater Inc. 113 Torrijos, Omar 3, 26 Total S.A. 144, 153 trade unions 135–36, 141–44, 180, 186, 269, 274 transfer mispricing 49–51 cost to Third World 50 Transparency International 45 Turkey: export credit agencies and 206 Ilisu Dam 211–14 Turkmenistan 200 Uganda 94–96 foreign debt 241, 246, 249 Union Bank of Switzerland 57, 58, 77, 226, 250 United Arab Emirates 69, 73 United Fruit Company 15 United Kingdom 213 NCP for Congo 102–3 empire 13–14, 115, 129, 145 Iran and 14–15 Iraq occupation and 146, 151, 152 offshore banking and; Suez Crisis and 15 United Nations: trade issues and 265, 276 Panel of Experts, Congo 100–106, 112n32 United Nations Conference on Trade and Development 220, 265, 267 United States: agricultural subsidies 22 aid 98 as empire 13, 28 cold war strategy of 16, 17, 24, 26 in Congo 99, 104, 105 debt-led development strategy of 176–79 Iran coup and 14–15 Iraqi oil and 133–34, 136, 139–40 Iraq wars 72, 133, 141–42 Islamists and 26 Nigerian oil and 118–21 Philippines and 175–76, 180 strategic doctrines 27–28, 118–19 support of Contras 72 trade deficit 23 trade policies 267 U.S.

From the Ruins of Empire: The Intellectuals Who Remade Asia
by Pankaj Mishra
Published 3 Sep 2012

In April 1943, the ‘liberation of Asia’ became Japan’s official war objective; later that year, the Greater East Asia Congress in Tokyo revealed that pan-Asianism was more than a Japanese fantasy.11 Jawaharlal Nehru had spoken often of how ‘we feel as Asiatics a common bond uniting us against the aggression of Europe’.12 Writing from a British prison in 1940, just seven years away from India’s freedom from colonial rule, Nehru said, ‘My own picture of the future is a federation which includes China and India, Burma and Ceylon, Afghanistan and possibly other countries.’13 In Tokyo, Subhas Chandra Bose, surrounded by adoring Indian students, described the congress as a ‘family party’ where all the guests were Asians.14 The Philippines’ ambassador to Japan claimed that ‘the time has come for the Filipinos to discard Anglo-Saxon civilization and its enervating influence … and to recapture their charm and original virtues as an oriental people’.15 The Burmese leader Ba Maw (1893 – 1977) felt the ‘call of Asiatic blood’.16 ‘We were Asians,’ he later recalled, ‘rediscovering Asia.’17 Ba Maw later said that the congress of 1943 created the spirit that then went into the Bandung Conference of 1955, where some of Asia’s greatest leaders gathered and subsequently formed the Non-Aligned Movement.

…

This revolutionary recipe for self-strengthening and pride, generous in its emancipatory promise, consisted of the institutions and practices of the nation-state: clear boundaries, orderly government, a loyal bureaucracy, a code of rights to protect citizens, rapid economic growth through industrial capitalism or socialism, mass literacy programmes, technical knowledge and the development of a sense of common origins within a national community. Fulfilling either some or the barest minimum of these conditions, an assortment of new nation-states filled the immense vacuum created by the dissolution of European empires. In the period following the end of the Second World War, many Asian countries achieved independence from colonial rule; and more than fifty new states with new names, borders and currencies appeared in just two decades after 1945. Formal decolonization itself was always unlikely to guarantee true sovereignty and dignity to Asian nations. In the 1950s, Nehru often stressed the urgent task facing postcolonial leaders like himself: ‘What Europe did in a hundred or a hundred and fifty years, we must do in ten or fifteen years.’

The Hundred Years' War on Palestine: A History of Settler Colonialism and Resistance, 1917–2017
by Rashid Khalidi
Published 28 Jan 2020

But in the words of George Orwell, “sooner or later a false belief bumps up against solid reality, usually on a battlefield,”83 which is precisely what happened on the battlefield in the Great Revolt, to the Palestinians’ lasting detriment. * * * AFTER 1917, THE Palestinians found themselves in a triple bind, which may have been unique in the history of resistance to colonial-settler movements. Unlike most other peoples who fell under colonial rule, they not only had to contend with the colonial power in the metropole, in this case London, but also with a singular colonial-settler movement that, while beholden to Britain, was independent of it, had its own national mission, a seductive biblical justification, and an established international base and financing.

…

When Palestinian envoys had managed to meet with foreign officials, whether in London or Geneva, they were condescendingly told that they had no official standing, and that their meetings were therefore private rather than official.18 The comparison with the Irish, the only people to succeed in (partially) freeing themselves of colonial rule between World Wars I and II, is striking. In spite of divisions in their ranks, their clandestine parliament, the Dail Eirann, their nascent branches of government, and their centralized military forces ultimately out-administered and outfought the British.19 During these critical years leading up to the Nakba, Palestinian disarray in regard to institution-building was profound.

In Spite of the Gods: The Rise of Modern India
by Edward Luce
Published 23 Aug 2006

I was on a short visit to Auroville, a town in south India founded in 1968 by Mira Alfassa, a nonagenarian Frenchwoman whom everybody calls Mother. She had named the town after Sri Aurobindo, one of India’s most celebrated spiritual leaders, whose life’s journey, from student years at Cambridge to underground activism against British colonial rule and finally incarnating as a teacher-savant in a charming corner of peninsular India, merits a book or two in itself. Mother, André told me, had “departed her body” in 1973, twenty-three years after Sri Aurobindo, but, fortunately for the questing Frenchman, several months after he had arrived in Auroville.

…

What I did not say was that I felt India had labored too long under the burden of spiritual greatness that Westerners have for centuries thrust upon it and which Indians had themselves got into the habit of picking up and sending back (with a cherry on top). Over the centuries, and particularly during the era of British colonial rule and its aftermath, many Indians endorsed in one form or another the view that India was a uniquely metaphysical civilization. To most Indians this self-image was certainly preferable to the belittlement that was doled out by many, although not all, of India’s colonial rulers. Lord Macaulay, who authored India’s first national penal code, infamously wrote that the entire corpus of Indian philosophy and literature was not worth a single bookshelf of Western writing.

Dancing in the Glory of Monsters: The Collapse of the Congo and the Great War of Africa
by Jason Stearns
Published 29 Mar 2011

On numerous occasions, Mobutu had to call on his foreign allies or mercenaries to prop up his floundering army. The roots of the army’s weakness lie in the Belgian colonial state. The Force Publique, as the army was then called, was formed to maintain law and order and suppress any challenge to colonial rule. It conflated military and policing functions, and control of military units was strongly decentralized to serve the needs of the territorial administrators, who used the army for civilian tasks as well as to suppress dissent. The Belgian authorities never thought to create a strong army; up until the late 1950s, they thought that independence was still decades away and that they would continue to control the state and its security forces.

…

Since the seventeenth and eighteenth century, when European and Arab slave traders penetrated deep into the country and captured hundreds of thousands of slaves, often in complicity with local chiefs, hastening the disintegration of the great kingdoms of the savannah that ruled from the Atlantic seaboard throughout the center and south of the country, the Congo has suffered a social and political dissolution. It was the victim of one of the most brutal episodes of colonial rule, when it was turned into the private business empire of King Leopold; under his reign and the subsequent rule by the republican Belgian government, the Congo’s remaining customary chiefs were fought, co-opted, or sent into exile. Religious leaders who defied the orthodoxy of the European-run churches faced the same fate: The prophet Simon Kimbangu died after thirty years in prison for his anticolonial rhetoric.

1946: The Making of the Modern World
by Victor Sebestyen
Published 30 Sep 2014

In much of Asia ‘liberation’ is not exactly the right word for events following the surrender of Japan. The European empires attempted to reassert their dominion over their old colonies: the French in Indo-china, the Dutch in the East Indies, the British in Malaya and Singapore, but they couldn’t sustain traditional-style colonial rule for long. The agony of withdrawal was worse and more bloody for some than others – humiliatingly for France in Vietnam for example. In the sub-continent, the British were desperate to leave as soon as they could; with indecent haste according to many critics, who argue that the British ‘scuttled’ and caused the violence that accompanied the partition of India and Pakistan.

…

The line about ‘striking at their pockets’ shocked millions of people, especially in the United States. Instead of the earlier sympathy of a few, the balanced editorials suggesting that Britain did not have entirely easy decisions to make in Palestine, there was now scorn for the arrogance and intolerance of British colonial rule. Attlee gave Barker a personal reprimand, and he was sent home in disgrace. But the damage to British prestige was immense and long-lasting. The contempt for Barker would have been even greater – and the loathing the Jews had for him more profound – if people had known his private views. Barker, married and the father of a small child back in England, was having a passionate affair with one of the most famous women in Palestine, Katy Antonius.

Year 501
by Noam Chomsky
Published 19 Jan 2016

Some 30,000 mulattoes and free Negroes enjoyed economic privileges but not social and political equality, the origins of the class difference that led to harsh repression after independence, with renewed violence today. Cubans may have seemed “of dubious whiteness,” but the rebels who overthrew colonial rule did not approach that status. The slave revolt, which had reached serious proportions by the end of 1791, appalled Europe, as well as the European outpost that had just declared its own independence. Britain invaded in 1793; victory would offer “a monopoly of sugar, indigo, cotton and coffee” from an island which “for ages, would give such aid and force to industry as would be most happily felt in every part of the empire,” a British military officer wrote to Prime Minister Pitt.

…

Or, assuming that such idealism would be too much to ask, why did Hull not at least accept the Japanese offer for mutuality of exploitation? Such thoughts go beyond legitimate bounds, reaching into the forbidden territory of “American motives.” In the real world, Japan’s aggression gave an impetus to the nationalist movements that displaced colonial rule in favor of the more subtle mechanisms of domination of the postwar period. Furthermore, the war left the US in a position to design the new world order. Under these new conditions, Japan could be offered its “Empire toward the South” (as Kennan put it) under US control, though within limits: the US intended to maintain its “power over what Japan imports in the way of oil and such other things” so that “we would have veto power on what she does need in the military and industrial field,” as Kennan advised in 1949.20 This stance was maintained until unexpected factors intervened, notably the Vietnam war with its costs to the US and benefits to Japan and other industrial rivals.

Surveillance Valley: The Rise of the Military-Digital Complex
by Yasha Levine
Published 6 Feb 2018

It was one of the rebels’ greatest tactical advantages, allowing them to move people and supplies through neighboring Laos and Cambodia undetected and launch deadly raids deep in South Vietnamese territory. With Project Agile, Godel was determined to take that advantage away. The British Empire had pioneered the use of defoliants as a form of chemical warfare, using them against local movements that opposed colonial rule. In the fight against communist rebels in Malaya, Britain ruthlessly deployed them to destroy food supplies and jungle cover.5 British military planners described defoliants as “a form of sanction against a recalcitrant nation which would be more speedy than blockade and less repugnant than the atomic bomb.”

…

The bulk of French military efforts seemed to focus on protecting their supply convoy lines, which were constantly attacked by massive guerrilla forces that seemed to materialize out of the jungle, deploying up to six thousand men along a three-mile stretch of road. The French were essentially stuck in their fortifications. They had “lost most of their offensive spirit” and were “pinned to their occupied areas,” Godel’s colleague described. “The way Godel saw it, the French colonialists were trying to fight the Viet Minh guerrillas according to colonial rules of war. But the South Vietnamese, who were receiving weapons and training from the French forces, were actually fighting a different kind of war, based on different rules,” writes Annie Jacobsen, who excavates William Godel’s forgotten story in The Pentagon’s Brain, her history of ARPA.30 This “different kind of war” had a name: counterinsurgency.

Super Continent: The Logic of Eurasian Integration
by Kent E. Calder
Published 28 Apr 2019

The first wave came as merchants arrived, becoming central figures in such trading centers as Palembang and Surabaya in the course of the fourteenth century, although they were largely assimilated into the local population over the following two hundred years.3 The second and most numerous wave of migration arrived in Southeast Asia at the high tide of European colonialism during the late nineteenth century, with many being driven from China by the poverty and ruin caused by the Taiping rebellion (1850 –1864). In Southeast Asia, the Dutch, French, and British colonizers used these new migrants not only as laborers on plantations but often also as tax collectors and low-level administrators of colonial rule. This socially complex work earned them not only modest wealth but also frequently the enmity of indigenous populations such as the pribumi of Indonesia. The turbulence of early twentieth-century China, the revolution of 1949, the Cultural Revolution, Hong Kong’s 1997 reversion, and the Chinese globalization that followed all produced new waves of migrants from China to Southeast Asia.

…

Chinese immigrants were fortunate at an early stage to be befriended and highly evaluated by Thai royalty; indeed, King Rama I, who founded the present Chakri dynasty in 1782, was partly Chinese.4 For over four hundred years, Thai and Chinese elites have thus intermingled and assimilated, without the complexities of colonial rule that set Chinese and indigenous peoples against one another across the rest of Southeast Asia. History thus provides a solid platform for a major Chinese political-­ economic presence in Thailand, centering on the massive overseas Chinese community of Yaowarat, Bangkok’s Chinatown, which constituted over half of the capital’s population until the 1950s.5 Even today, overseas Chinese make Southeast Asia 125 ta b l e 6 . 1 The varied patterns of overseas Chinese presence in Southeast Asia (2011) Country Indonesia Thailand Malaysia Singapore Philippines Myanmar Vietnam Laos Cambodia Brunei Total Overseas Chinese Population (thousands) 8,010.72 7,512.60 6,540.80 2,808.30 1,243.16 1,053.75 992.60 176.49 147.02 51.00 28,536.44 Total Population (millions) 248.00 64.26 28.73 5.26 95.83 62.42 89.32 6.56 14.43 0.41 615.22 Overseas Chinese Share of Total Population (%) 3.23 11.69 22.77 53.39 1.30 1.69 1.11 2.69 1.02 12.44 4.64 Assimilated?

Land: How the Hunger for Ownership Shaped the Modern World
by Simon Winchester
Published 19 Jan 2021

Except, of course, for the inconvenient reality that this land was already owned by others, by communities who had a prescribed right to have and to hold on to it. So, what would eventually happen in Oklahoma, and which was centered most profoundly around the distribution of land, was now firmly on the horizon. What would be particularly egregious examples of land grabbing now simply required the passage of time—a century and a half of further colonial rule, then the creation of the United States out of the divided remains of the gigantic American fiefdom of the British empire, and a century more of Washington’s independent governance, briefly fractured though it was during Abraham Lincoln’s presidency. During all of these periods of North American history, native lands were being thinned and culled and native people were being slain and pinioned into remote reservations, tracts that were often waterless or infertile or both, impenetrable laagers that no white man would ever wish for.

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George Washington was one such who was angered by the proclamation: as a professional surveyor he could well recognize the finer and more valuable tracts of land he encountered, and when bounty from his participation in the French and Indian War came in the form of land, he gathered some choice tracts for himself—a total of 32,000 acres of fine farmland that was now most inconveniently sited to the west of the Proclamation Line, and which he was now ineligible to possess. The consequences of his irritation at such a colonial ruling were legion: the 1776 Declaration of Independence and the six years of fighting between redcoats and patriots that followed have the matter of Indian lands as one of its many causal origins, and George Washington’s eventual leadership—and presidency of the new republic—a natural culmination. The Proclamation Line was drawn at the end of Britain’s victorious Seven Years War with France—or the French and Indian War, as it was named in North America, since various Indian tribes allied themselves with the two warring sides.* When Britain did win all of the hitherto French-held territory, this so-called Ohio Country—the huge and richly fertile landscape much admired by Washington, dominated by the Ohio River at its center, lying between the Appalachians and the Mississippi River—was transferred by treaty to British rule.

England: Seven Myths That Changed a Country – and How to Set Them Straight
by Tom Baldwin and Marc Stears
Published 24 Apr 2024

Endless biographies with titles such as He Freed Britain’s Slaves, A Hero for Humanity, or Statesman and Saint kept the Wilberforce story handy for whenever it was needed to sponge clean a nation’s conscience.7 As the latter-day historian Linda Colley has written: ‘Abolitionism became one of the vital underpinnings of British supremacy, offering – as it seemed to do – irrefutable proof that British power was founded on religion, on freedom and on moral calibre, not just on a superior stock of armaments and capital.’8 Like other myths, this one has waxed and waned with political fashions. It seemed to slip out of England’s story during the carnage of the twentieth century when the end of colonial rule in distant lands coincided with the steep decline of organised religion in England. Although Hull marked the centenary of Wilberforce’s death in 1933 with a ceremony attended by thousands of people, the giant statue and column commemorating him in the town centre had to be moved to a nearby park just a year later because it had been deemed ‘a traffic hazard’.

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The heroes include Lieutenant Gonville Bromhead played by Michael Caine who, despite being a foppish aristocrat, turns out to be very brave and ‘a good shot’, as well as the humbler Lieutenant John Chard of the Royal Engineers. At the end of the film, Chard is shown shaking his head regretfully at the piled-high bodies of dead African warriors and repeating: ‘I came up here to build a bridge.’ There were a lot of bridges, dams and courthouses constructed during the course of colonial rule which seem to matter deeply to the myth of a civilising mission. Examples of its spread of concrete and iron are endlessly celebrated in TV programmes invariably hosted by shirt-sleeved white presenters like the former Tory politician Michael Portillo. Even his beloved railways, however, were not so much about the generous beneficence of the empire as an exercise in power, and built against a backdrop of shocking indifference to the wellbeing of the Indian people.105 In those years at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth century, ‘the Great Game’ came to be seen as more important than any civilising mission.

Stuff White People Like: A Definitive Guide to the Unique Taste of Millions
by Christian Lander
Published 5 Aug 2008

Yoga is much more than just an activity, it is a chance to showcase $80 pants that are tailor-made for the rigors of yoga. And last, but not least, yoga feels exotic and foreign. It has become sort of like a religion that prizes flexibility and expensive clothes. Also, deep down, white people feel that their participation makes up for years of colonial rule in India. 16 Gifted Children White people love “gifted” children. Do you know why? Because an astounding 100 percent of their kids are gifted! Isn’t that amazing? I’m pretty sure the last nongifted white child was born in 1962 in Reseda, California. Since then, it’s been a pretty sweet run.

Power Systems: Conversations on Global Democratic Uprisings and the New Challenges to U.S. Empire
by Noam Chomsky and David Barsamian
Published 1 Nov 2012

The AU came out in the middle of the bombing, reiterating its call for diplomacy and making detailed proposals, in this case about a peacekeeping force.15 They were totally dismissed, of course. You don’t listen to Africans. The AU had a pretty interesting explanation of its stand. Essentially they were saying, Africa has been trying to free itself from brutal colonial rule and slavery for years. The way we’ve been doing it is by establishing the principle of sovereignty in order to protect ourselves from a return of Western colonization. And we have to perceive an attack on an African country over the objections of Africa, without any concern for sovereign rights, as a step toward recolonization that is very threatening to the whole continent.

The Internationalists: How a Radical Plan to Outlaw War Remade the World
by Oona A. Hathaway and Scott J. Shapiro
Published 11 Sep 2017

As British foreign secretary Jack Straw put it in 2002, “A lot of the problems we are having to deal with now, I have to deal with now, are a consequence of our colonial past . . . the contradictory assurances which were being given to Palestinians in private at the same time as they were being given to the Israelis—again, an interesting history for us but not an entirely honourable one.”10 Israel is far from the only botched handoff. In Korea, Japan’s unconditional surrender in 1945 meant the end of Japanese colonial rule. But Japan was in no position to make contingency plans for maintaining legal order. The collapse of colonial rule set off a rush by the Soviets and Americans to establish control. In a hasty deal established to prevent conflicts between wartime allies, the Americans and Soviets drew a line at the 38th parallel to delineate the two occupying forces.

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He liberally dispersed his letters of marque at the bustling waterfront, commissioning four ships of privateers and rechristening them the Républicain, Anti-George, Sans Culotte, and Patriote Genêt. He empowered local French consuls to act as prize courts, thus bypassing the American judicial system. He also assembled bands of adventurers to overthrow British and Spanish colonial rule. Having completed this phase of his mission, Genêt traveled overland to Philadelphia so that he could bask in the adulation of the crowds along the way, a detour that took him twenty-eight days to complete.15 Given his leisurely pace, news of Genêt’s exploits preceded his arrival on May 16. George Hammond, the British ambassador, had complained to Thomas Jefferson, the secretary of state, about the commissions and outfitting of privateers in Charleston.

This Changes Everything: Capitalism vs. The Climate
by Naomi Klein
Published 15 Sep 2014

Operation Climate Change While the scale and connectivity of this kind of anti-extraction activism is certainly new, the movement began long before the fight against Keystone XL. If it’s possible to trace this wave back to a time and place, it should probably be the 1990s in what is surely the most oil-ravaged place on the planet: the Niger Delta. Since the doors to foreign investors were flung open near the end of British colonial rule, oil companies have pumped hundreds of billions of dollars’ worth of crude out of Nigeria, most from the Niger Delta, while consistently treating its land, water, and people with undisguised disdain. Wastewater was dumped directly into rivers, streams, and the sea; canals from the ocean were dug willy-nilly, turning precious freshwater sources salty, and pipelines were left exposed and unmaintained, contributing to thousands of spills.

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(Though heading an oil company that actively sabotages climate science, lobbies aggressively against emission controls while laying claim to enough interred carbon to drown populous nations like Bangladesh and boil sub-Saharan Africa is indeed a heinous moral crime.) Nor were the movements that ended slavery and defeated colonial rule in any way bloodless: nonviolent tactics like boycotts and protests played major roles, but slavery in the Caribbean was only outlawed after numerous slave rebellions were brutally suppressed, and, of course, abolition in the United States came only after the carnage of the Civil War. Another problem with the analogy is that, though the liberation of millions of slaves in this period—some 800,000 in the British colonies and four million in the U.S.

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The massive global investments required to respond to the climate threat—to adapt humanely and equitably to the heavy weather we have already locked in, and to avert the truly catastrophic warming we can still avoid—is a chance to change all that; and to get it right this time. It could deliver the equitable redistribution of agricultural lands that was supposed to follow independence from colonial rule and dictatorship; it could bring the jobs and homes that Martin Luther King dreamed of; it could bring jobs and clean water to Native communities; it could at last turn on the lights and running water in every South African township. Such is the promise of a Marshall Plan for the Earth. The fact that our most heroic social justice movements won on the legal front but suffered big losses on the economic front is precisely why our world is as fundamentally unequal and unfair as it remains.

Why Orwell Matters
by Christopher Hitchens
Published 1 Jan 2002

I made several visits to the country, and interviewed many of the guerrilla leaders in exile, of whom the most impressive was Robert Mugabe. His ultimate election victory in 1980, transforming Rhodesia into Zimbabwe, was a foretaste of the later triumph of Nelson Mandela. But the abolition of racism and the end of colonial rule was succeeded by a dirty war in Matabeleland against the supporters of Mugabe’s rival Joshua Nkomo, and by the awarding of confiscated agricultural property to the party loyalists of the regime. Displaying signs of megalomania, especially after the tragic death of his wife, Mr Mugabe set up a ‘youth brigade’ that was named the 21st February Movement in honour of his own birthday.

American Secession: The Looming Threat of a National Breakup
by F. H. Buckley
Published 14 Jan 2020

Both Buchanan and Lincoln declined to meet with them, however. 48 The 1983 Vienna Convention on Succession of States in Respect of State Property, Archives and Debts would require a seceding state to assume an undefined “equitable” portion of the national debt, but it has been signed by only 22 countries and not by Canada or the United States. Daniel S. Blum, “The Apportionment of Public Debt and Assets during State Secession,” Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law, vol. 29, no. 2 (1997): 263–98. Seceding states that emerge from colonial rule, as America did in 1776, would begin with a clean state, however. CHAPTER 4—BIGNESS AND BADNESS 1 James Boswell, “An Account of my last Interview with David Hume, Esq.,” in Boswell in Extremes 1776–78, ed. Charles Weis and F. A. Pottle (New York: McGraw Hill, 1970), p. 11. 2 David Hume, “The Life of David Hume, Esq., Written by Himself: My Own Life,” in The History of England from the Invasion of Julius Caesar to the Revolution in 1688, Foreword by William B.

The Great Turning: From Empire to Earth Community
by David C. Korten
Published 1 Jan 2001

DEMOCRATIC CHALLENGE Absolutism, the belief in the absolute right of kings, had been put to rest in England by 1689. The monarchy remained, however, and the nobles and other men of property who had secured the power of the vote for themselves showed no enthusiasm for broadening the democratic franchise at home or ending colonial rule abroad. Absolutist monarchy remained strong in much of the rest of Europe, particularly France, for another hundred years. However, the erosion of monarchy had begun. End of Monarchy As the American Revolution of 1776 challenged the concept of foreign rule, so the French Revolution of 1789 was a direct challenge to the institution of monarchy.

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Reaching out beyond our own borders, we converted cooperative dictatorships into client states by giving their ruling classes a choice of aligning themselves with our economic and political interests and sharing in the booty or being eliminated by military force. Following World War II, when the classic forms of colonial rule became unacceptable, we turned to international debt as our favored instrument for imperial control and later to trade agreements that opened foreign economies to direct ownership and control by transnational corporations. As our history makes clear, democracy is not a gift granted by benevolent power holders.

One Less Car: Bicycling and the Politics of Automobility
by Zack Furness and Zachary Mooradian Furness
Published 28 Mar 2010

rubber was also extracted from parts of Central and South america and in several african countries, most notably liberia. See Marc Edelman, “a Central american Genocide: rubber, Slavery, nationalism, and the Destruction of the Guatusos-Malekus,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 40, no. 2 (2004): 356–390; Emily lynn Osborn, “‘rubber Fever’ Commerce and French Colonial rule in Upper Guinée 1890– 1913,” Journal of African History 45, no. 3 (2004): 445–465; robtel pailey, “Slavery ain’t Dead, it’s Manufactured in liberia’s rubber,” in From the Slave Trade to “Free” Trade: How Trade Undermines Democracy and Justice in Africa, ed. patrick Burnett and Firoze Manji (nairobi: Fahamu, 2007), 77–83.

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O’rourke, Morgan. “locked Out.” Risk Management 51, no. 12 (2004): 8–9. O’rourke, p. J. Republican Party Reptile: Essays and Outrages. new york: atlantic Monthly press, 1987. O’russell, David. I Heart Huckabees. Fox Searchlight pictures, 2004. Film. Osborn, Emily lynn. “‘rubber Fever’ Commerce and French Colonial rule in Upper Guinée 1890–1913.” Journal of African History 45, no. 3 (2004): 445–465. O’Toole, randal. The Best-Laid Plans: How Government Planning Harms Your Quality of Life, Your Pocketbook, and Your Future. Washington, DC: Cato institute, 2007. ———. “is Urban planning ‘Creeping Socialism’?” The Independent Review 4, no. 4 (2000): 501–516.

Yucatan: Cancun & Cozumel
by Bruce Conord and June Conord
Published 31 Aug 2000

Eight companions were garroted and 200 were flogged and had one ear cut off to mark them as rebels. One result of the crackdown by conservatives was the expulsion of the Jesuit order, who had been rivals of the Franciscans. This impaired the peninsula’s educational system, further retarding social progress. n Independence Day On September 28, 1821 three centuries of Spanish Colonial rule ended and Mexico, a free nation, was born. By then, the Yucatán reflected the turmoil that was going on back in Europe, where the French had overthrown the Spanish monarchy; and in Mexico, where elements of liberalism agitated for civil rights. Soon blood spilled. Traditional rivals, Campeche and Mérida fought for power while the entire peninsula ignored the rest of Mexico, which was embroiled in a series of continuing revolutions.

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A church was built on this location by Montejo in 1541, almost as soon as the Spanish had established themselves in the peninsula, but the cathedral that replaced it – begun in 1639 – wasn’t finished for a century and a half. One of its spires is known as the “Spanish Tower” because it was completed during Colonial rule in 1760. The other is “La Campechana,” which was finished in 1850. Farther down Calle 10 is the Mansion Carvajal !E!. This stately building has rich marble floors, undulating Arabic arches and a sweeping staircase. It was the former home of Don Fernando Carvajal Estrada, one of Campeche’s richest hacienda owners.

Overbooked: The Exploding Business of Travel and Tourism
by Elizabeth Becker
Published 16 Apr 2013

During an African safari in Zambia, the normal road to our base camp was flooded, forcing our Land Cruiser to take a circuitous route through the hills and allowing me a rare glimpse, at twilight, of one of Africa’s majestic sable antelopes. They could disappear, I was told repeatedly, since those wildlife parks are still viewed suspiciously as a legacy of white colonial rule rather than as an essential part of Africa’s culture. The most familiar countries offered surprises. During my first research trip to Cambodia I asked the minister of tourism a basic question: what is the most popular tourist spot in Phnom Penh, the capital? His answer was “Tuol Sleng.” I nearly dropped my pen.

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Beneath the surface, the idea of a safari is loaded with the baggage of European colonization begun in the late-nineteenth-century “scramble for Africa” that didn’t fully end until the 1960s and beyond. The Europeans conquered some 10 million square miles of territory, tore apart traditional African nations and tribes, reassembling the land into thirty colonies ruled by white foreigners: British, French, German, Belgium, Portuguese and Italian. They extracted great wealth and treasure and subjugated the natives in a rivalry for empire. The Europeans also treated the immense continent as their private hunting ground, killing Africa’s magnificent animals for trophies and sport at such a rate that some Europeans began to worry.

Killing Hope: Us Military and Cia Interventions Since World War 2
by William Blum
Published 15 Jan 2003

John Gunther, hardly a radical, summed up the situation this way: "So the first—and best—chance for building a united Korea was tossed away."21 And Alfred Crofts, a member of the American military government at the time, has written that "A potential unifying agency became thus one of the fifty-four splinter groups in South Korean political life."22 Syngman Rhee would be Washington's man: eminently pro-American, strongly anti-Communist, sufficiently controllable. His regime was one in which landlords, collaborators, the wealthy, and other conservative elements readily found a home. Crofts has pointed out that "Before the American landings, a political Right, associated in popular thought with colonial rule, could not exist; but shortly afterward we were to foster at least three conservative factions."23 Committed to establishing free enterprise, the USAMGIK sold off vast amounts of confiscated Japanese property, homes, businesses, industrial raw materials and other valuables. Those who could most afford to purchase these assets were collaborators who had grown rich under the Japanese, and other profiteers.

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He called for the nation's economic as well as political liberation and did not shy away from contact with socialist countries. At the Independence Day ceremonies he probably managed to alienate all the attending foreign dignitaries with his speech, which read in part: Our lot was eighty years of colonial rule ... We have known tiring labor exacted in exchange for salary which did not allow us to satisfy out hunger ... We have known ironies, insults, blows which we had to endure morning, noon, and night because we were "Negroes" ... We have known that the law was never the same depending on whether it concerned a white or a Negro ...

Lemon Tree: An Arab, a Jew, and the Heart of the Middle East
by Sandy Tolan
Published 1 Jan 2006

Much of the friction had its roots in the Arab Rebellion. Nationalists, aligned with the ex-mufti, saw the elite or "notable" class as too willing to sell out Palestine to the Jews; for the notables, it was better to get something than nothing: Arabs had to accept the reality of the Zionists. The surrounding Arab states, just emerging from colonial rule into fledgling independence, had their own agendas. Publicly, Arab governments proclaimed their support for the ex-mufti's goal of a single independent state in Palestine and pledged to send armies to defend the Palestinian Arabs if necessary. Privately, however, some Arab leaders harbored deep reservations about joining any future conflict and were wary of one another's territorial ambitions for Palestine.

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Whatever the circumstances, the news itself would not be forgotten: On the recommendation of the United Nations Special Committee on Palestine, the UN General Assembly had voted, thirty-three states in favor, thirteen opposed, with ten abstaining, to partition Palestine into two separate states—one for the Arabs and one for the Jews. A UN minority report, which recommended a single state for Arabs and Jews, with a constitution respecting "human rights and fundamental freedoms without distinction as to race, sex, language or religions," was rejected. Palestine was to be divided. After three decades of colonial rule, the British would leave on May 15, 1948. If all went according to plan, the Arab and Jewish states would be born on the same day. The Khairis were in shock. Under the UN partition plan, their hometown of al-Ramla, along with neighboring Lydda and the coastal city of Jaffa, was to become part of an Arab Palestinian state.

Lancaster
by John Nichol
Published 27 May 2020

A fellow crewman, Sam King, a future Mayor of Southwark (the first black mayor in London, and one of the founders of the Notting Hill Carnival), remarked that, ‘The RAF taught me two things: the importance of discipline and the importance of honesty.’4 * * * Cy’s friend, eighteen-year-old William ‘Billy’ Strachan, had left school in Kingston, Jamaica, in December 1939 and started work as a Civil Service clerk. Like so many of his contemporaries, he still regarded Britain as the Mother Country, even though there had been nothing particularly motherly about her administration in the Caribbean. There had been some slow improvement in the twentieth century, but colonial rule had been divisive and discriminatory. By the mid-1930s, the seeds of independence were already sown, but when Billy heard appeals on the radio to members of the Empire to take part in the war effort, he was inspired by the spirit of adventure and the desire to prevent an evil regime from imposing itself on humanity.

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I also think that his awareness of my mother’s huge suffering and loss in war made him feel that his experience was somewhat privileged.’8 * * * Former Lancaster pilot Billy Strachan hoped to settle once more in Jamaica with his wife Joyce and their three young sons. The spirited youth was now a war hero held in high regard, but gaining promotion in the Civil Service under white colonial rule remained as difficult as ever. He returned to Britain, where he became a senior Law Court clerk, and later head of equal opportunities with the Inner London Education Authority. After playing his part in the defeat of Nazism, he found himself immersed in a lifelong battle for equality. ‘We passionately believed that the abolition of exploitation of man by man, of oppression and of human degradation, could be achieved.’

Dictatorland: The Men Who Stole Africa
by Paul Kenyon
Published 1 Jan 2018

The ecstatic celebrations that followed were not confined to Côte d’Ivoire. Forced labour had become a brutal fixture in other French territories too – in the rubber plantations of French Guinea, and the salt mines of Senegal – and now it was over, thanks to Felix the Battering Ram. He had eliminated the hated symbol of colonial rule, and, in doing so, created a legend around himself overnight. Other decrees granted at the same time brought about the abolition of the indigénat, the harsh system of arbitrary justice in the colonies, and also opened the way for the establishment of African political parties. But it was the Houphouet-Boigny Law of 3 April 1946 that earned the Ivoirian leader the gratitude that would sustain him in power over the next five decades.

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He was photographed beside his friend, the justice minister François Mitterrand, white silk scarf knotted flamboyantly, trilby in hand, footmen helping him with his heavy coat. There were cocktail parties, lavish meals, visits to the theatre. He purchased properties around the capital, and spent more time in France than at home. But the winds of change sweeping across British territories had also reached those of the French. Many were no longer content living under colonial rule, albeit with democratic tweaks. Only self-government would do – a complete break with Paris. When change came, it was through France’s most bloody colonial conflict. By 1958 the French grip on its most promising source of oil – Algeria – was weakening, at the hands of the nationalist guerrillas of the FLN, the Front de Libération Nationale.

Fodor's Essential Belgium
by Fodor's Travel Guides
Published 23 Aug 2022

While much of its collection is invaluable from a scholarly point of view, it came at an incalculable cost, rooted in Leopold II’s brutal colonial rule. Even the building itself, built for Leopold II’s 1897 Exposition trumpeting his violent success in the Congo Free State (1885–1908), commemorated the names of those Belgians who died there, etched into its very walls; nothing on the 10 million Congolese estimated to have died under Belgian rule. It reopened in 2018 with less emphasis on explorers and stuffed wildlife (though there is still some). The new version focuses more on Congolese voices and accurately reflecting the horrific consequences of Belgium’s colonial rule (1908–62) of a country 76 times its own size.

Empire of Cotton: A Global History
by Sven Beckert
Published 2 Dec 2014

This was only a minuscule part of German cotton imports (indeed, Germany never got more than half a percent of its cotton supply from its colonies), but the rate of expansion (increasing by a factor of thirty-five in seven years) suggested that colonial cotton would have a bright future.64 Yet despite such a promising beginning, after 1909, further increases in cotton exports eluded the Tuskegee experts, the Colonial Economic Committee, and the German colonial administration. In 1913, the last full year of German colonial rule in Togo, cotton exports were slightly lower than they had been in 1909. The limits to such an expansion were largely rooted in the ways cotton fitted into the agricultural schemes of local producers. Ewe cultivators, after all, had their own ideas about commodity production, ideas that did not necessarily correspond with those of the Tuskegee experts or the German colonialists.

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There too, the promotion of cotton industrialization became a deliberate project of the state.42 Japan experienced an even greater boom in cotton manufacturing. Indeed, it was of such magnitude that Japan became in the course of just a few decades the world’s dominant cotton manufacturing power.43 Japan’s history shares some features with Brazil in the late nineteenth century: Neither of these countries was subject to direct colonial rule, but they were vulnerable to significant influences from abroad. They faced huge cotton textile imports. Their economic elites were rooted in a political economy radically different from that of domestic industrialization, but those elites saw new elements emerging that altered the sources of their income and the policy predilections of their class.

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hidReportRetrievalName=Table+04+Cotton+Area%2c+Yield%2c+and+Production&hidReportRetrievalID=851&hidReportRetrievalTemplateID=1; Biedermann, “Die Versorgung,” 3. 42. Revue des cultures coloniales 12–13 (1903): 302. 43. For Central Asia, see for example Richard A. Pierce, Russian Central Asia, 1867–1917: A Study in Colonial Rule (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1960), 135–36; Toksöz, “Çukurova,” 1, 13, 37, 79; Osterhammel, Kolonialismus, 17ff. 44. Nebol’sin, Ocherki torgovli Rossii, 25; Kostenko, Sredniaia Aziia, 213. 45. Nebol’sin, Ocherki torgovli Rossii, 25; Rozhkova, Ekonomicheskiie, 68; Whitman, “Turkestan Cotton,” 199, 200; Schanz, “Die Baumwolle,” 88, 368; Biedermann, “Die Versorgung,” 72; Sahadeo, “Cultures,” 3. 46.

The Devil's Chessboard: Allen Dulles, the CIA, and the Rise of America's Secret Government
by David Talbot
Published 5 Sep 2016

In fact, the power struggle between the new president and his CIA director started before Kennedy was even sworn in, when Dulles took advantage of the transition period to carry out a brazen act of insubordination. Patrice Lumumba was fleeing for his life. Sworn in less than six months earlier as the Congo’s first democratically elected leader, following the end of Belgium’s brutal colonial rule, Lumumba was now on the run from the CIA-backed Congolese military forces that had deposed him. Lumumba had broken free from house arrest in the capital, Leopoldville, on the evening of November 27, 1960. He was now making his way through a tropical downpour across the countryside to Stanleyville, a bastion of loyal nationalism some 750 miles to the east, where he hoped to raise an army and reclaim his office.

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As he continued to wrestle with fallout from the Bay of Pigs crisis, JFK was suddenly besieged with howls of outrage from a major ally, accusing his own security services of seditious activity. It was a stinging embarrassment for the new American president, who was scheduled to fly to Paris for a state visit the following month. To add to the insult, the coup had been triggered by de Gaulle’s efforts to bring French colonial rule in Algeria to an end—a goal that JFK himself had ardently championed. The CIA’s support for the coup was one more defiant display of contempt—a back of the hand aimed not only at de Gaulle but at Kennedy. JFK took pains to assure Paris that he strongly supported de Gaulle’s presidency, phoning Hervé Alphand, the French ambassador in Washington, to directly communicate these assurances.

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But to Kennedy—exhausted from the constant barrage of Cold War crises abroad and the turmoil within his own administration—that sounded exactly like what he wanted: a pleasure trip to Ireland. For Kennedy—whose eight great-grandparents had all left Ireland for Boston, part of the heartbreaking depopulation of the island under British colonial rule—returning to Ireland was both a homecoming and a farewell. The first U.S. president to visit Ireland—and an Irish American one at that—JFK was embraced by the Irish people as one of their own as he traveled throughout the island, visiting his ancestral homes and drinking tea and eating cold salmon sandwiches with his few remaining Irish relatives.

What Went Wrong? Western Impact and Middle Eastern Response
by Bernard Lewis
Published 1 Jan 2001

The later rise of the other new Asian economic powers brought only reproach. The proud heirs of ancient civilizations had got used to hiring Western firms to carry out tasks that their own contractors and technicians were apparently not capable of doing. Now they found themselves inviting contractors and technicians from Korea—only recently emerged from Japanese colonial rule—to perform these same tasks. Following is bad enough; limping in the rear is far worse. By all the standards that matter in the modern world—economic development and job creation, literacy and educational and scientific achievement, political freedom and respect for human rights—what was once a mighty civilization has indeed fallen low.

Nonviolence: The History of a Dangerous Idea
by Mark Kurlansky
Published 7 Apr 2008

There are several problems with this argument, the first being that the Danes and isolated groups of religious pacifists in other countries had demonstrated that even against Nazis nonviolence could achieve some goals. But those who dismiss Gandhi's accomplishments because they were “only against the British” are also overlooking how ruthless and brutal British colonial rule could be. The history of British rule on the Subcontinent belies this myth, especially their treatment of the Pathans along the Hindu Kush, with its strategic Khyber Pass, where the British tried to control by fear the gateway from Afghanistan to India for a century. In 1842 the British attempted to secure the area by sending their 4,500-man Army of the Indus through the Khyber Pass.

Demanding the Impossible: A History of Anarchism
by Peter Marshall
Published 2 Jan 1992

Winston Churchill’s ‘half-naked fakir’ had helped bring an empire to its knees but he was unable to hold back the violent passions checked by colonial rule. After being shot by a fellow Hindu in January 1948, the funeral of the penniless anarchist and pacifist became a huge State affair, organized by the military authorities, with a British general in charge. It was the final irony of a complex life. Gandhi once defined himself as a politician trying to be a saint. He was certainly a practical politician, ready to make compromises and forge temporary alliances in his overriding drive to make India independent of colonial rule. Even so, as George Orwell observed, he managed to shake empires by sheer spiritual power and ‘compared with the other leading political figures of our time, how clean a smell he has managed to leave behind!’.

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He wanted to restrict government to the regulation of contracts and provision of public works. Yet in arguing his case for representative government, he called for plural voting in which the educated would have more votes than the ignorant. Above all, he followed Rousseau in arguing that ‘Despotism is a legitimate mode of government in dealing with barbarians,’ thereby justifying colonial rule.11 It is Mill’s belief in the guiding role of an intellectual elite which prevents him from being regarded as an anarchist. He may have been a great libertarian in his defence of the freedoms of thought, expression and individuality, but he frequently stresses the need for intellectual authority rather than ‘intellectual anarchy’.12 He often pictured the happy society as one in which the people are voluntarily led by an elite of wise guardians.

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P. 378 Pol Pot 629 The Pole Star 310, 366 pulis 71, 564, 603, 608, 613 Polish nationalism 33, 255, 270, 271, 285, 310 Politics 502 Poll Tax riots (London) 494, 638 Pope, Alexander 15 Popular Front (Spain) 657 popular sovereignty 125–6 Popular State 325–6 Popular Will 305 population growth 198, 212, 331, 620, 627 Porete, Marguérite 88 Portugese Revolution 468 Possibilist Party 436 Post-Impressionism 431, 664 post-anarchism 677–9 post-left anarchism 672, 676, 679–80 post-modern anarchism 672, 678–9 post-structuralist anarchism 672, 677–8 Pouget, Emile 437, 441, 442 poverty 210, 237, 243, 326, 388 power 45–8, 647–8; Ballou 82; Comfort 594; Foucault 585–6; Nietzsche 159, 585; will to 47, 159, 232, 561; see also authority Powys, John Cowper 492 Prada, Manuel 509 Prague: Congress (1848) 271; rising (1848) 272; (1968) xiv Pravda 466 primirivism 683–4, 689 prisons 31, 585 El Productor 514–15 progress 202, 340 proletariat, dictatorship of 259, 297, 301, 304, 477, 508; see also class promises 205 property: State ownership 282; workers’ associations 281–2 property, views on: Aquinas 76; Bakunin 277, 281–2; Carpenter 169; De Sade 145, 147; Gandhi 531; Godwin 76, 210–11; Goldman 403; Kropotkin 326; Landauer 413; Malatesta 360; Morelly 118, 239; Proudhon 145, 211. 230, 238–9, 243–4, 253–4, 385; Reclus 343; Rousseau 123–4; Stirner 227, 230; Tolstoy 376, 378; Tucker 390; Warren 385; Winstanley 99 La Protesta 505 Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph 234–62; anarchist position ix, x, xiii, 5, 238, 239, 433–4, 682; association 625–7; attitude to women 49, 157, 256; authority 43; Bakunin 269–70; Christianity 74, 80; competition 218, 627; contracts 23, 247; democracy 23; direct action 7; equality 49, 255–7, 277; ethics 249–52; federalism 252–3, 255, 259; Fourier’s influence 149, 237–8, 242; freedom 40; government 1, 19–20; Holyoake on 134; human nature 248–9, 260, 322; ideal 303; imprisonment 245; influence 262, 270, 364–5, 366, 375, 431, 435, 446, 469, 479, 490, 498, 507, 543, 574, 587, 632, 682; justice 39, 49, 250, 255, 260; law 247; liberty 16, 575; Marx’s attack 26, 27; Morelly 118; motivation 156; nationalism 32, 33; natural order 16, 17, 592; politics 252–62; 657; property 145, 211, 230, 238–9, 243–4, 253–4, 497; revolution 658; society 13, 625, 628; Spencer on 167; State 245–6, 391; Tolstoy meeting 366; translations of works 389, 413, 453, 479, 498 Proudhonism 7, 236 Prove 553–4 Provo movement xiv, 485–6, 553–4, 638, 699 Prussia 285 psychiatry 31 public opinion, role of 649, 650–1; Bakunin’s view 278, 299; Godwin 31, 217, 329, 338, 372; Kropotkin 31, 329, 338; Proudhon 251; Tolstoy 372, 377; see also censure Pugachev, Yemelyan Ivanovich 283, 469 punishment, views on: anarchist 649; Foucault 585, 649; Godwin 29–31, 208; Kropotkin 31, 314–15; Stirner 230–1; Tolstoy 29, 380–1; Warren 387; Wilde 178–9 Purchase, Graham 689 Qobbath, King 86 Quakers 102–3, 496 La Questione Sociale 347, 505 Quit India movement 425 Rabelais, François 37, 108–9, 114, 344, 431, 604 race, views on: Bakunir 270, 306; Kroporkin 328; Proudhon 256–7; Reclus 340–1 Radical Review 389 Radin, Paul 607 Radowitsky, Simon 505 Ramaer, Hans 486 Rand, Ayn 561, 562 Ranters 4, 77–8, 96, 100, 102–7, 392, 487 Raspail, François Vincent 244 Ravachol, François-Gaudius 343, 438, 440 Rawls, John 50 Razin, Stepan Timofeyevich (Stenka) 283, 469 Read, Herbert 587–93, 602; anarchism 492, 580; Camus preface 582, Carpenter’s influence 169; education 589–90, 600; liberty and freedom 36; Nietzsche 155; Stirner 220, 221 Reagan, Ronald xiii, 559 Reason 249, 487, 592, 612 El Rebelde 516 Reclaim the Streets 697 Reclus, Elie 437 Reclus, Elisée 339–44, 437, 605, 693, 703; anarchy 189, 436; Bakunin correspondence 305; Bakunin’s funeral 436; First World War 353; food production 627; freedom 37; imprisonment 435; influence 439, 515, 516, 520, 689; Ishikawa 525; Kropotkin editions 313; Malatesta friendship 347; revolution 634 Red Brigades 452, 558 Red International 498 Reformation 78, 93, 96 Regeneración 510, 512 Reich, Wilhelm 41, 149, 540, 586, 592, 596 Reid, Jamie 493 Reinsdorf, August 481 Reitman, Ben 407–8 religion: Bakunin 80–1; De Sade 147; Godwin 201; Huxley’s Island 572–3; Left-Hegelians 223; relationship with anarchy 75; see also Buddhism, Christianity, Church, God Renaissance 4, 96, 108–9, 324 Le Représentant du Peuple 243 Resistance 502 Revelation, Book of 75, 87 Revolt 492 La Révolte 313, 341, 437 Le Revulté 313, 437, 632 La Revolution Ptolétarienne 584 revolution, views on: Bakunin 283–8, 299–308; Bookchin 616, 617; Camus 582, 583, 593; Comfort 596; Engels 637; Foucault 586; Godwin 218, 630; Goldman 405; Kropotkin 325–6; Landauer 412; Malatesta 357–8, 360; Most 416; Proudhon 243; Reclus 344; Stirner 583, 593 Rexroth, Kenneth 502 rhizomes 696 Rhodakanaty, Plotino 509–10 Richard, Albert 286 Richard II, King 90–1 Richards, Vernon 401, 465, 492 rights: anarcho-capitalist view 564; Bakunin’s view 296; Godwin 204–5; natural 110, 134; Paine 204; Stirner 226; Wollstonecraft 204 Ristori, Oreste 508 Ritter, Alan 40, 44 Rivera y Orbaneja, Miguel Primo de 457 Robbe-Grillet, Alain 148 Robespierre, Maximilien Marie Isidore de 128, 144, 146–7, 432, 629 Rocker, Rudolf 417–21, 482; anarchism 641; Arbeter Fraint 417–18, 482, 490; Chelčický 92; imprisonment 351; influence 578, 674; Jungen 417, 481; La Boétie 111; Landauer 414; Nation-State 34–5, 419; Nietzsche 155; revolutionary plans 444; Russian regime 477; wealth 356 Rodosha Rentai Undo 527 Roig de San Martin, Enrique 514 Roman: Church 75; Empire 18; Stoics 70 Romans, Epistle to 75, 106 Romanticism 122 Roosevelt, Theodore ix, 499–500 Rose Street Club 489 Rossetti, Arthur 491 Rossetti, Helen 491 Rossetti, Olivia 491 Rossetti, William Michael 491 Rossi, Giovanni 508 Roszak, Theodore 543, 603 Rothbard, Murray 561–2; anarchist position 641; individual bargaining power 46; La Boétie’s influence 112; Lockean position 560; Right libertarianism 642; Spooner’s influence 389, 502; Tucker’s influence 502 Rotten, Johnny 493–4 Rousseau, Jean-Jacques 121–8, 683, 684: civil liberty 37, 127; colonial rule 165; Enlightenment 115; freedom 38, 127; general will 18, 119, 127; influence 153, 246, 363, 431, 524; laws 126–7, 269; nationalism 32, 33; natural order 15, 124, 169, 643, 686; popular sovereignty 125–6; social contract 22, 126, 224, 228; State 18, 124, 126 Roux, Jacques 433 Royal Geographical Society 315 Rubin, Jerry 502, 543 Ruge, Arnold 222, 267, 268–9, 479 Rumpff (police officer) 481 Ruskin, John 331, 422 Russell, Bertrand 566–70, 676; anarchism xv; education 578; Goldman 400; law 648, 651; power 45; Rocker 419; State 645; work 655; world government 572 Russell, Dora 569 Russia 469–78, 699–70; empire 33; famine (1891–2) 370; Goldman’s stay 399–400, 404–5; narodniks 236, 311–12; Soviet Republic 334; Tsarist 266, 269, 273–4, 283, 309–13, 362–6, 370, 378–9, 382; see also Soviet Union, Ukraine Russian Revolution (1905) 379, 470 Russian Revolution (1917) x-xi, 5, 27, 333–4, 337, 353, 399–400, 470–1, 501, 504, 516, 524, 637, 681 Russo-Japanese War 524 Sacco, Nicola 501, 568, 634 Sadduccees 85 Sainte-Beuve, Charles Augustin 234 St George’s Hill, Surrey see George’s Hill Saint-lmier Conference (1877) 505, 510 Saint-lmier International (1872) 302, 484 St Petersburg 311–12 Saint-Simon, Claude Henri de Rouvroy, comte de 17, 152, 164, 238, 256, 479 Salmon, Joseph 102 Salome, Lou 157 Salt, Henry 491 Samuels, H.

The Wealth and Poverty of Nations: Why Some Are So Rich and Some So Poor
by David S. Landes
Published 14 Sep 1999

Baber, Zaheer. 1996. The Science of Empire: Scientific Knowledge, Civilization, and Colonial Rule in India. Albany: SUNY Press. Baechler, Jean, John A. Hall, and Michael Mann, eds. 1988. Europe and the Rise of Capitalism. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Bagchi, Amiya Kumar. 1976. “De-industrialization in India in the Nineteenth Century: Some Theoretical Implications,” J. Devel. Studies, 12, 2 (January), 135-64. Bahl, Vinay. 1994. “The Emergence of Large-scale Steel Industry in India under British Colonial Rule, 1880-1907,” Indian Econ. and Soc. Hist. Rev., 31, 4 (October-December), 413-60. —————. 1995.

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Some of these gains flowed from opening and trade. To cite John Stuart Mill, writing from a British/Smithian perspective in the middle of the nineteenth century, “…the tendency of every extension of the market [is] to improve the processes of production.”17 All of these trade effects depended on the nature of colonial rule. Some masters were richer and more ambitious. The colonials typically built useful things—roads, railroads, port facilities, buildings, water supply, waste disposal units, and the like. They made the natives pay for these improvements in labor and taxes, but they could have just kept the money.

Finding Zero: A Mathematician's Odyssey to Uncover the Origins of Numbers
by Amir D. Aczel
Published 6 Jan 2015

It was fun to speculate on such things, and it kept me entertained as I waited to hear about the fate of my precious find. In Bangkok, it helped me relieve the immense tension of waiting for news about the fate of K-127 and whether Hab Touch would follow through on his promise. George Cœdès returned to his native France some years after French colonial rule in Indochina ended, as these new nations grappled with questions of democracy, parliaments, monarchy, and Communism. In Paris, he had a prestigious academic position and continued to write papers and books about Southeast Asia. He was highly decorated, having been awarded the rank of commander in Thailand’s Order of the White Elephant, as well as France’s prestigious Legion of Honor.

Heroic Failure: Brexit and the Politics of Pain
by Fintan O'Toole
Published 22 Jan 2018

They stopped grieving over the loss of the thirteen American Colonies in the exhilaration of making the Industrial Revolution and acquiring a new empire in India. In our day we have had recourse to this simple but effective British philosophy once again in meeting our own generation’s ordeal. Recognising, as we did in good time, that the days of colonial rule were numbered, we decided to make the liquidation of our 19th-century Empire into a festival instead of a funeral. We christened it the transformation of the Empire into the Commonwealth… Simultaneously we found another new world to win within the coasts of our own island. In our generation we have won not only the Commonwealth but the Welfare State… The Welfare State and the Commonwealth are obviously two of those exhilarating enterprises that are England’s traditional prescription for easing the painfulness of change.

"They Take Our Jobs!": And 20 Other Myths About Immigration
by Aviva Chomsky
Published 23 Apr 2018

In this respect, postindustrial immigration to the United States was not unique. European countries were experiencing the same phenomenon. Industrialization had been accompanied, everywhere that it occurred in the late nineteenth century, by colonial expansion—military, political, and economic. (Sometimes this expansion took the form of direct colonial rule; sometimes it consisted of informal means of control.) Deindustrialization, in the late twentieth century, was accompanied by immigration from former colonies. These different events were part of an interconnected historical process, and to understand the differences between the two waves of immigration, we need to understand the entire historical process.

Strange Rebels: 1979 and the Birth of the 21st Century
by Christian Caryl
Published 30 Oct 2012

For centuries, scholars from all over the Muslim world have come to Cairo to study at al-Azhar University, the Islamic world’s leading academic institution. Among them were many Afghans, figures of considerable learning and stature who transmitted the new ideas of the Muslim Brothers back to their home country. One of the most influential Islamists of the century was neither an Arab nor a Persian. Abul Ala Mawdudi was born under British colonial rule in India in 1903. Mawdudi chose a religious education, but for family reasons he ended up attending several seminaries rather than completing his studies at a single one, as was the norm. This exposure to a variety of schools, as well as his fluency in English, uniquely predisposed him to a vision of Islam that ignored parochial bounds.

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By the time the lease approached its renewal date, it was clear that the era of colonialism had passed and that the Chinese government was no longer willing to consider an extension of the arrangement. And if Britain could no longer control the New Territories, it could no longer hope to hang on to Hong Kong proper, either. It was time for colonial rule to end. But there is, of course, a deeper logic to the visual union of Thatcher and Deng—though it is not mentioned on the commemorative plaque. It was these two figures who did more to promote the market-driven globalization of the late twentieth century than just about anyone else. Their ideological origins could not have been further apart—Deng the devoted Communist, Thatcher the dedicated Cold Warrior—but their rhetoric was often strikingly similar.

The Pentagon's Brain: An Uncensored History of DARPA, America's Top-Secret Military Research Agency
by Annie Jacobsen
Published 14 Sep 2015

Melby, was a joint State Department–Defense Department diplomatic effort to determine the long-range nature of American objectives in the region. Its real purpose, classified secret, was to examine how communist-backed fighters, also called insurgents or guerrillas, were resisting and undermining French colonial rule in Vietnam. When the Melby-Erskine team arrived in Vietnam, French military officers handed General Erskine and his associates five thousand pages of reports to read. Erskine found the request ridiculous. The French “haven’t won a war since Napoleon,” he told Godel and the team. “Why listen to a bunch of second raters when they are losing this war?”

…

To Godel, the ramifications were profound. The French wanted the soldiers’ minds; the South Vietnamese brought them heads. French commanders wanted intelligence; South Vietnamese soldiers wanted revenge. The way Godel saw it, the French colonialists were trying to fight the Viet Minh guerrillas according to colonial rules of war. But the South Vietnamese, who were receiving weapons and training from the French forces, were actually fighting a different kind of war, based on different rules. Guerrilla warfare was irrational. It was asymmetrical. It was about cutting off the enemy’s head to send a message back home.

The Accidental Empire: Israel and the Birth of the Settlements, 1967-1977
by Gershom Gorenberg
Published 1 Jan 2006

Terrorism, says Rapoport, was invented to “provoke government to respond indiscriminately, undermining…its own credibility and legitimacy.”14 Fatah cribbed the strategy from The Wretched of the Earth, psychiatrist and revolutionary Frantz Fanon’s treatise on decolonization, which anointed “absolute violence” as the only means of ending colonial rule. By killing, rebels would spur rulers to slaughter, in turn provoking more of the oppressed to rise up. Murder, wrote Fanon, is also therapeutic; it “frees the native from his inferiority complex…it makes him fearless and restores his self-respect.”15 Put bluntly, he prescribed killing to heal the injured masculinity of the colonized.

…

The rest of the land could conceivably, in some indefinite future, be turned over to Jordan, he said, though the economic ties would remain. Explaining why Israel should spend money on social services for the territories, he recalled a visit to the West African country of Togo. People still had good memories there of German colonial rule before World War I, he said; the Germans “left orchards and culture.” Israel, he argued, should follow the example of benevolent colonialism. “I’m going to explode,” Sapir interrupted, saying he cared more about poverty inside Israel than “the Bedouin woman in the Sinai you describe so emotionally,” and insisting that Dayan’s “integration” meant annexation.38 Sapir had more support in the cabinet than in Beersheba, and Dayan’s proposals were rejected.

The Washington Connection and Third World Fascism
by Noam Chomsky
Published 24 Oct 2014

One wrote that the Filipinos have already accepted the arbitrament of war, and war is the worst condition conceivable, especially when waged by an Anglo-Saxon race which despises its opponent as an alien or inferior people. Yet the Filipinos accepted it with a full knowledge of its horror and of the sacrifices in life and property which they knew they would be called upon to make.108 The period of explicit colonial rule, lasting from 1898 to 1946 (with a brief World War II interregnum of Japanese occupation), was characterized by economic and political domination by U.S. administrators and a local and U.S.-based economic elite. The local elite was made up largely of major landholders whose interests were cemented to those of the United States by the privileged U.S. market position of Philippine sugar, though there was also a business class, partly independent but much of it servicing predominant U.S. economic interests.

…

The Philippine Communist Party (PKP), which had been in the forefront of the anti-Japanese guerrilla struggle, attempted “to enter the Philippine political arena legally through a front political party, the Democratic Alliance (DA),” but “failed, as DA-elected members of the Philippine Congress were denied their seats...”110 The insurgency that followed was suppressed with extensive U.S. aid. This peasant rebellion had its roots in grievances and injustices that had become increasingly severe under U.S. colonial rule, and was a direct consequence of the violence and lawlessness of the elites linked to the U.S. colonial system and the brutal postwar repression of the anti-Japanese resistance forces by the United States, which lent its support to the Japanese collaborators among the landowning classes and devoted itself to destruction of the anti-Japanese resistance, very much as in Thailand, and for essentially the same reasons.

1968: The Year That Rocked the World
by Mark Kurlansky
Published 30 Dec 2003

The French government had grown concerned at the level of animosity that France’s allies had been directing at it. France was enjoying a quiet and prosperous moment. After World War II, the Republic had fought its own Vietnam war, a fact that de Gaulle seemed to have forgotten. Ho Chi Minh, America’s enemy, had been born under French colonial rule the same year as de Gaulle and had spent most of his life fighting the French. He had once lived in Paris under the pseudonym Nguyen O Phap, which means “Nguyen who hates the French.” During World War II, Franklin Roosevelt had warned de Gaulle that after the war France should give Indochina its independence.

…

Díaz Ordaz, as president of Mexico, the appointed leader of the PRI, the Institutional Revolutionary Party, was heir to the revolution and guardian of the stated contradiction in the ruling party’s carefully worded name. In 1910 Mexico had been a labyrinth of political chaos and social injustice. Centuries of inept colonial rule followed by corrupt dictatorships and foreign occupations then culminated in thirty years of one-man rule. It was a familiar pattern. After years of chaos, the dictator Porfirio Díaz offered stability. But in 1910 he was eighty years old and had arranged for no successor or any institutions to outlast him.

War of Shadows: Codebreakers, Spies, and the Secret Struggle to Drive the Nazis From the Middle East
by Gershom Gorenberg
Published 19 Jan 2021

Besides that, citizens had been imprisoned without charges “for the security of the state.” When Prime Minister Mustafa el-Nahas had held elections in March, “certain opposition candidates were told to withdraw… opposition voters were thrown into jail.” The British maintained “their 19th century tradition” of colonial rule by force, Fellers said. Only a few patriotic Egyptians showed leadership, preventing a rebellion by relying on Islam’s rationalist tradition and its prohibition of treason. When the war ended, Egypt would demand that Britain leave and give up control of the Suez Canal Zone. “Should these demands be rejected fighting will begin,” he concluded.13 The report sounded credible, certainly as a description of an educated political class that could read Mein Kampf.

…

Churchill spoke, characteristically, against tyranny and for the “liberation of the peoples of Europe.” He also declared that he had “not become the King’s First Minister in order to preside over the liquidation of the British Empire.” His words revealed the contradiction in the entire British imperial project, and in Churchill himself: the tectonic clash between democracy at home and colonial rule over hundreds of millions of people outside Europe.3 Churchill wanted to believe that the war would be a mere interlude and that the empire would endure. His words suggest he knew differently. The war could not preserve the empire. But in complex ways, it shaped what happened afterward, when the empire came undone.

Economic Gangsters: Corruption, Violence, and the Poverty of Nations
by Raymond Fisman and Edward Miguel
Published 14 Apr 2008

The presence of longstanding ethnic divisions further muddies the picture. Religious, language, and racial divides form the fault lines of today’s conflict. Chad’s south is mainly Christian and black, while northerners look to the Arab and Muslim worlds for identity and inspiration. Until the start of French colonial rule in the late nineteenth century, much of Chad’s black African population was enslaved by Muslim northerners, and not just by a privileged elite: even working class Muslim fishermen on Lake Chad owned black slaves. Chad seems caught in a “conflict trap”: poverty drives a desperate population to armed violence; armed violence begets more poverty; and the growing economic desperation generates ever more recruits for warring factions.

Not My Father's Son: A Memoir
by Alan Cumming
Published 6 Oct 2014

It had been part of the British Empire since the early nineteenth century, and its huge rubber and tin resources made it a hugely valuable asset to the UK. But after the Second World War, Malaya saw growing unrest as its economy suffered, and soon the Malayan National Liberation Army, the military arm of the Malayan Communist Party, began a campaign to disrupt British trade in an attempt to overthrow its colonial rule. In 1948 three European plantation managers were murdered and what became known as the Malayan Emergency began. (Actually the Malayans called it the “Anti-British National Liberation War,” but the rubber and tin companies used the term “emergency” because they would not have been able to claim for any losses from Lloyds of London had the term “war” been used.

Revolting!: How the Establishment Are Undermining Democracy and What They're Afraid Of
by Mick Hume
Published 23 Feb 2017

To suggest that we could reform the EU in a progressive, democratic way today is on a par with those who suggested it was possible to reform England’s absolute monarchy, to make it less autocratic and meet the needs of the people, right until the morning of the execution of King Charles I in 1649; or those who proposed a reformed, more consensual form of British colonial rule at the moment when the Declaration of American independence was being signed in 1776. As Tom Paine put it, arguing for ruling monarchies to be abolished rather than reformed and preserved in the revolutionary era of the eighteenth century: ‘It will always happen when a thing is originally wrong that amendments do not make it right, and it often happens that they do as much mischief one way as good the other.’3 There are moments in history where the only hope for freedom lies with beheading the tyrant, or kicking out the oppressors.

Think Like a Freak
by Steven D. Levitt and Stephen J. Dubner
Published 11 May 2014

These new colonial borders often split up large, harmonious ethnic groups. Suddenly, some members of the group became residents of one new country; others, a second country—along with, often, members of a different ethnic group with whom the first group wasn’t so harmonious. Ethnic strife tended to be tamped down by colonial rule, but when the Europeans eventually returned to Europe, the African countries where unfriendly ethnic groups had been artificially jumbled were far more likely to devolve into war. The scars of colonialism still haunt South America as well. Spanish conquistadors who found silver or gold in Peru, Bolivia, and Colombia would enslave the locals to work in the mines.

The Politics of Pain
by Fintan O'Toole
Published 2 Oct 2019

In 1962, Arnold Toynbee made a crucial point about the ways in which the English had historically avoided occasions for self-pity: In the past the English have avoided the awful mistake of crying over spilt milk. They have quickly found and milked new cows, instead of standing still and wringing their hands. … In our day we have had recourse to this simple but effective British philosophy once again in meeting our own generation’s ordeal. Recognising, as we did in good time, that the days of colonial rule were numbered, we decided to make the liquidation of our 19th-century Empire into a festival instead of a funeral. … Simultaneously we found another new world to win within the coasts of our own island. In our generation we have won not only the Commonwealth but the Welfare State… The Welfare State and the Commonwealth are obviously two of those exhilarating enterprises that are England’s traditional prescription for easing the painfulness of change.29 Toynbee’s point about the Commonwealth is probably, in the long term, wrong – it may have eased the pain of withdrawing from Empire but it has never been an English exhilaration.

Empires of the Weak: The Real Story of European Expansion and the Creation of the New World Order
by Jason Sharman
Published 5 Feb 2019

In Empires and Indigenes: Intercultural Alliances, Imperial Expansion, and Warfare in the Early Modern World, edited by Wayne E. Lee, 81–106. New York: New York University Press. Peers, Douglas M. 2015. “Military Revolution and State Formation Reconsidered: Mir Qasim, Haider Ali and Transition to Colonial Rule in the 1760s.” In Chinese and Indian Warfare: From the Classical Age to 1870, edited by Roy Kaushik and Peter Lorge, 302–323. Abingdon, UK: Routledge. Perdue, Peter C. 2005. China Marches West. The Qing Conquest of Central Eurasia. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Phillips, Andrew. 2011.

Squid Empire: The Rise and Fall of the Cephalopods
by Danna Staaf
Published 14 Apr 2017

Our knowledge of these evolutionary changes owes a tremendous debt to one particular location on the planet where the soft bodies of coleoids fossilized in abundance.24 In 1883, when Palaeoctopus was first described, the rocks it came from were part of the Ottoman Empire.25 In 1944, when the French paleontologist Jean Roger published “Le plus ancien Céphalopode Octopode fossil connu,” the newly independent Lebanese government had just overturned French colonial rule.26 It’s time to take a little detour into the intertwined history of humans and fossils. Fossils in History: From Fishing Fields to Buffalo Stones People have noticed fossils of shelled cephalopods all over the world since ancient times, but soft-bodied fossils have been much harder to come by.

Great American Railroad Journeys
by Michael Portillo
Published 26 Jan 2017

Mindful of the scale of loss without resolution, he wanted to keep up morale in the Union and steady the nerve of those who had doubts. Yet he also hoped to reach out to those in the south who were also mourning their dead and feeling disillusioned by the war. Instinctively, he knew he needed to reference the lofty ideals of the Declaration of Independence, to recall how courageously Americans had freed themselves from colonial rule less than a century previously. Crucially, he wanted to remind people that liberty and equality were at the heart of those actions. The battle at Gettysburg left thousands dead and was the most costly confrontation of the war in human terms. It compares with fewer than 5,000 fallen soldiers at the first Battle of Bull Run.

The City: A Global History
by Joel Kotkin
Published 1 Jan 2005

The prospect of great new possibilities made these cities irresistible, not only to the entrepreneurial and professional elites, but also to a swelling migrant population made up of dispossessed farmers and small-town artisans. Cities such as Bombay, Calcutta, Delhi, Lahore, Lagos, Cairo, and Manila swelled to many times their size under colonial rule. Bombay’s population, for example, increased from less than 1.5 million in 1941 to more than 15 million by century’s end.28 A FATEFUL BREAK IN URBAN HISTORY In many cases, this huge expansion of cities occurred without a corresponding increase in either wealth or power. Such a development represents a tragic and fateful break in urban history.

Ghost Train to the Eastern Star: On the Tracks of the Great Railway Bazaar
by Paul Theroux
Published 9 Sep 2008

In stretches of the lake, floating villages were whole water-world communities of houseboats and buoyant huts, an economy of water people enclosed by the perimeters of their nets and bobbing net floats. These fishing communities looked self-sufficient, orderly and discreetly territorial, far from government intrusion and regulation. Even before Pol Pot, the government in Cambodia, whether French colonial rule or American puppetry, had brought nothing but war and destruction, torture and death. Left to themselves, in the middle of this lake, the Cambodian water people functioned perfectly. Sitting side by side on the roof of the boat, using our small duffle bags as cushions, Mark and I talked about Angkor and what we’d seen.

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If the worst happens and you kill a pedestrian you must leave the scene swiftly; linger and you will be killed by the crowd, who will then take all your belongings, and your car. I first heard this in 1964 in Nyasaland, and as recently as a few years ago in East Africa. I stopped typing and thought: Bad government in Africa, beginning with colonial rule, has cheated the people and created a crack that has become a yawning gap. Stepping into that gap are gang-bangers, thieves and meddlers from outside – mythomaniacs, rock stars, celebrities, ex-presidents, politicians, tycoons, people atoning for some personal weakness or debauchery, for their trivial lives or their pop songs.

Straight to Hell: True Tales of Deviance, Debauchery, and Billion-Dollar Deals
by John Lefevre
Published 4 Nov 2014

Carpet or Cock Living in the Mandarin Oriental is great while I get acclimated, but after a few months, I’m ready to move into my own apartment, which according to my company’s housing allowance turns out to be a three-bedroom on the forty-sixth floor of a brand-new luxury Mid-Levels tower. Bear in mind that the average-sized apartment for a family of four in Hong Kong is approximately 550 square feet, and that I’m coming in at over three times that size, as a single guy who will spend most of his time in the office or on an airplane. That, added to the legacy of decades of colonial rule, may help explain why there is some resentment toward expats in Hong Kong, particularly in the office. My first order of business, after taking down half the Minotti store, is to find a suitable maid. There is no shortage of experts to guide me in this process. During my many “Welcome to Asia” dinners, this becomes a frequent topic of conversation.

Shorter: Work Better, Smarter, and Less Here's How
by Alex Soojung-Kim Pang
Published 10 Mar 2020

After spending several winter nights grazing my way across Seoul’s vibrant street-food scene and following a strict diet of skewers of food grilled on open-air braziers, the private tatami room at the Millennium Hilton is a pleasant change; the quiet also makes it easier for me to hear the pair of interpreters who are with us. Korea is an unlikely laboratory for experiments in shortening the workweek. In 1953, after decades of Japanese colonial rule, World War II, and the devastation of the Korean War, South Korea was one of the poorest countries in the world. Nearly seventy years later, its economy had grown an astounding 31,000 fold, and it was one of fifteen countries in the world with an annual GDP of more than $1 trillion. Hard-driving high-tech companies like Hyundai, Samsung, and LG helped transform this small, resource-poor, and rugged country into a global economic and cultural powerhouse.

I'm Judging You: The Do-Better Manual
by Luvvie Ajayi
Published 12 Sep 2016

History is crowded with people who just randomly showed up in Africa and grabbed some land, like the cradle of civilization is a Monopoly board. There are too many countries on the continent that celebrate fifty-year (or less) national anniversaries because they just recently got independence from Britain, Spain, or France. The only African country to have never been under colonial rule at any point is Ethiopia. Robbing a place of its resources and pilfering the land dry can get tiring after a couple of centuries, so when colonialists decided to be done with wherever they had conquered, they left behind political, socioeconomic, and class-structure issues that rendered countries in shambles.

The Behavioral Investor
by Daniel Crosby
Published 15 Feb 2018

Rattails were being turned in by the dozens, but the rats in the street didn’t seem to be getting any less numerous. Instead, the clever Vietnamese were severing the tails, turning them in for the money, and releasing the rats back into the sewers to make more baby rats whose tails could eventually be lopped off. A similar incident was observed in India during the time of British colonial rule. A reward was set for every dead cobra and so enterprising Indians began to – you guessed it – raise cobras on snake farms. The Cobra Effect is now shorthand for what is officially referred to as Campbell’s’ Law, which states, “when a measure becomes a target, it ceases to be a good measure.” Campbell says of the tendency for measurement to corrupt efficacy, “The more any quantitative social indicator is used for social decision-making, the more subject it will be to corruption pressures and the more apt it will be to distort and corrupt the social processes it is intended to monitor.”

Half In, Half Out: Prime Ministers on Europe
by Andrew Adonis
Published 20 Jun 2018

As Bew suggests, if we are to learn lessons from his great reforming government, it is more in terms of its ethos than in its specific policy programme. We cannot go back to 1945, in foreign policy terms as much as in any other respect. Nor should we wish to. When Attlee died, Britain still had an empire and we should be proud of the role that Labour governments played in ending colonial rule over much of the world. But there are also profound challenges that any social-democratic government faces today which Attlee did not have to take into account to the same extent, notably those challenges we associate with a globalised economy and powerful multinational corporates. In the aftermath of war, Britain’s institutions and its political class emerged strengthened in the political and popular imagination.

Scotland’s Jesus: The Only Officially Non-Racist Comedian
by Frankie Boyle
Published 23 Oct 2013

India is like an old couple that has won the lottery and Cameron just happened to ‘pop by’ with the head of HSBC to see if there’s any gardening he can help them with or if they need anything from the shops. While in India, David wore a bandana, went barefoot and made a chapatti. So, that should make up for years of colonial rule and the Amritsar massacre. Cameron’s going to divert money from the foreign aid budget to defence, by cleverly rebranding missions as ‘conflict prevention’. Fair enough. After all, the more people that die in military activity, the less there are left to need aid. But the charities aren’t happy.

The Rebel and the Kingdom: The True Story of the Secret Mission to Overthrow the North Korean Regime
by Bradley Hope
Published 1 Nov 2022

Then he encountered a book that would change the course of his life. 2 THE PRESENT IS NO DIFFERENT PYONGYANG 1968 Kang Chol-hwan was born in 1968 in Pyongyang, North Korea’s capital, but his parents were brought up mostly in Japan. From the late 1950s, Zainichi Koreans—ethnic Koreans who had migrated to Japan during Japan’s colonial rule over Korea or in the late 1940s in search of better opportunities—were steadily fed propaganda promoting North Korea as a socialist paradise. Kim Il-sung himself delivered remarks welcoming returnees, dangling a life with quality education and dignified work as rightful citizens. The call for repatriation was a joint effort.

Frommer's Egypt
by Matthew Carrington
Published 8 Sep 2008

Debts driven by the expense of modernization, a profligate elite, and 1875 Egypt’s financial situation were so precarious that the country’s share of the Suez Canal was sold to the British. 301 THE BRITISH INVASION The British seizure of power was more like a bank sending in the bailiffs to secure the assets of a failed business than a military conquest. A small force of British soldiers landed in Ismailia in the fall of 1882, ostensibly to put down an army mutiny. They were to stay in Egypt until the mid1950s, propping up a series of rulers who were little more than facades maintained to provide local legitimacy to colonial rule. The major development in Egypt under the British occupation was commercialized tourism. Fueled by images of ancient ruins brought back by the French expedition, Egypt quickly became a required stop on any grand tour. At first, the reserve of the wealthy few, by the end of the 19th century, with British troops on the ground in Cairo to guarantee the safety of Her Majesty’s middle classes, Egypt had become open to anybody with time for a vacation and the money for passage on one of the regular liners.

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German and Italian tank and infantry had been making rapid eastward progress that, had it not been halted, would have resulted in them capturing strategically vital supply routes and oil supplies and dealing the Allied war effort in Europe a serious blow. Ultimately victorious at Al Alamein, however, the Allies were then able to reverse the defeats of the previous months and put an end to German and Italian ambitions in the Middle East. THE MODERN PHARAOHS By the end of World War II, it was clear that the era of direct colonial rule in the region was over. The process of a negotiated British 14_259290-bapp01.qxp 7/22/08 12:40 AM Page 305 H I S TO RY 1 0 1 withdrawal from Egypt had actually started in the mid-1930s, with treaties such as the 1936 Anglo–Egyptian Treaty, which provided for the withdrawal of British troops from the country.

Free Speech: Ten Principles for a Connected World
by Timothy Garton Ash
Published 23 May 2016

Moreover, the historian Neeti Nair has shown how the wording of another section of the penal code, 295A, which forbids outrage to ‘religious feelings’ and insult to the religious beliefs of any ‘class’, was actively shaped by Indian politicians and intellectuals in the 1920s, while still under colonial rule.65 Yet the results are often perverse. Section 295A has been used to go after one of India’s most famous artists, M. F. Husain, for his abstract paintings of Hindu gods and goddesses, and to ban books on important Indian historical themes. Community leaders now routinely make political capital out of demanding the prosecution of someone who has allegedly offended their community.

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And even if it was justified a year ago, is it still necessary now? In general, the experts agree that there is a tendency for judicial deference towards the executive on matters of national security. An example is the Indian Supreme Court which, following the wording of an Official Secrets Act originally passed under British colonial rule in 1923, almost invariably seems to leave it to the government to decide what should or should not be an official secret.54 By contrast, Israel’s Supreme Court is often cited as a model of how judges can openly scrutinise state actions justified by national security. The Israeli Supreme Court’s judgements on issues such as targeted killings and preventive detentions have on occasion exemplified careful ethical as well as legal weighing of extraordinarily difficult issues.

Prisoners of Geography: Ten Maps That Explain Everything About the World (Politics of Place)
by Tim Marshall
Published 10 Oct 2016

There are several hundred languages, but the widespread use of French bridges that gap to a degree. The French comes from the DRC’s years as a Belgian colony (1908–60) and before that when King Leopold of the Belgians used it as his personal property from which to steal its natural resources to line his pockets. Belgian colonial rule made the British and French versions look positively benign and was ruthlessly brutal from start to finish, with few attempts to build any sort of infrastructure to help the inhabitants. When the Belgians left in 1960 they left behind little chance of the country holding together. The civil wars began immediately and were later intensified by a blood-soaked walk-on role in the global Cold War.

The Global Minotaur
by Yanis Varoufakis and Paul Mason
Published 4 Jul 2015

So, when the fiscal weakness of the British state came to the fore, its fast-declining industry proved unable to provide London with the necessary revenues, the Labour Party swept to power in 1945, and Britain’s political elite displayed a certain reluctance to come to terms with the impending end of empire, the scene was set for Britain’s marginalization. The final straw was the slide of the pound to eventual non-convertibility. It gave the New Dealers an excuse to leave Britain on the margins of the Global Plan. It took the 1956 Suez Canal trauma and the CIA’s constant undermining of its colonial rule in Cyprus throughout the 1950s for Britain to realize this turn in US thinking.6 Once Britain was deemed ‘inappropriate’, the choice of Germany and Japan appeared increasingly logical. Both countries had been rendered dependable (thanks to the overwhelming presence of the US military); both featured solid industrial bases; and both offered a highly skilled workforce and a people that would jump at the opportunity of rising, phoenix-like, from the ashes.

The New Economics: A Bigger Picture
by David Boyle and Andrew Simms
Published 14 Jun 2009

When Russia threatened to turn the gas off from the Ukraine pipeline if it joined Nato, that was one of the problems of interdependence. But the cultural awareness of interdependence can be traced back at least as far as the depiction of city life depending on its rural hinterland in Virgil’s Eclogues, written over 2000 years ago. More recently, during India’s struggle to escape British colonial rule in the first half of the 20th century, Gandhi went to great lengths to demonstrate the simultaneous importance of interdependence. In 1929, he said: Interdependence is and ought to be as much the ideal of man as selfsufficiency. Man is a social being… If man were so placed or could so place himself as to be absolutely above all dependence on his fellow beings, he would become so proud and arrogant as to be a veritable burden and nuisance to the world.4 The UN conference on human rights in 1993, which produced the Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action, said that: ‘All human rights are universal, indivisible, interdependent and interrelated.’

A Swamp Full of Dollars: Pipelines and Paramilitaries at Nigeria's Oil Frontier
by Michael Peel
Published 1 Jan 2009

Among non-fiction, Where Vultures Feast by Oronto Douglas and Ike Okonta is a passionate and insightful account of the crisis in the Niger Delta. The Next Gulf by Andrew Rowell, James Marriott and Lorne Stockman takes a broad and helpful look at Nigeria and the politics of world oil. I found both Michael Crowder’s A History of West Africa Under Colonial Rule and the British National Archives records very useful in understanding Nigeria’s place in the world imperialist jigsaw. Finally, Omoyele Sowore and his colleagues at Sahara Reporters – www.saharareporters.com – have delivered regular brilliant exposés on the vast nexus of corruption around oil in Nigeria. 

How to Write Like Tolstoy: A Journey Into the Minds of Our Greatest Writers
by Richard Cohen
Published 16 May 2016

In an essay of 1992, printed eleven years after Midnight’s Children was published, Salman Rushdie discusses the unreliable narrator at the heart of that novel. “I hope,” he writes, “that Midnight’s Children is far from being an authoritative guide to the history of post-independence India.” The years after colonial rule are seen through the eyes of Saleem Sinai, who makes various mistakes of reporting during the course of the book. Rushdie points out that, although he did make some errors unintentionally (in his description of the Amritsar massacre, for example, he describes the “fifty white troops” who opened fire, when in fact they were not white), he went to some trouble to get things wrong.

The Journey of Humanity: The Origins of Wealth and Inequality
by Oded Galor
Published 22 Mar 2022

The existence of inclusive institutions might partly explain why the Industrial Revolution first began in Britain of all places, whereas the presence of extractive institutions may shed light on why some previously colonised parts of the world continue to lag behind, decades after their official liberation from colonial rule. Institutional Origins of the British Ascent Britain’s unprecedented leap forward during the Industrial Revolution allowed the country to seize control of vast swathes of the planet and build one of the most powerful empires in history. And yet for most of human history, the inhabitants of the British Isles lagged behind their neighbours in France, the Netherlands and northern Italy in terms of wealth and education; Britain was a mere backwater on the edges of Western Europe.

The Twittering Machine
by Richard Seymour
Published 20 Aug 2019

This was first fully outlined in Skinner’s bestselling science-fiction utopian novel, Walden Two.45 The title evoked the libertine philosophy of Henry David Thoreau, and Skinner even expressed some interest in nineteenth-century anarchism. But the utopian community of the book is closer to the ‘Bensalem’ of Francis Bacon’s New Atlantis, a New World colony ruled by a scientific caste dedicated to enlightenment. Rather than being run by scientists directly, however, Walden Two is ruled by behavioural engineering: a sort of algorithm, manipulating the environment to produce good citizens. The algorithm could go on being updated to account for the latest scientific research, and it would be free of the moralism and bullying associated with doctrines of ‘free will’.

Factfulness: Ten Reasons We're Wrong About the World – and Why Things Are Better Than You Think
by Hans Rosling , Ola Rosling and Anna Rosling Rönnlund
Published 2 Apr 2018

It had moved me to send blankets and medical equipment. More than 1.5 million Vietnamese and 58,000 Americans had died. Was this how the city commemorated such a catastrophe? Seeing that I was disappointed, Niem drove me to see a bigger monument: a marble stone, 12 feet high, to commemorate independence from French colonial rule. I was still underwhelmed. Then Niem asked me if I was ready to see the proper war monument. He drove a little way further, and pointed out of the window. Above the treetops I could see a large pagoda, covered in gold. It seemed about 300 feet high. He said, “Here is where we commemorate our war heroes.

Picnic Comma Lightning: In Search of a New Reality
by Laurence Scott
Published 11 Jul 2018

Statues are always at odds with the ambiguities and inconsistencies of personality. In this way, they are vertiginous things, swinging in and out of focus as their subject, Alice-like, shrinks and expands before us. There are those who acknowledge the disrepute of these historical, statuesque subjects – the architects and administrators of colonial rule, for instance – but who feel that to erase their public prominence is an unhelpful purge of the past. They argue that the plinth should become a kind of stocks, or a less gruesome version of the head-on-a-spike, in which disgraced figures are preserved for posterity, lest we forget. This approach demands a more complex attitude to commemoration, whereby a statue may both be an honour and a rebuke.

Hostile Environment: How Immigrants Became Scapegoats
by Maya Goodfellow
Published 5 Nov 2019

But people coming from the colonies didn’t arrive naïve to the racism they would experience; some had been involved in dynamic anti-colonial struggle and understood the nature of British oppression. Radical black activists rejected the term ‘migrant’, calling themselves instead ‘failed refugees’, coming from independent countries that hadn’t achieved transformative emancipation after formal colonial rule ended.42 ‘We’re here because you were there’ became one of the rallying cries of the movement against racism. Decolonisation and anti-colonial movements had challenged the supposed wisdom of the racial hierarchy, producing anxiety that the UK’s mythical superiority was going to be exposed for what it was.

Live Work Work Work Die: A Journey Into the Savage Heart of Silicon Valley
by Corey Pein
Published 23 Apr 2018

He praised a blogger who advocated the deportation of Muslims and the closure of mosques as “probably the most imaginative and interesting right-wing writer on the planet.” Hectoring a Swarthmore history professor in the comments section of the academic’s personal blog, Yarvin rhapsodized on the superiority of colonial rule in southern Africa. He expressed special fondness for the former colony of Rhodesia, where wealth and land ownership were prerequisite to political enfranchisement. Yarvin also declared that blacks in South Africa were better off under apartheid. As more people came to know what the name Moldbug stood for, Yarvin began to have more trouble in mixed company.

Ten Lessons for a Post-Pandemic World
by Fareed Zakaria
Published 5 Oct 2020

Scholars have often noted that the majority of politically stable democracies in the developing world are former British colonies, a legacy of British institutions and culture. Singapore’s founding father, Lee Kuan Yew, considered the British tradition of effective, clean bureaucracy to be one of the key reasons for his city-state’s success, despite other onerous aspects of colonial rule. And yet, Britain has adopted the same anti-government ideology as the United States since the 1980s. It, too, has starved its domestic agencies in the name of efficiency and, in Boris Johnson, is run by a populist leader who scorns experts and views beureaucrats with great skepticism. His government, presiding over a state hollowed out by austerity, fared unusually poorly in its initial battle against Covid-19, far worse than Northern Europe did.

About Time: A History of Civilization in Twelve Clocks
by David Rooney
Published 16 Aug 2021

The following month, the largest textile mill in Bombay changed its clocks to the new standard time without informing its 4,500 workers. When they turned up that morning to begin their shifts and discovered what had happened, they immediately went on strike and began to pelt the mill’s clock tower with stones. Protests about Bombay’s time were really an expression of unrest among the native populace about British colonial rule. Clocks could be weaponized by local politicians who wanted to affect public opinion on wider political issues. As agents of centralized control, power and domination, clocks arouse and inflame human emotion, which can lead to resistance—to violent attack. Authority breeds resistance. Standardization gives rise to dissent.

Dark Matters: On the Surveillance of Blackness
by Simone Browne
Published 1 Oct 2015

Document #105-96959-A, the news clipping, names The Wretched of the Earth (1963) as Fanon’s most important book, stating, “its sales have run unusually high lately, especially among young Negroes.” Document #105-96959-2, the FBI’s own review of Caute’s biography, describes Fanon as a “black intellectual,” a “radical revolutionary,” and “a philosophical disciple of Karl Marx and Jean Paul Sartre, [who] preached global revolt of the blacks against white colonial rule,” and says that Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth is “often quoted and misquoted by Stokely Carmichael and other black power advocates, both foreign and domestic.” This review also claims that “Fanon’s importance has been inflated into exaggerated dimensions by the need of black revolutionaries for philosophical justification and leadership.”

Supertall: How the World's Tallest Buildings Are Reshaping Our Cities and Our Lives
by Stefan Al
Published 11 Apr 2022

Singapore is top-down, led by the strong hand of a philosopher king, where nothing was left to chance. Both cities prospered, but in entirely different ways. Hong Kong became a public transit mecca, Singapore a city with a green thumb. These differences can be traced back to 1965, in the aftermath of British colonial rule, when the Malaysian parliament voted unanimously to expel Singapore from the Federation of Malaysia. In this watershed moment, Singapore became the first nation-state to unwillingly gain independence. This left the small country, lacking natural resources, in a tough position. The new country’s prime minister, Lee Kuan Yew, had major challenges to solve.

The Origins of Political Order: From Prehuman Times to the French Revolution
by Francis Fukuyama
Published 11 Apr 2011

This account ignores two important contextual factors: first, the miners were all products of an Anglo-American culture where respect for individual property rights was deeply embedded; second, these rights came at the expense of the customary rights to these territories on the part of the various indigenous peoples living there, which were not respected by the miners. 6 Charles K. Meek, Land Law and Custom in the Colonies, 2d ed. (London: Frank Cass, 1968), p. 26. 7 Quoted in Elizabeth Colson, “The Impact of the Colonial Period on the Definition of Land Rights,” in Victor Turner, ed., Colonialism in Africa 1870–1960. Vol. 3: Profiles in Change: African Society and Colonial Rule (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1971), p. 203. 8 Meek, Land Law and Custom, p. 6. 9 Colson, “Impact of the Colonial Period,” p. 200. 10 Paul Vinogradoff, Historical Jurisprudence (London: Oxford University Press, 1923), p. 327. 11 Meek, Land Law and Custom, p. 17. 12 Vinogradoff, Historical Jurisprudence, p. 322. 13 For a discussion of the pros and cons of traditional land tenure, see Curtin, Holzknecht, and Larmour, Land Registration in Papua New Guinea. 14 For a detailed account of the difficulties of negotiating property rights in Papua New Guinea, see Whimp, “Indigenous Land Owners and Representation in PNG and Australia.” 15 The modern economic theory of property rights does not specify the social unit over which individual property rights extend for the system to be efficient.

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Trans. Harvey C. Mansfield and Delba Winthrop. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Trivers, Robert. 1971. “The Evolution of Reciprocal Altruism.” Quarterly Review of Biology 46:35–56. Turner, Victor, ed. 1971. Colonialism in Africa 1870–1960, Vol. 3: Profiles in Change: African Society and Colonial Rule. New York: Cambridge University Press. Twitchett, Denis, ed. 1979. The Cambridge History of China, Vol. 3: Sui and T’ang China, 589–906, Part I. New York: Cambridge University Press. ———, and Michael Loewe, eds. 1986. The Cambridge History of China, Vol. 1: The Ch’in and Han Empires, 221 B.C.

Cuba: An American History
by Ada Ferrer
Published 6 Sep 2021

But, for the most part, they were less concerned with the culture of Taíno people than with making fortunes off their backs. To rule the Taíno, the Spanish used the same means they had developed in Hispaniola. In both places (and later across Mexico and South America), the foundation of early colonial rule was a system called encomienda. Under its provisions, the Spanish governor assigned each local ruler (cacique) with all the people of his village to a Spanish settler, now an encomendero. Some encomenderos received perhaps three hundred Natives; a few received more; some just forty or sixty. The cacique was then responsible for sending groups of laborers to the mines for months at a time to harvest gold for the encomendero.

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As if to flaunt its iron-fisted hold on the island, Madrid conferred a new honorific title on Cuba: “siempre fiel,” or ever faithful. The phrase would be stamped atop official state documents in Cuba until the end of Spanish rule more than seventy years later.15 The restoration of absolutism and the hardening of colonial rule created deep unease in Cuba. Initially, some antigovernment plots surfaced. In addition to the 1823 Masonic plot, there were minor conspiracies in the 1820s, led mostly by men with little financial stake in slavery and sometimes with the participation of free people of color. The year 1825 also saw a rebellion involving African-born slaves on coffee plantations in Matanzas, the same region where Senator James DeWolf and other Americans owned plantations.

The Vast Unknown: America's First Ascent of Everest
by Broughton Coburn
Published 29 Apr 2013

The Indian military had been beefing up its northern borders ever since the Sino-Indian War of 1962, when the Chinese Army (with its better-acclimatized and better-equipped troops) stormed through a string of border outposts in northeast India. At the same time, Indian prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru was hesitant about partnering with America. The legacy of British colonial rule had made India distrustful of the Western world. India was also offended that the United States was providing military support to Pakistan, their mortal enemy. The United States had previously been conducting overflights of China with the U-2 spy plane, based out of an airfield in Pakistan. But Pakistan withdrew the use of its airfield in 1960 when a U-2 piloted by Francis Gary Powers was shot down over the Soviet Union.

The Powerhouse: Inside the Invention of a Battery to Save the World
by Steve Levine
Published 5 Feb 2015

The lab’s next recruit would complete its special tandem—a pair of battery men who sat astride both the scientific and commercial worlds. 9 The Man from Casablanca The Moroccan village of Benahmed is a quick half-hour drive down a smooth highway from Casablanca. But when Khalil Amine was growing up there in the 1960s and 1970s, the trip took twice as long, winding down narrow roads on a bus. Benahmed was a clean, bright town with a small French population that stayed on after the end of colonial rule a few years before. Amine’s father, an Arab intellectual who taught school, and his mother, a Berber, produced seven boys. Khalil was the second. Of his mother’s family, Amine said, “The Berbers are extremely good in business.” Family lore went back to the first decade or so of the twentieth century, when Amine’s maternal grandfather, Benadir, was a twelve-year-old shepherd in the mountains around the port of Agadir.

Strength in What Remains
by Tracy Kidder
Published 29 Feb 2000

In the present, medical school comprised a world all its own, both to him and, he thought, to most of his classmates. It claimed most of his time and energy. But by now even he couldn’t help paying some attention to politics, first of all to nearby international politics. There was war up north in Rwanda. Its roots lay in the late 1950s and early 1960s, when colonial rule had ended. In Burundi, Tutsi elites had claimed power. But in Rwanda the opposite had happened: Hutu elites had supplanted the former Tutsi aristocracy. In Rwanda, during the struggle for power, thousands of Tutsis had been killed, and hundreds of thousands had fled. Some had settled in Uganda.

Leading From the Emerging Future: From Ego-System to Eco-System Economies
by Otto Scharmer and Katrin Kaufer
Published 14 Apr 2013

BRAZIL With more than 200 million inhabitants, Brazil is the world’s fifth most populous country. Recognized as having the greatest biodiversity on the planet, Brazil has an economy that has grown swiftly in the twenty-first century, and it has pioneered conditional cash transfer programs that have lifted millions of people out of poverty. After three centuries of Portuguese colonial rule, Brazil declared its independence in 1822, abolished slavery in 1888, and became a presidential republic in 1889. For much of the twentieth century, until 1985, it was shaped by authoritarian military regimes that guided the country through various more or less 1.0 (state-centric) stages of economic development.

The Big Oyster
by Mark Kurlansky
Published 20 Dec 2006

In June, when Admiral Richard Howe sailed into New York Harbor and General B e c o m i n g t h e Wo r l d ’s O y s te r • 91 William Howe landed and encamped a large force on Staten Island, both carrying a conciliatory message to the locals, New Yorkers began to evacuate their occupied city. Many of Manhattan’s houses were dark and empty. Under colonial rule the city had established a fairly effective fire department. The first fire engine was imported from England in 1731, and by 1737, New York had an organized volunteer fire department. In 1740, they were issued new leather helmets designed to let water run down the back or, reversing the headgear, shield the face from the heat of flames.

Upstream: The Quest to Solve Problems Before They Happen
by Dan Heath
Published 3 Mar 2020

Holmes said that they use an extensive set of questions about indirect impacts to assess new projects.II When we fail to anticipate second-order consequences, it’s an invitation to disaster, as the “cobra effect” makes clear. The cobra effect occurs when an attempted solution to a problem makes the problem worse. The name derives from an episode during the UK’s colonial rule of India, when a British administrator was worried by the prevalence of cobras in Delhi. He thought: I’ll use the power of incentives to solve this problem! A bounty on cobras was declared: Bring in a dead cobra, get some cash. “And he expected this would solve the problem,” said Vikas Mehrotra, a finance professor, on the Freakonomics podcast.

No Such Thing as a Free Gift: The Gates Foundation and the Price of Philanthropy
by Linsey McGoey
Published 14 Apr 2015

Surprising as it may be, African nations didn’t suddenly sprout medical systems the moment the Gates Foundation emerged on the global health scene less than twenty years ago. African communities have been battling to improve community-based infrastructures since before the colonial era.31 After independence from colonial rule, many incumbent governments treated healthcare as a fundamental goal. Ghana, for example, implemented free public healthcare services to all after gaining independence from Britain in the 1950s. Its health system slowly deteriorated under economic stagnation in the 1970s, compounded by IMF and World Bank lending requirements.

Broad Band: The Untold Story of the Women Who Made the Internet
by Claire L. Evans
Published 6 Mar 2018

Wendy Hall demonstrating Microcosm in her research lab in the Department of Computer Science at the University of Southampton. To use one of Wendy’s examples, say I’m browsing the Mountbatten archive using her system, Microcosm, circa 1989. I’m interested in Mountbatten’s career in India, a two-year period during which he oversaw the country’s transition from colonial rule to independent statehood. This history has its recurring characters: his field marshal, the leader of the Indian National Congress, Jawaharlal Nehru, and of course, Mahatma Gandhi, whose name is everywhere in the source material. Say also that within the Microcosm linkbase, an instance of the name “Mahatma Gandhi” has been linked to some multimedia information—a video, perhaps, of a Gandhi speech.

The Challenge for Africa
by Wangari Maathai
Published 6 Apr 2009

It began on my first day of primary school, when I was too young to appreciate the deliberate trivialization of my culture and the political, economic, and social impact of the colonial administration's imposition of their culture on ours. I absorbed a beautifully prepackaged set of beliefs intended to indoctrinate and prepare my community for a long colonial rule without any resistance: once Africans accepted our second-class position, we would be safe and taken care of—happy slaves in our own land. It was not until I went to the United States in 1960 to begin my university education that I started to become interested in my cultural roots. Recalling what my grandparents told me of the history of our community, I began to realize that, unlike what I had been taught, much of what occurred in Africa before colonialism was good.

Global Inequality: A New Approach for the Age of Globalization
by Branko Milanovic
Published 10 Apr 2016

The most important powers were Great Britain, which controlled 24 percent of the world population, and France, with about 6 percent. 12. In some individual cases, however, Europeans might have fared better by going to colonies than by staying at home. 13. “Marxist analysis should be always slightly stretched when we deal with the colonial rule.… It is neither the act of owning factories, nor [landed] estates, nor a bank balance which distinguishes the governing classes. The governing class is first and foremost those who come from elsewhere, those who are unlike the original inhabitants, ‘the others’ ” (Fanon 2005, 5). 14. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Sochineniya, xxii, 360 (quoted in Carr [1952] 1973, 187).

China's Good War
by Rana Mitter

The British realized that a key aim of the United States was to end the British imperial presence in Asia, which would boost American commercial prospects in the region in the postwar.53 China being thrust into global status was an honor, but it was also a great burden to load onto the shoulders of a country that was much poorer and less industrialized than any of the other powers that fought in the war, and had been torn apart by bombing, refugee crises, and economic blockades. The nomination of China as one of Roosevelt’s “Four Policemen” (with the United States, the USSR, and Britain) was a major elevation for a country that had still been subject to colonial rule on significant parts of its territory at the outbreak of war with Japan in 1937. The American position helped to define a vision of postwar Asia in which China would play a major regional role. Japan, of course, would be under American control, and in the immediate postwar period, the British and French expected that they would regain control of the colonies that had been seized by Japan (including Malaya, Singapore, and Indochina).

Code Dependent: Living in the Shadow of AI
by Madhumita Murgia
Published 20 Mar 2024

In the UK, Deliveroo couriers coined the portmanteau term ‘slaveroo’, which they used alongside a customized emoji of the Deliveroo mascot kangaroo chained by its foot to a metal ball.12 In the US, drivers adopted the ‘#DeclineNow’ hashtag during a digital rally that encouraged riders to reject jobs in bulk.13 And in Nairobi, platform workers in 2018 launched a protest movement called ‘going Karura’, where they logged off for an entire day, turning them digitally invisible in the apps.14 Karura referred to a forest hideout in Nairobi where Mau Mau insurgents had sheltered during a 1950s rebellion against British colonial rule. The phrase was a clarion call to anticolonial resistance. The increased adoption of AI systems in work has forced workers to band together. Pitting workers against one another, alongside the opaque systems that govern job allocation and pay, is alienating workers.15 AI systems leave little room for argument.

How to Spend a Trillion Dollars
by Rowan Hooper
Published 15 Jan 2020

For a small rodent, it is exceptionally long-lived, getting to 30 years or more. If humans lived the same time relative to body size, we’d live to 600. They’re also immune to cancer and pain, and are the only non-human mammal to bury their dead. And then there’s their way of life, which is more like a social insect, in a colony ruled by a queen. I said they were ugly, but I have grown to love them. The world is full of life, and full of different kinds of life. From a bacterium that uses the radioactive decay of uranium as its sole source of energy to the swift, an animal that feeds, mates and even sleeps on the wing, whose very habitat is the air.

The scramble for Africa, 1876-1912
by Thomas Pakenham
Published 19 Nov 1991

Princeton The Rulers of British Africa 1870–1914, 1978 (eds.), Colonialism in Africa 1870–1960, Cambridge, 1969–75: 1, The History and Politics of Colonialism, 1870–1914 (1969); 11, The History and Politics of Colonialism, 1914–1960 (1970 – reprinted 1982); III, Profiles of Change: African Society and Colonial Rule, ed. V. Turner (1971); iv, The Economics of Colonialism (1975); v, A Bibliographical Guide to Colonialism in Africa (1973). (eds.) African Proconsuls: European Governors in Africa, New York, 1978. Gardiner, A. G., The Life of Sir William Harcourt, (2 vols.), 1923 Garvin, J. L. and Amery, Julian: The Life of Joseph Chamberlain, (6 vols.), 1932–69 Gessi, R., trans., Seven years in the Soudan, 1892. Gifford, P. and Louis, W. R. (ed.), Britain and Germany in Africa. Imperial Rivalry and Colonial Rule, Yale, 1967. France and Britain in Africa: Imperial Rivalry and Colonial Rule, Yale, 1971 Glass, S., The Matabele War, 1968 Gleichen, Count, With the Camel Corps up the Nile, 1888 Gooch, G.

…

France and Britain in Africa: Imperial Rivalry and Colonial Rule, Yale, 1971 Glass, S., The Matabele War, 1968 Gleichen, Count, With the Camel Corps up the Nile, 1888 Gooch, G. P., and Temperley, H. W., British Documents on the Origins of the War, 1898–1914, 1926–38 Goodfellow, C. F., Great Britain and South African Confederation 1870–1881, Cape Town, 1966 Gordon, C. G., Colonel Gordon in Central Africa 1874–1879, from original letters and documents (ed.) G. B. Hill, 1881 Letters of General C. G. Gordon to His Sister, M. A. Gordon, 1888 The Journals of Major-General C. G. Gordon CB at Khartoum, (ed. A. Egmont Hake), 1885 Gordon, R.

Roller-Coaster: Europe, 1950-2017
by Ian Kershaw
Published 29 Aug 2018

With mounting difficulties, the Belgians – who in earlier decades had treated their possession with marked brutality and only belatedly introduced a more benign, paternalistic policy – were able to sustain their colony until armed conflict broke out in 1959. By then, the tide of anti-colonialism, backed by the United Nations, was surging strongly. Recognizing their own weakness and realizing the futility of trying to sustain colonial rule, the Belgians conceded independence to the Congo within a year, though they left behind a fragile state wracked by internal divisions that would soon descend into civil war. The size and geographical spread of the British empire meant that decolonization was bound to be a more complex process than it was for the Netherlands or Belgium.

…

In a sense, in fact, it was home, for Algeria (colonized since 1830) had been administered as an integral part of France since 1848 and, unlike other parts of the French empire, had attracted settlement by hundreds of thousands of European (not just French) colons or pieds-noirs (as they came to be known, perhaps, it was thought, because of the black boots that early settlers had worn). The level of political and economic discrimination by the settlers against the Muslim majority had led to protests against colonial rule already in the 1930s and the suppression of a nascent nationalist movement. Demands for reform arose again in the middle of the war. Anger at the limited French concessions to reform led to an outburst of violent protest at the end of the war, which was ruthlessly suppressed by the army and police, who killed several thousand Muslims.

The Black Nile: One Man's Amazing Journey Through Peace and War on the World's Longest River
by Dan Morrison
Published 11 Aug 2010

“Would you like some more tea?” Simon interrupted. “Darling, perhaps you’ll put on more water while I show them the medallions from the old Egyptian Irrigation Department.” For decades in the late nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth, Britain had controlled the White Nile through its colonial rule over East Africa and its de facto control of Egypt. Egyptian engineers like the hyacinth-slayers Schon and I met outside Kampala had been preceded by Britons who’d set up more than a dozen measuring stations along the river. Mbulamuti, where we’d spent our first night on the Nile, was one such station.

The Globalization Paradox: Democracy and the Future of the World Economy
by Dani Rodrik
Published 23 Dec 2010

Asked by a House of Commons committee in 1857 about the likely consequences of abolishing the special privileges of Hudson’s Bay Company, a leading politician and former director of the company put it plainly: this would be of no consequence as long as “Canada shall bear the expense of governing [the territory ceded by the company] and maintaining a good police and preventing the introduction, so far as they can, of competition within the fur trade.”12 The company may not have been happy to see its monopoly go, but it could live with it as long as the prerequisites for doing business were henceforth to be supplied (and paid for) by the Canadian state. The abolition of the East India Company following the Indian Mutiny of 1858, and its replacement by direct colonial rule from London, provides another perfect example of the transition. When the private firm and its armies were no longer up to the task, the sovereign had to step in with his own, more effective powers of persuasion. Overcoming Transaction Costs A contemporary economist would summarize the argument thus far by saying that the role played by the Hudson’s Bay Company, the East India Company, and other chartered trading companies was to reduce the “transaction costs” in international trade to enable some degree of economic globalization.

Icehenge
by Kim Stanley Robinson
Published 29 May 1994

We are twenty million millennials on this planet, Shrike, condemned to live out every day of our lives. What mere form can hold us?” “Pretty abstract.” “Okay — I’ll be more concrete — why should we spend our lives making profits for Terrans? Why shouldn’t we — why can’t we — throw off Earth’s colonial rule?” “Perhaps we c—” “And so archaeology, you see Shrike? It’s the best way I can figure out to do it! I mean for me to do something to start it, or work in that direction, at least—” “All right, Hjalmar. All right. Calm down. Ha! I knew you wouldn’t fall into a funk. You were just on the big slide.

The English
by Jeremy Paxman
Published 29 Jan 2013

The critic Raymond Williams once wrote that romantic ruralism was connected with imperial exile, a refuge conjured up in the longing for home of a chap stuck deep in the bush, serving his queen: Its green peace contrasted with the tropical or arid places of actual work; its sense of belonging, of community, idealized by contrast with the tensions of colonial rule and the isolated alien settlement. The birds and trees and rivers of England; the natives speaking, more or less, one’s own language: these were the terms of many imagined and actual settlements. The country, now, was a place to retire to.4 By the time of John Major’s speech, the same idea could be applied not merely to the overseas victims of the English Tourist Board’s propaganda, but to millions of native English people living their lives in the suburbs and dreaming of a return one day to the Land of Lost Content.

The Weather of the Future
by Heidi Cullen
Published 2 Aug 2010

The crisis also revived a long-standing debate within the scientific community over the fundamental causes of drought. The debate centered on the concept of desertification, a process whereby productive land is transformed into desert as a result of human mismanagement.9 The issue of desertification dates back to the 1930s, during colonial rule in west Africa. There was a growing concern that the Sahara desert might be slowly creeping into the Sahel. The colonial regimes blamed desertification on the African people, specifically on rapid population growth and poor agricultural practices. It was a new twist to an old story. Instead of studying the impact of climate on human history, scientists were studying the impact of human history on climate.

Rogue States
by Noam Chomsky
Published 9 Jul 2015

All this was amid a flood of very harsh condemnation of Japan for failing to give adequate recognition of its own guilt for bombing a military base in an American colony that had been taken from its inhabitants by force and guile half a century earlier. The bombing of Pearl Harbor was a crime, but in the array of crimes it’s hard to claim that it ranks very high. Quoting from the Japanese apology, Japan had officially expressed “sincere repentance for our past, including aggression and colonial rule that caused unbearable suffering and sorrow” for China and other countries of Asia. That Japanese official statement was bitterly denounced in the United States, alongside sober articles about the strange flaws in the Japanese character that prevent them from acknowledging guilt. The reason was that the apology was accompanied by a mention of the fact that there had been other imperial atrocities in Asia, implying that the records of Holland, England, France, and the United States might also not have been utterly pure.

Pale Rider: The Spanish Flu of 1918 and How It Changed the World
by Laura Spinney
Published 31 May 2017

They raised funds and organised relief centres and the distribution of medicines, milk and blankets. In general, their efforts did not extend far beyond the urban centres either, but Gujarat was an exception. In that state, which is sometimes known as the cradle of free India–not only because Gandhi was born there, but also because of its long history of resisting colonial rule–something unusual happened. While the municipal authorities in Ahmedabad were refusing to allow a school to be turned into a hospital (despite taxes having been raised to augment the salary of the city’s health officer, something the local press was quick to point out), a pro-self-rule organisation that had helped organise the Kheda satyagraha, the Gujarat Sabha, set up an influenza relief committee to respond to the desperate need in the outlying villages of Ahmedabad district.

Can Democracy Work?: A Short History of a Radical Idea, From Ancient Athens to Our World
by James Miller
Published 17 Sep 2018

Algernon Sydney, an English republican beheaded for expressing treasonous political views in 1683, vigorously denied being a proponent of pure democracy. So did the French Enlightenment philosopher Montesquieu, who pointedly worried about the “spirit of extreme equality” he assumed was typical of democracies. Even in the United States, in the wake of a war against colonial rule by a distant monarch, and in the context of expansive new assertions of the legitimate power of the people, serious political theorists gingerly handled the idea of democracy, if they acknowledged it at all. Still, some Americans, swept away by popular enthusiasm, began to conflate the ideal of a free republic and democracy, not unlike some of the writers of late antiquity.

Origin Story: A Big History of Everything
by David Christian
Published 21 May 2018

On August 9, 1945, a similar weapon was dropped on the city of Nagasaki. Act 3 includes the second half of the twentieth century and the early twenty-first century. From the bloodbath of the world wars, the United States and the Soviet Union emerged as the first global superpowers. There were many local wars, most aimed at overthrowing European colonial rule. But there were no more major international wars during the era of the Cold War. By now, all powers understood that there would be no victors in a nuclear war. But there were some close shaves. Soon after the Cuban missile crisis of 1962, President John Kennedy admitted that the odds of an all-out nuclear war had been “between one out of three and even.”1 The four decades after World War II witnessed the most remarkable spurt of economic growth in human history.

Mindf*ck: Cambridge Analytica and the Plot to Break America
by Christopher Wylie
Published 8 Oct 2019

Few, if any, major war films have been made to honor their sacrifice, but many of the great British victories were in fact won with the spilled blood of Commonwealth soldiers from India, the Caribbean, and Africa. Then, decades later, when Europe looked more economically promising than the fledgling countries emerging out of colonial rule, Britain turned its back on these nations, closed off its borders, and implemented tough new immigration rules for Commonwealth citizens. At the same time, Britain began opening up nearly unrestricted immigration to European citizens, who were overwhelmingly white. It was out of this sense of deep unfairness that many people of color—people like Sanni’s friends and family, who were from Pakistan—had no affinity for the EU: They knew what it felt like to have to endure a Kafkaesque immigration system requiring them to prove every ounce of their worth.

The Emperor's New Road: How China's New Silk Road Is Remaking the World
by Jonathan Hillman
Published 28 Sep 2020

The port was never intended to be Chinese owned and operated, but it was Chinese financed and built, adding to a debt that Sri Lanka could not repay.5 China now has a ninety-nine-year lease, the same length that Britain once secured for Hong Kong. No one needs to draw this connection for Sri Lankans, who won their independence from British colonial rule seventy years ago. These flagship projects are just a few episodes in China’s BRI, a global drama that is still unfolding, yet they evoke familiar plotlines. Since ancient times, infrastructure has been not only a feature or by-product of empire but also a tool for imperial expansion.6 Rome built a network of roads to carry commerce, information, and the most formidable soldiers in antiquity across an expanding domain.

Why the Dutch Are Different: A Journey Into the Hidden Heart of the Netherlands: From Amsterdam to Zwarte Piet, the Acclaimed Guide to Travel in Holland
by Ben Coates
Published 23 Sep 2015

Following the Dutch victory over the Spanish, Belgium and the Netherlands had remained intricately linked. After a period of political uncertainty, French forces invaded the United Provinces in 1795, establishing a client state known as the Batavian Republic. A few years later, Napoleon installed his brother as King. To say that the Dutch were unhappy with this return to colonial rule would be an understatement. One French diplomat described them as ‘a people more rebellious than in any other country’. In 1814, when European leaders met in Vienna to gloat over Napoleon’s downfall, they agreed to form the Kingdom of the Netherlands, with the latest William of Orange as King, uniting the Netherlands and Belgium in a single state for the first time since they had split during the war with Spain.

Artificial Whiteness
by Yarden Katz

For examples, see Ruth Frankenberg, White Women, Race Matters: The Social Construction of Whiteness, Gender, Racism, Ethnicity (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1993), 72–77; Robinson, Forgeries of Memory and Meaning, 31–37; Jacobson, Whiteness of a Different Color; George Lipsitz, The Possessive Investment in Whiteness: How White People Profit from Identity Politics (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2009), chap. 1; Ignatiev, Noel, How the Irish Became White (United Kingdom: Routledge, 2009); Gerald Horne, The Counter-Revolution of 1776: Slave Resistance and the Origins of the United States of America (New York: NYU Press, 2016), chap. 4; Gerald Horne, The Apocalypse of Settler Colonialism: The Roots of Slavery, White Supremacy, and Capitalism in 17th Century North America and the Caribbean (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2018), chap. 7; and Charles W. Mills, Blackness Visible: Essays on Philosophy and Race (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2015), chaps. 3–4. Horne, for instance, describes the efforts to create “cross-class, Pan-European” whiteness in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries in order to maintain slavery and colonial rule. A primary aim was to build a “white” coalition large enough to suppress African and indigenous uprisings in the European colonies, sometimes by granting limited (and temporary) privileges to groups discriminated against on European soil, such as Jews or Irish people. This led to the typical contradictions of racial categories, as Horne notes: “It was as if the elite did not interrogate ‘whiteness,’ then no one else would either, and the inherent frailty of this unstable category would somehow magically disappear.”

We Are Electric: Inside the 200-Year Hunt for Our Body's Bioelectric Code, and What the Future Holds
by Sally Adee
Published 27 Feb 2023

Djamgoz didn’t know it at the time, but he was about to embark on the most complicated and frustrating seven years of his career. Good thing, then, that he was no stranger to complexity and frustration. Djamgoz grew up in Cyprus, whose Greek and Turkish residents have long been engaged in various territorial feuds. The island seethed under British colonial rule from 1878 to 1960, so when Djamgoz was born, every corner of his neighborhood was still festooned with characteristic British red telephone and post boxes. Throughout his childhood he dreamed of attending Imperial College, and as a teenager taught himself to build a radio transmitter from scratch.

A Short Ride in the Jungle
by Antonia Bolingbroke-Kent
Published 6 Apr 2014

wat: Buddhist temple (this word is used in both Lao and Khmer) wai: Greeting traditionally used in Thailand, Laos and other parts of Southeast Asia. Both hands are put together in a prayer-like position and the head bowed slightly. xin chào: Vietnamese for 'hello' xin lỗi: Vietnamese for 'sorry' TIMELINE OF THE SECOND INDOCHINA WAR 1840s to 1890s: Indochina falls under French rule. 1940–1945: Vietnam is under both French colonial rule and Japanese occupation. Ho and his Viet Minh organisation ally with the USA in their fight against the Japanese occupation. A fifth of Vietnamese die from famine. Summer of 1945: The Allies hand Laos, Vietnam and Cambodia back to the French at the Potsdam Conference. Ho ignores this and declares himself President of an independent Vietnam. 1946: France and Vietnam begin the First Indochina War. 1946–1954: The First Indochina War.

Fault Lines: How Hidden Fractures Still Threaten the World Economy
by Raghuram Rajan
Published 24 May 2010

World Bank Economic Review 15, no. 3 (2001): 367–91. 4 There are many antecedents to this view, though not necessarily in the precise way I have formulated it. One of the early formulations is by Albert Hirschman in The Strategy of Economic Development (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1958). 5 See Angus Maddison, “The Economic and Social Impact of Colonial Rule in India,” chapter 3 of Class Structure and Economic Growth: India and Pakistan Since the Moghuls (New York: Norton, 1971). 6 E. Glaeser, R. La Porta, F. Lopez-de-Silanes, and A. Shleifer, “Do Institutions Cause Growth?” NBER Working Paper 10568, National Bureau of Economic Research, Cambridge, MA, 2004. 7 See, for example, David S.

A Brief History of Everyone Who Ever Lived
by Adam Rutherford
Published 7 Sep 2016

In the UK, where we have an historically blurred social structure, intermarriage between social groups is much more common, and interbreeding between the traditional upper and lower classes has occurred with the vigour of Lady Chatterley and her low-born lover. The houses of the elite rise and fall. In India, the social restrictions on caste are more strictly endogamous. For a time, there was a suspicion that the caste system was locked down in India during British colonial rule – that the British enforced and encouraged a pre-existing, more informal caste system as a means of social control. With genomics we can make an estimate of the point where a social convention impacted upon the Indian genome. Studies on the genome in 2013 revealed that alleles of caste began to become stratified via endogamy at least 1,900 years ago, a date different from and far more precise than that suggested by the blurred lines of history.

The Elusive Quest for Growth: Economists' Adventures and Misadventures in the Tropics
by William R. Easterly
Published 1 Aug 2002

Virtually every country has its own ethnographic group noted for their success. For example, in the Gambia, a tiny indigenous ethnic group called the Serahule is reported to dominate business out of all proportion to their numbers; they are often called ”Gambian Jews.” In Zaire, Kasaians have been dominant in managerial and technical jobs since the days of colonial rule; they are often called ”the Jewsof Zaire.”28 And then, as we have seen, there is evidence of poverty traps at the national level. India was near the bottom in 1820 of the twentyeight nations on which we have data from 1820 to 1992. India was still near the bottom of these twenty-eight nations in 1992.

The Human City: Urbanism for the Rest of Us
by Joel Kotkin
Published 11 Apr 2016

Indians were not expected to provide heavy industry; they were expected to fulfill only those niches that the imperial rulers thought advantageous, notably producing textiles using local cotton. As a result, in part, India was poorly suited for rapid industrial growth. Even today, the manufacturing share of Indian GDP is half that of China.59 In contrast, the absence of colonial rule may have contributed to Tokyo’s rapid ascendancy. There, the wealthy had a great interest in developing world-class transportation, port and industrial facilities, and an extensive basic education system. Tokyo’s resurgence after World War II would not have been so rapid but for its decades-long accumulation of industrial prowess and high education levels that contemporary megacities enjoyed at their time of independence.60 THE CITY OF DISAPPOINTMENT This difference in industrial structure and development may well determine the future of megacities; those that lack productive capacity may have trouble ever achieving basic affluence under current conditions.

Billion Dollar Whale: The Man Who Fooled Wall Street, Hollywood, and the World
by Tom Wright and Bradley Hope
Published 17 Sep 2018

Asian economies like Thailand and South Korea had been through a decade of heady growth, and bankers worked long hours, partied in the bars and fleshpots of Wanchai, the city’s entertainment district, and took jaunts to Hong Kong’s outer islands in private yachts on the weekends. By 1997, however, the party atmosphere was souring. After 156 years of colonial rule, Britain was handing Hong Kong back to China. The Asian financial crisis was in full swing, the result of years of reckless borrowing to finance investments in property and other risky sectors. It was a typical financial bubble, and when speculators like George Soros attacked the region’s overvalued currencies, angering Malaysia’s then prime minister, Mahathir Mohamad, foreign banks were forced to book losses on loans that went bad.

Railways & the Raj: How the Age of Steam Transformed India
by Christian Wolmar
Published 3 Oct 2018

As we shall see in the next chapter, one consequence of the unions becoming stronger and more politicized was that the outbreaks of industrial unrest inevitably became increasingly entangled with the nationalist cause. SEVEN NOT ALWAYS LOVED THE RAILWAYS WERE not only the country’s largest industry and biggest employer, but also a visible and physical demonstration of colonial rule. By the turn of the century, through merger and expansion, the railway companies had become extremely powerful entities and the government responded by launching an inquiry into the administration and working of the railways. The period from the beginning of the century up to Independence was characterized by numerous such government-inspired inquiries and commissions into various aspects of the operation and development of the railways, stimulated by the ever-present feeling that the railways were not functioning effectively.

Capitalism, Alone: The Future of the System That Rules the World
by Branko Milanovic
Published 23 Sep 2019

A number of British declarations expressed this linear, Whiggish view of history, contending that the Empire was a kind of school attended by colonized populations, where they were prepared for their future self-determination and the creation of capitalist economies. It is true that many such declarations can be thought of as thinly veiled justifications for the continuation of colonial rule—for example, that of the British secretary of state Edwin Montagu, who saw self-determination realized “over many years, … many generations,” or of the United Kingdom’s confirming sixty-six times between 1882 and 1922 that Egypt would “soon” be ready for self-government (Tooze 2014, 186; Wesseling 1996, 67).

Stakeholder Capitalism: A Global Economy That Works for Progress, People and Planet
by Klaus Schwab
Published 7 Jan 2021

Turin, Milan, Genoa, and other Italian cities had suffered extensive bombings, and Hiroshima and Nagasaki saw unparalleled devastation by atomic bombs. other European countries were also shell-shocked and went through an initial period of chaos. Further east, China and much of Southeast Asia were mired in internal conflicts. Economies in Africa, the Middle East, and South Asia were still shackled by colonial rule. The Soviet Union had suffered enormous losses during World War II. Only the economies of the Americas, led by the United States, had come through the war largely unscathed. It was thus up to Washington and Moscow to lead the post-war era, each in its sphere of influence. In Swabia, then part of Allied-occupied Germany, the future depended in large part on the choices the United States would make.

Becoming Kim Jong Un: A Former CIA Officer's Insights Into North Korea's Enigmatic Young Dictator
by Jung H. Pak
Published 14 Apr 2020

The historian Bruce Cumings has noted that Kim “represented a younger generation of revolutionary nationalists filled with contempt for the failures of their fathers and determined to forge a Korea that could resist foreign domination.” In his memoir of more than two thousand pages, Kim put it this way: My life began in the 1910s when Korea had suffered the worst tragic calamities. By the time I was born, Korea was already under the Japanese colonial rule….The Korean people seethed with anger and wept with sorrow over the loss of their nationhood….Korea in those days was a living Hell, unfit for human habitation. The Korean people were, in all aspects, walking stiffs; their spirits were dead. This massive volume, published just before his death, takes on an almost Homeric rhythm, recounting the heroics of Kim and his followers, the depths of his despair as he shivered without a blanket on the Manchurian battlefield, and the heights of his optimism when encountering the kindness of villagers.

Stakeholder Capitalism: A Global Economy That Works for Progress, People and Planet
by Klaus Schwab and Peter Vanham
Published 27 Jan 2021

Turin, Milan, Genoa, and other Italian cities had suffered extensive bombings, and Hiroshima and Nagasaki saw unparalleled devastation by atomic bombs. other European countries were also shell-shocked and went through an initial period of chaos. Further east, China and much of Southeast Asia were mired in internal conflicts. Economies in Africa, the Middle East, and South Asia were still shackled by colonial rule. The Soviet Union had suffered enormous losses during World War II. Only the economies of the Americas, led by the United States, had come through the war largely unscathed. It was thus up to Washington and Moscow to lead the post-war era, each in its sphere of influence. In Swabia, then part of Allied-occupied Germany, the future depended in large part on the choices the United States would make.

AI in Museums: Reflections, Perspectives and Applications
by Sonja Thiel and Johannes C. Bernhardt
Published 31 Dec 2023

Lifting the historical information out of its data siloes and transforming it into linked open data would be a game changer for provenance research, decolonization efforts, and restitution. Large-scale analysis across museum collections would enable claimants and other parties to intelligently search for and efficiently identify objects looted or expropriated in contexts of injustice, such as during National Socialism or periods of colonial rule. It would also make it possible for researchers across disciplines to engage in historical network analysis, generating insights that can, in turn, inform curatorial, collecting, or outreach decisions. Purposeful structuring is key to asking scientifically relevant questions about large-scale datasets in the humanities.

Hirohito and the Making of Modern Japan
by Herbert P. Bix
Published 1 Jan 2000

The “Essentials for Implementing Administration in the Occupied Southern Area,” a document prepared by the Foreign Ministry and adopted at the liaison conference of November 20 (that is, prior to the “Hull note” and the final imperial decision for war), stated that if Japan were to advocate “the liberation of the peoples of East Asia” from white supremacy and colonial rule, its war aims would “become altruistic and have little persuasive force on the nation…the world might regard it as a racial struggle. However, it might be all right to advocate this unofficially.”107 The emperor’s active role in composing and fussily checking the war rescript at all stages was in keeping with his character.

…

Western colonialism in Asia remained alive and well, which meant that the Tokyo trial highlighted, in a way that Nuremberg did not, the problematic relationship between imperialism and international law. The fact that no judges from either the “Dutch East Indies” or former colonial Korea sat on the bench was telling. Even more telling were the actions of the French and Dutch governments in seeking to restore their colonial rule in Southeast Asia, and the Americans their influence everywhere in Asia and the Pacific. The Truman administration gave economic aid to France while it was fighting against the Viet Minh. In China it permitted surrendered Japanese troops to fight on the side of Chiang Kai-shek, and provided Chiang’s military forces with equipment and advisers to aid in his renewed civil war against the Communists.80 In the underdeveloped parts of Asia and the Pacific, American leaders seemed to be following Japan’s example of keeping whole nations in their “proper place.”

This Is Only a Test: How Washington D.C. Prepared for Nuclear War
by David F. Krugler
Published 2 Jan 2006

Let there be no doubt, communism was an enemy of liberty and capitalism, but American academic, popular, and governmental interpretations of Russian history, Soviet politics, and the writings of Marx and Lenin usually distilled a complex ideology into a simplistic formula: communists worldwide were locked in an unbending conspiracy to overthrow democracy and capitalism. Communism, like any other set of ideas and institutions, was shaped by the society, culture, and history of the people and places where it took root, resulting in often profound differences and goals between communist states or movements. The Viet Minh, who fought French colonial rule of Vietnam, were hardly Moscow’s puppets, while the Sino-Soviet split of the 1950s revealed fissures in the communist world. For a long time in the West, determination of the role of the United States in the Cold War’s origins hinged, creakily, on the validity of America’s anticommunist policies and actions.

Armed Humanitarians
by Nathan Hodge
Published 1 Sep 2011

Though the city had fallen on hard times, the phantasmagoric mud mosques and street markets still attracted adventurous, well-heeled travelers. It even hosted two world music festivals, Sahara Nights and the Festival in the Desert. This part of Mali did not have a peaceful history. In the early twentieth century, it was a center of resistance against French colonial rule. In the early 1990s, portions of northern Mali and neighboring Niger were rocked by uprisings of the Touareg, nomadic Berbers who traditionally inhabited the Sahara and the Sahel. A “flame of peace” monument on the outskirts of Timbuktu marked the end of the most recent large-scale rebellion, in 1995, and the rusting barrels of weapons that were symbolically burned to mark the end of the conflict were embedded in the concrete.

Discover Great Britain
by Lonely Planet
Published 22 Aug 2012

Perhaps the greatest British novelist of the interwar period is DH Lawrence, particularly known for Sons and Lovers, following the lives and loves of generations in the English Midlands as the country changes from rural idyll to an increasingly industrial landscape, and his controversial exploration of sexuality in Lady Chatterley’s Lover, originally banned as ‘obscene’. Other highlights of the interwar years included EM Forster’s A Passage to India , about the hopelessness of British colonial rule, and Daphne du Maurier’s romantic suspense novel Rebecca , set on the Cornish coast. Evelyn Waugh tackled the themes of moral and social disintegration in Brideshead Revisited , and Richard Llewellyn wrote the Welsh classic How Green Was My Valley . After WWII, Compton Mackenzie lifted postwar spirits with Whisky Galore , a comic novel about a cargo of booze washed up from a sinking ship onto a Scottish island.

Pathfinders: The Golden Age of Arabic Science
by Jim Al-Khalili
Published 28 Sep 2010

Pervez Hoodbhoy Having come to the end of our journey, it is appropriate in this final chapter to take a closer look at the state of science and the spirit of rational enquiry in the Islamic world today. Has it recovered from recent centuries of decline, neglect, religious conservatism, stagnation, colonial rule and every other impediment to progress one cares to think of? Many commentators argue that to look back continually to the past glories of the scientific achievements of the Islamic world can actually impede the progress of Muslim countries today; that such reminiscing neglects the crucial difference between modern science, defined as that which began with the scientific revolution of Renaissance Europe, and the medieval thinking of the Islamic world, which, they claim, was no more than a kind of ‘proto-science’, crude attempts to make sense of the world blurred with theology and the occult.

The End of Power: From Boardrooms to Battlefields and Churches to States, Why Being in Charge Isn’t What It Used to Be
by Moises Naim
Published 5 Mar 2013

Fewer influential political scientists are likely to argue, as some did in Asia as recently as the 1990s, the merits of political order and controlled transitions, or to caution that some countries are not robust and cohesive enough for sudden democratic opening.2 Back in the 1970s, the celebrated Harvard scholar Samuel Huntington could point to numerous countries coming out of colonial rule or going through rapid social change and link the pace and scope of these changes to a pattern of violence, riots, insurrections, or coups. “Authority has to exist before it can be limited,” Huntington wrote, “and it is authority that is in scarce supply in those modernizing countries where government is at the mercy of alienated intellectuals, rambunctious colonels, and rioting students.”3 Such views are hard to locate today, except maybe in the doctrine and official press of the Chinese Communist Party or among those who fear that the demise of Middle Eastern dictators is destined to bring to power even more repressive and obscurantist dictatorships.

Breakout Nations: In Pursuit of the Next Economic Miracles
by Ruchir Sharma
Published 8 Apr 2012

But the aerial views of the multiple expressways under construction, the lush green plantations of the interior, and the new resorts facing the turquoise waters that drape the island helped convince me that Sri Lanka is no longer a land in waiting. In the 1960s Sri Lanka was billed as the next Asian growth miracle, only to be stymied by a tryst with socialism that played a direct role in igniting the civil war. Following independence in 1948, leaders of the Sinhalese majority set out to correct the injustices of British colonial rule, which had heavily favored the country’s Tamil minority. Tamils had gotten the bulk of top jobs in the British administration, and in the early years after independence Sinhalese nationalists aimed to put them back in a minority role. The Sinhalese leaders soon evicted Tamils from official posts and in the 1960s and 1970s began to lavish more public jobs, subsidies, and social benefits on their own kind, in the name of creating a prosperous and egalitarian Sinhalese nation.

Hopes and Prospects
by Noam Chomsky
Published 1 Jan 2009

An African historian comments that “the same laudable object was before them both, [but] the African’s attempt was ruthlessly crushed and his plans frustrated” by British force. West Africa joined Egypt and India, not Japan and the United States, which were able to pursue an independent path, free from colonial rule and the strictures of economic rationality.7 The Haiti-Taiwan case, noted earlier, is another example. And these are not unusual, but more like the norm. The hazards of what is now called “neoliberalism” were recognized quite early. One prominent example is Adam Smith. The term “invisible hand” appears only once in his classic Wealth of Nations.

The Code of Capital: How the Law Creates Wealth and Inequality
by Katharina Pistor
Published 27 May 2019

They offered evidence that their ancestors had already lived by similar rules that governed access by members of their community to the land and its resources. This basic governance structure had remained intact for centuries, notwithstanding dramatic changes, including their dislocation and decimation under colonial rule. Perhaps these use practices did not look like the private property rights that are typically used to turn simple assets into capital in capitalist systems. But nowhere in the Belize Constitution does it say that property rights have to take a specific form; i.e., that only rights that are purposefully installed to produce future returns rather than, say, to ensure the sustenance of a people and the sustainability of their environment, is a defining feature of property.

The Next Great Migration: The Beauty and Terror of Life on the Move
by Sonia Shah

They were a “nuisance to others,” he wrote, because they had inherited ambition from their biologically superior white parents but “intellectual inadequacy” from their black ones. Mulattoes had no sagittal sutures in their skulls, preventing lateral expansion, the president of the Philadelphia County Medical Society asserted. Look at Haiti, other scientists said, where a 1791 revolution against French colonial rule had led to what Davenport’s colleague Harry Laughlin called a “reversion to African barbarism.” The lurid gossip they’d heard about the island, of cannibalism and worse, probably stemmed from its large mulatto population, they said. Research on the pressing question presented a range of practical difficulties.

The Great War for Civilisation: The Conquest of the Middle East
by Robert Fisk
Published 2 Jan 2005

I joined the Newcastle Evening Chronicle, then the Sunday Express diary column, where I chased vicars who had run off with starlets. After three years, I begged The Times to hire me and they sent me to Northern Ireland to cover the vicious little conflict that had broken out in that legacy of British colonial rule. Five years later, I became one of those “soldiers” of journalism, a foreign correspondent. I was on a beach at Porto Covo in Portugal in April of 1976—on holiday from Lisbon where I was covering the aftermath of the Portuguese revolution— when the local postmistress shouted down the cliff that I had a letter to collect.

…

In Turkestan, where we were interested in preventing Germany from gaining access to cotton supplies, British forces actually fought the Russians with the assistance of Enver Pasha’s Turkish supporters, an odd exchange of alliances, since Tsarist Russia had been an ally of Britain until the 1917 Revolution. In just one corner of their former Turkish homeland, the Armenians clung on; in the province of Alexandretta and the now broken fortress of Musa Dagh, 20 kilometres west of Antioch, whose people had withstood the siege about which Werfel wrote his novel. Alexandretta fell under French colonial rule in the far north of Syria and so, in 1918, many thousands of Armenians returned to their gutted homes. But to understand this largely forgotten betrayal, the reader must travel to Aanjar, a small town of sorrow that blushes roses around its homes. From the roadside, smothering the front doors, all the way up Father Ashod Karakashian’s garden, there is a stream of pink and crimson to mock the suffering of the Armenians who built this town on the malarial marshes of eastern Lebanon in 1939.

…

One of the cartridges was clearly marked: “Federal Laboratories Inc. Saltsburg, Pennsylvania 15681 U.S.A.” It was not the Western provenance of these weapons that was important— though the anti-Western resentment within the FIS had been growing daily—but the pattern of repression which they represented. It was as if French colonial rule bequeathed not freedom but military force to the Algerians. Under the FLN’s post-independence dictatorship, the Algerian security services practised many of the same tortures as their French predecessors—“electricity with oriental refinements,” as one victim put it to me—and the French had themselves learned how to make men and women talk in the dungeons of the Gestapo during the Second World War.

Democracy Incorporated
by Sheldon S. Wolin
Published 7 Apr 2008

That combination later migrated to the American colonies where it was preserved among New Englanders, beginning with John Winthrop, the first governor of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, continuing with John Adams, and absorbed by aristocratically inclined Southern politicians, such as Jefferson and Madison.38 A republican elite led the opposition to colonial rule, directed the war against Britain, drafted the Constitution, staffed the new government, and established a party system. During the formative period from colonial times to the Jacksonian era, when fundamental political institutions and practices were being settled, republicanism dominated American politics.

Engines of War: How Wars Were Won & Lost on the Railways
by Christian Wolmar
Published 1 Nov 2011

Outside Europe, there was in this period a succession of colonial wars which were, in various ways, to illustrate the importance of the railways as a weapon of warfare. Just before the Franco-Prussian War, there had been one of those small obscure wars in far-off places that were a recurring feature of British colonial rule. The Emperor of Abyssinia (now Ethiopia), Tewodros II, was a weak and indecisive character who had locked up the British Consul and various missionaries on a pretext. After the failure of various diplomatic initiatives, in 1868 Britain sent a massive army at huge expense7 to rescue the consul and, more importantly, restore honour.

Innovation and Its Enemies
by Calestous Juma
Published 20 Mar 2017

The knowledge system derived from the Koran as an inspirational document helps to explain the specific insistences of technology rejection. But it also provides cultural insights as to why technologies that initially encounter resistance are later adopted with a sense of urgency. Indeed, “When Muslims were under some form of colonial rule, and the threat of the West was more evident, the response was much more rapid, much more urgent. Within two decades of the beginning of the [nineteenth] century the Muslims of Tsarist Russia had seventeen presses in operation. By the 1820s in the Indian sub-continent Muslim reformist leaders were busy printing tracts.”13 Under such conditions printing became a source of entrenching local values and traditions as well as a way to counter colonial influence.

Outposts: Journeys to the Surviving Relics of the British Empire
by Simon Winchester
Published 31 Dec 1985

The Walled City of Kowloon, neither truly a city, nor having any walls—the Japanese knocked them down in the Second World War—was specifically mentioned in the Convention as the one place that would remain under Chinese administration ‘except insofar as may be inconsistent with the military requirements for the defence of Hong Kong’. The British unilaterally revoked that particular clause of the Convention a few months after the lease had begun, and tossed the Chinese officials out. But the Walled City has never accepted colonial rule—it is a teeming, dirty little slum, unpoliced, unorganised, unfriendly and dangerous. There was never any town planning, though the Kai Tak airport authorities insisted recently that some buildings be lowered to an appropriate height, and so police moved in and obligingly lopped some storeys off.

Disaster Capitalism: Making a Killing Out of Catastrophe
by Antony Loewenstein
Published 1 Sep 2015

Paramilitary groups were a common phenomenon in Haiti throughout these decades, and they remained a troubling weapon in the current government’s armory.9 Free speech was still far from protected, and journalists faced constant harassment.10 The reconstitution of the Haitian military in 2014 rang alarm bells for a nation facing no visible external threats and with a history of internal repression against its own citizens.11 Haiti was the first slave country in history to overthrow its rulers successfully. February 1794 saw the abolition of French colonial rule, and in 1804 Saint-Domingue became independent Haiti.12 It was a success constantly mentioned with pride during my visits, a reminder of a period in history when the people stood up and were not answerable to anyone except themselves. It was the kind of sovereignty the country’s citizens said they craved again.

The Looting Machine: Warlords, Oligarchs, Corporations, Smugglers, and the Theft of Africa's Wealth
by Tom Burgis
Published 24 Mar 2015

He founded De Beers and, when gold was discovered to the north of the diamond fields, launched Gold Fields of South Africa, which still ranks among the biggest gold miners, with mines from Australia to Peru. Rhodes, who served as prime minister of the Cape Colony for five years beginning in 1890 and had private armies at his command, was an avowed imperialist. He sought relentlessly to expand northward the interwoven projects of British colonial rule and his own corporate interests by way of treaties, force of arms and duplicity. His most hegemonic venture, the British South Africa Company, had a royal charter affording it powers akin to those of a government. The region’s black inhabitants, from the Xhosa of the eastern Cape – Nelson Mandela’s people – to Robert Mugabe’s Shona ancestors in Rhodesia, were gradually subjugated and marginalized.

On the Grand Trunk Road: A Journey Into South Asia
by Steve Coll
Published 29 Mar 2009

Mohajir Quami Movement (MQM, Pakistan) Mohammed, Jan Moheshkhali Island Morgenthau, Robert Mothers’ Front (Sri Lanka) Mountbatten, Lord Louis Mujib, Sheikh multinational corporations Munir, Syed. murder, adultery and. See also assassinations, political; death squads Muslim League Muslims; affirmative action programs for; American; and British colonial rule; in Kashmir ; in Pakistani government; population in India; in Soviet Union. See also Hindu-Muslim conflict; Islam; Islamic radicals Muslim United Front Nadvi, Shah Syed Fazal-ur-Rahman Waizi Naipaul. S. Najibullah Narang, Surjeet Singh Narayan (Hindu preacher) Nasser, Gamal Abdel nationalism; Afghani ; Hindu; Indian; Pakistani; Sinhalese; Sri Lankan Naxalites Nehru, Jawaharlal; and democracy ; and “mixed” socialism ; political legacy of ; as prime minister ; and religious conflict ; and Tribhuvan of Nepal Nepal; class conflict in; corruption in government; democracy movement ; monarchy in ; panchayat Nepal (cont.) system; poverty in Nepali Congress party nepotism New Delhi, India: anti-Sikh riots in ; cable television in; caste riots of 1990; rural migration to ; stone quarries newspapers Newstrack New York Times nonaligned movement Northwest Frontier, Pakistan nuclear weapons; Pakistan and Oldenburg, Philip Pakistan; in Afghanistan war ; Bangladeshi independence from; BCCI in; Benazir Bhutto as prime minister of ; and capitalism; cold war and; conspiracy theories in ; corruption in government; democracy in ; and economic reform ; economy ; elections ; feudalism in ; hostility to India; independence; Islamic radicals in; Islam in politics of; and Kashmir rebellion ; martial law under Zia ul-Haq; middle class in; military coups in ; nationalism; Nehruvian state in; and nuclear weapons; political violence in; poverty in; public-sector enterprises; and Rushdie edict; Sind guerrilla movement; Soviet Union and; tribalism in ; U.S. military aid to ; wars with India; World Bank and; Zia ul-Haq crash and ; Zulfikar Ali Bhutto as prime minister of Pakistan air force Pakistan army; Benazir Bhutto and ; military rule; U.S. arms supplies to ; and Zia ul-Haq crash Pakistan Criminal Investigative Agency (CIA) Pakistan Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI): in Afghanistan war ; U.S. military assistance to ; and Zia ul-Haq crash Pakistan People’s Party Pak One crash Partition Party of God.

Democracy and Prosperity: Reinventing Capitalism Through a Turbulent Century
by Torben Iversen and David Soskice
Published 5 Feb 2019

His solution, based on advice from colonial reformers, was a system in which the executive would be drawn from the majority party in the assembly. It would stimulate colonial expansion, strengthen the imperial connection, and minimize American influences. Durham’s report had been commissioned by the British government after the rebellion against British colonial rule; the rebellion had been easily crushed, but it led to reevaluation of the function of white settler colonies. In the 1840s there was more conflict between the Reform Party in the lower house and Conservatives in the upper house. The Reform Party wanted the governor to only appoint ministers who had the approval of the lower house.

The Regency Revolution: Jane Austen, Napoleon, Lord Byron and the Making of the Modern World
by Robert Morrison
Published 3 Jul 2019

There was only so much public benevolence to go around, and rather than directing it toward assistance for the anguished masses in Britain, Wilberforce drew off large amounts of it in his tireless campaigns to highlight the plight of the West India slaves. Cobbett fought ferociously to reset the reform and relief agenda. What did it matter that Jamaican slaves were suffering under British colonial rule? The poor in Britain were in great distress, and they urgently needed as much aid as possible. On one level, Cobbett compared the two labor forces and insisted that the West India slaves “were better fed and less hardly worked than the people of England.” But on another level, he damned such comparisons as in themselves injustices, for next to the “intelligent and ingenious people of England,” the “grossly ignorant Negro . . . rises even in mental capacity, generally speaking, not many degrees above that of numerous inferior animals.” 71 Robert Wedderburn also compared Jamaican slaves with the English laboring classes, and while he was often as inflammatory as Cobbett, he was also a great deal more constructive.

Cyprus Travel Guide
by Lonely Planet

Agios Georgios Museum MUSEUM (Hlorakas; 9am-6pm) Buffs of recent Cypriot history may find this somewhat bizarre and nationalistic museum of interest. It’s located on the spot where the caïque Agios Georgios (now the museum’s prime exhibit), captained by EOKA rebel Georgios Grivas, landed in November 1954 with a large supply of arms and munitions, with the aim of overthrowing British colonial rule. His rebels were finally arrested two months later while attempting another landing. The museum walls document the capture and subsequent trial, including the rebels’ mug shots, as well as some of the seized rifles and ammunition. The site, known as ‘Grivas’ Landing’, is 4km north of Kato Pafos on the E701 and is easily identified by the large Agios Georgios church, built to commemorate the event, as well as the adjacent St George Hotel.

The Edifice Complex: How the Rich and Powerful--And Their Architects--Shape the World
by Deyan Sudjic
Published 27 Nov 2006

In 1957 King Faisal II commissioned Frank Lloyd Wright to design an opera house in the manner of Moscow’s unbuilt Palace of the Soviets. A colossal thirty-storey-high memorial sculpture of Iraq’s greatest Caliph, Haroun al-Rashid, grandson of Baghdad’s founder, took Lenin’s place as its centrepiece. It would have been a piece of nation-building on an epic scale by an Iraq still emerging from British colonial rule. A commission for Walter Gropius to design a university was actually built. Le Corbusier also secured a commission in Baghdad from Faisal in 1956, designing an arena only completed after his death, when it became known as the Saddam Hussein Sports Centre. But Saddam Hussein wanted to do more than look modern.

China into Africa: trade, aid, and influence
by Robert I. Rotberg
Published 15 Nov 2008

More information is available at www.africom.mil/AboutAFRICOM.asp (accessed 6 June 2008). 04-7561-4 ch4.qxd 9/16/08 4:11 PM Page 65 stephanie rupp 4 Africa and China: Engaging Postcolonial Interdependencies The alignment of Africa’s natural resource endowments with China’s core economic interests has placed Africa at the center of emerging geopolitical tensions. In the first decade of the twenty-first century, China is likely to succeed in securing economic and political ties to African nations that rival if not displace relations that Euro-American nations have dominated over 150 years of colonial rule and neocolonial influence. This chapter analyzes the nature of relations between China and Africa, unpacking the frequent characterization of China’s recent activities in Africa as “colonial” or “neocolonial” and asking if there might be an alternative framework for making sense of Africa’s contemporary position vis-à-vis China.

The America That Reagan Built
by J. David Woodard
Published 15 Mar 2006

But in 1994 a horrible tragedy went largely unnoticed. Don’t Stop Thinking About Tomorrow 159 Rwanda is one of the smallest countries in Central Africa, with just 7 million people comprised of two main ethnic groups: Hutu and Tutsi. Although the Hutu were the preponderant majority, the Tutsi minority were considered aristocracy during Belgian colonial rule. Following independence in 1962, the Hutu majority oppressed the Tutsis, who fled to neighboring countries where they formed a guerilla army, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). In 1990, this rebel army invaded Rwanda, and by 1993, the United Nations placed a peacekeeping force of 2,500 multinational soldiers to preserve a fragile cease-fire.

City: A Guidebook for the Urban Age
by P. D. Smith
Published 19 Jun 2012

On his return, he was determined to turn Cairo into ‘the Paris of the Nile’.59 The square – midan in Arabic – was named Isma’iliya Square, after its creator. Following the 1952 revolution which swept King Farouk’s monarchy from power, President Gamal Abdel Nasser changed the names of many landmarks in Cairo, including Isma’iliya Square, which became Tahrir – or Liberation – Square to commemorate Egypt’s liberation from British colonial rule. In 1970, Tahrir Square became the focus of a national outpouring of grief when Nasser died suddenly. Many hundreds of thousands of people gathered there to mourn his passing. Centrally located in Cairo and bordered on one side by the River Nile, Tahrir Square has today become a vast traffic roundabout, with more than twenty streets leading into it, constantly jammed with cars and buses.

The Making of an Atlantic Ruling Class
by Kees Van der Pijl
Published 2 Jun 2014

In line with the thrust of universalism, and crucial with respect to mobilizing Social Democrats in particular, an attempt was made to base imperialist dominance more firmly in the local class structure in the periphery. In the Kennedy offensive, even more than in the Roosevelt or Marshall periods, the Americans probed beyond established colonial rule or military dictatorships for moderate nationalist, middle-class groupings in the underdeveloped world. This policy at the same time required a firm approach to those Third World states which were beyond imperialist manipulation. Embargoes like those imposed against Eastern Europe therefore were used to isolate bridgeheads of socialist revolution in the periphery.

The Attention Merchants: The Epic Scramble to Get Inside Our Heads
by Tim Wu
Published 14 May 2016

That messenger was clutching a letter from the prime minister, a letter that would not only postpone Kitchener’s trip home but also set him on an unexpected course to become one of the pivotal figures in the story of mass attention capture.1 Kitchener was himself no stranger to attention. In 1911, he’d been appointed the king’s vice-consul in Egypt, becoming de facto ruler of the land of the pharaohs. By then he was already Britain’s best known military officer, a living embodiment of colonial rule. Sir Arthur Conan Doyle wrote of him, “He was in a very special sense a King-Man, one who was born to fashion and control the Great Affairs of Mankind.” And with his erect posture, large mustache, and taste for full dress uniform, he very much looked the part.2 The message from Prime Minister Herbert Asquith ordered the indispensable Kitchener back to London for a meeting of the War Council.

Worn: A People's History of Clothing
by Sofi Thanhauser
Published 25 Jan 2022

In the 1890s, according to the British medical journal The Lancet, famine deaths in India totaled nineteen million, with the highest levels of fatality concentrated in the areas that had been transformed into cotton production for export. The forced production of raw cotton proved to be disastrous in India, and it was only to be replicated elsewhere. From 1860 to 1920, across the world 55 million acres of cotton came into cultivation, mainly in colonial areas. * * * — British colonial rule consciously and deliberately smashed Indian handloomed fabric. And precisely because of this, Mohandas Gandhi elevated traditional, handmade cloth into a symbol of resistance. As mass nationalism burgeoned in colonial South Asia in the 1920s, Gandhi inaugurated a swadeshi, or indigenous goods, movement, which aimed to achieve swaraj, “home rule,” by establishing India’s economic self-sufficiency from Britain.

The Planet Remade: How Geoengineering Could Change the World
by Oliver Morton
Published 26 Sep 2015

By the middle of the century European explorers had discovered cave paintings, dried lakebeds and other signs indicating that the Sahara had once been wetter and greener. Joined with a self-serving, and misleading, reading of classical texts that portrayed the region as the ‘breadbasket of the Roman Empire’ was used to justify French colonial rule; the land’s fallen semi-arid state was taken to be the result of bad landscape management by its post-Roman inhabitants. Left in Arab hands, things would get even worse. ‘The Sahara, this hearth of evil, stretches every day its arms towards us,’ warned a panicked pamphlet in 1883; ‘it will soon enclose us, suffocate us, annihilate us.’

The Future Is Asian
by Parag Khanna
Published 5 Feb 2019

There are active and heated public debates about revising the Internal Security Act (ISA) to limit the government’s power of preventive detention, initiating a freedom of information act, curbing restrictions on political assembly, decriminalizing homosexuality, and abolishing caning as a form of official punishment. For each such law, there is a historical and cultural context, whether British colonial rule, fear of Cold War Communist insurgency, or the values of an elderly Christian population. Singapore is not afraid to evolve its ethical codes, but it rightly remains paranoid. Even as the government learns to trust the public ever more with the responsibilities of freedom, it would be foolish to expect a country even more ethnically diverse than when it was founded to tolerate, in the name of free speech, reckless abuses of liberty such as inciting communal hatred.

Imagine a City: A Pilot's Journey Across the Urban World
by Mark Vanhoenacker
Published 14 Aug 2022

Our long overwater hours end as we cross the coast near Blouberg (meaning Blue Mountain, it’s home to a high density of archaeological sites and Stone Age burials of the Indigenous San and Khoe peoples, according to the archaeologist Jayson Orton, and it’s also the scene of an 1806 battle that advanced the transition from Dutch to British colonial rule), where later today hundreds of kitesurfers will skid over some of their city’s most reliably mighty waves. The controller at the airport gives us a heading to fly, from which we’ll intercept the radio signal that will guide us to Cape Town’s sole long runway. On as bright a morning as this, however, we hardly need such electronic handholding.

McMafia: A Journey Through the Global Criminal Underworld
by Misha Glenny
Published 7 Apr 2008

There are more than 300 ethnic groups in Nigeria, but broadly speaking the country is divided into three main language groups: the Yoruba in the west, including Lagos; the Hausa in the north; and the Igbo in the east. It is too crude to identify these as three separate peoples, as the differentiation within each language group is vast, rather like calling Russians and Poles part of the same tribe. After almost a century of colonial rule, the three groups embraced independence in 1960 with very different roles in the new state. By 1966, the Muslim Hausa had come to dominate the army; the Christian Yoruba provided much of the civil service and the intellectual elite of the country; and the Igbo in the east continued their role as some of the most effective traders in the world.

Atlantic: Great Sea Battles, Heroic Discoveries, Titanic Storms & a Vast Ocean of a Million Stories
by Simon Winchester
Published 27 Oct 2009

At the beginning—and at the time of the piracy trial—the Castle became the regional headquarters of the Royal African Company of England, the private British company that was given “for a thousand years” a British government monopoly to trade in slaves over the entire 2,500-mile Atlantic coastline from the Sahara to Cape Town. Though the monopoly ended in 1750, slavery endured for another sixty years and British colonial rule for another two hundred. The British turned the Castle into the imposing structure that remains today—and it has become sufficiently well known and well restored that it attracts large number of visitors, including many African-Americans who naturally have a particular interest in its story. The American president Barack Obama visited with his family in 2009, to see and experience what remains one of the world’s most poignant physical illustrations of the evils of slavery.

India's Long Road
by Vijay Joshi
Published 21 Feb 2017

Jawaharlal Nehru’s famous speech at the ‘stroke of the midnight hour’, when India became independent, spoke of ‘ending poverty and ignorance and disease and inequality of opportunity’ and building a ‘prosperous, democratic and progressive’ nation. How has India done? For the first three decades after independence, growth performance was poor (though better than under colonial rule). The poverty ratio did not fall, and the number of people in poverty rose substantially. In those days, India was often compared to a slow-​moving snail or tortoise. It was thought of as ‘a country of the future that will always remain so’, a country that would never get its act together, even sometimes as a ‘basket case’.

In the Graveyard of Empires: America's War in Afghanistan
by Seth G. Jones
Published 12 Apr 2009

As Figure 6.2 illustrates, there are seven agencies (Khyber, Kurram, Orakzai, Mohmand, Bajaur, North Waziristan, and South Waziristan). There are also six frontier regions: Peshawar, Kohat, Bannu, Dera Ismail Khan, Tank, and Lakki Marwat. The Pashtun tribes that controlled this region had resisted colonial rule with a determination virtually unparalleled in the subcontinent. The tribes were granted maximum autonomy and allowed to run their affairs in accordance with their Islamic faith, customs, and traditions. Tribal elders, known as maliks, were given special favors by the British in return for maintaining peace, keeping open important roads such as the Khyber Pass, and apprehending criminals.

Pacific: Silicon Chips and Surfboards, Coral Reefs and Atom Bombs, Brutal Dictators, Fading Empires, and the Coming Collision of the World's Superpowers
by Simon Winchester
Published 27 Oct 2015

See also North Korea; South Korea division of, 154–55, 154, 309 DMZ, 161, 176–78, 182–87 Hawaii and, 5 MDL, 172 Soviets and, 153–55 U.S. military and, 119 Vietnam War and, 206 Korean War, 152, 156, 170, 172–73, 208 Kosrae island, 4, 434 Kowloon, 222, 228 Krakatoa volcano, 62, 379n “Kraken, The” (Tennyson), 305 Kualoa, Hawaii, 429 Kunsan, 419 Kuomintang, 393 Kuril Islands, 116, 316 Kwajalein, 3, 11–17, 49, 54, 65–66, 74–76 Kwajalein, Battle of, 45 kyodatsu (despair), 88 Labor Day hurricane of 1935, 243, 245 labor unions, 196, 199 Labour Party of Australia, 268, 277, 279, 294 Lamotrek atoll, 11 Lana’i island, 369–75 Langinbelik, Rokko, 74 La Niña, 253, 255, 260, 261n Laos, 202, 207 Larrakia aboriginals, 233 Laurence, William, 55–56 Law of the Sea Convention, 333 “Law on the Territorial Waters” (China, 1992), 389 Lawrence, James, 167 League of Nations, 11 Le Corbusier, 105 Le Duc Tho, 209 Lee Kuan Yew, 396 Lenin, V.I., 24 Letham, Isabel, 139 Leyte Gulf, 239–41, 240 Liaoning (Chinese carrier), 407–9, 415 Libby, Willard, 34 life, origin of, 322–23 Lindeman Island, 348 Line Islands, 367 Littoral combat ships, 421 Liu Huaqing, 411–17, 411 Locklear, Samuel, III, 242–43 Loma Prieta earthquake, 378–79 London, Charmian, 131 London, Jack, 121, 129–34, 137, 147 Long Beach, California, 139 Queen Mary and, 193 Long March, 412 Lop Nor atomic tests, 37 Lorikeet, 218n Los Alamos laboratories, 33, 47, 57–58, 67–69 Los Angeles, 25, 118 surfing and, 134–35, 140 Los Angeles Times, 144 Lucky Country, The (Horne), 267, 299n Lucky Dragon Five (fishing boat), 76–78 Lulu (research ship), 317, 319–22, 328 Lutherans, 44 Lutyens, Edward, 282 Luzon China and, 393, 413 earthquake of 1990, 380 Pinatubo eruption and Typhoon Yunya, 383 MacArthur, Douglas, 239 MacArthur villages, Philippines, 240 Macau, 228, 414 Macclesfield Bank, 396 Machu Picchu, 130n MacLehose, Murray, 221, 222 Madagascar, 430 Madden-Julian Oscillation, 263 Maersk shipping line, 405 Magellan, Ferdinand, 8, 23, 26, 40, 441, 443 magma, 314, 353 Magnavox, 113 magnetic field reversal, 311–12 Magsaysay, Ramón, 380 Mahan, Alfred Thayer, 377, 411, 414 Majuro atoll, 3, 8, 11 malama honua (“care for island earth”), 427, 429, 440, 444 Malaya, colonialism and, 212–13 Malay people, 43, 293 Malaysia, 10, 18, 394, 394, 396 Malibu, California, 141 Manchuria, 155, 414 Manfred (Byron), 231 manganese nodule boom, 332 Manhattan Project, 47, 76n Manila, 5, 44, 372 Pinatubo eruption and, 380–81, 385n Manjiro, Nakahama, 358n Manoa, Hawaii, 5 Manus refugee camp, 300–301 Man Who Loved China, The (Needham), 102n Maori, 21, 27 Mao Zedong, 31, 37, 269 Marcos, Ferdinand, 25, 379 Marianas Islands, 8, 413 marine protected zones, 367 Marie Byrd Land, 18 marine life coral reefs and, 343–45 endangered, 366 plastic debris and, 365–66 Marine Park Authority (Australia), 348, 349 Maritime Continent, 18, 254 Marquesas, 5, 431 Marshall, Andrew “Yoda,” 416–19, 416, 422 Marshall, George, 153–55 Marshall, John, 43 Marshall Islands, 3, 8. See also specific Islands European discovery and, 43–44 German colonial rule, 9, 44–45 Japan and, 10–11, 45 missionaries and, 44, 50 nuclear tests and, 14–17, 19, 48–79 U.S. possession, 12–17, 45–46 WW II and, 45–46 Masterdom, Operation, 203 Mataiva Island, 438 Matsushita firm, 113 Maui, 370, 372–73, 437 McCoy, Mike, 434 Mead, Margaret, 300 Mediterranean, 22, 411 Melanesia, 215, 430, 440 Melbourne, 234, 302 Melville, Herman, 6 Mencken, H.L., 292n Menzies, Sir Robert, 268n, 279 Meteorological Office, 233 Micronesia, 4, 214, 430, 439 colonial history of, 8–12, 43–44, 214 Compact of Free Association and, 16 Hokule‘a and, 434, 439–40 as U.S. possession, 12 WW I and, 10–11 WW II and, 10–12 Microsoft, 96 Mid-Atlantic Ridge, 308, 310–11 Middle East, 410, 420 Mid-Oceanic Ridge system, 309–17 hydrothermal vents and, 326–28 mapping of, 316–17 smokers and, 328–32 Midway, USS (carrier), 177, 383 Midway Island, 357, 365 Mike thermonuclear test weapon, 42 Milton, John, 212 Minamata disease, 25 Mindanao, 237, 241n minerals, 270, 348 minimum central pressure (of storm), 244–45 mining, 366–67 deep-sea, 332–34 mining control vessel, 335 Misawa, Japan, 115 Mischief Reef, 395–96 Missouri, USS (ship), Japanese surrender on, 12 Mitsubishi, 99 Mitsui company, 107n Moho braccatus, 355 Monde, Le, 43 monsoons, 251–53, 262 Morita, Akio, 85–87, 89, 92, 93n, 94, 98, 100–101, 105–8, 112–13 Morita Company, 92, 93n, 95 Mormons, 371, 442 Moro people, 241n Mount Daisen, 116 Mount Fuji, 114 Mount Krakatoa, 315 Mount Mayon volcano, 379–80 Mount Newman, 11 Mount Pinatubo, 315, 378–86, 384, 389, 395n, 397, 409, 418, 421, 425 Mount Pinatubo (airplane), 380 Mount Popocatepetl, 315 Mount St.

Being Wrong: Adventures in the Margin of Error
by Kathryn Schulz
Published 7 Jun 2010

In fact, the most crystalline example of it might come from Brewster’s own era, in the form of a footnote to the history of colonial Africa. In the mid-nineteenth century, France was experiencing difficulty in Algeria. The region’s Islamic holy men were using their status—and supposedly their supernatural powers—to encourage resistance to colonial rule, and the resulting rebellion was proving difficult to quell. Deciding to fight fire with fire, Napoleon III turned to one Jean Eugène Robert-Houdin, an erstwhile watchmaker who had become an extraordinarily inventive and convincing illusionist. (Today Robert-Houdin is recognized as the father of modern magic, an honor that comes complete with a kind of figurative primogeniture.

Venice: A New History
by Thomas F. Madden
Published 24 Oct 2012

But by the late fourteenth century the rise of the signori had produced powerful and expansionistic states in Italy that could conceivably cut off Venice’s access to the trade routes, produce, and raw materials of the mainland. Indeed, that had been the goal of Genoa and Padua during the War of Chioggia. The Venetian government responded by first neutralizing the threat posed by the Carrara family, and then establishing colonial rule over lands stretching from the lagoon all the way to Lake Garda, near Verona. Once Venice was established as a mainland power, however, it was difficult for its people not to be drawn further into Italy’s politics and wars. Although the cities that Venice acquired were largely left to govern themselves, they nonetheless required Venetian officials, which provided lucrative jobs for nobles needing work.

The Men Who United the States: America's Explorers, Inventors, Eccentrics and Mavericks, and the Creation of One Nation, Indivisible
by Simon Winchester
Published 14 Oct 2013

It was a speech that spelled out President Obama’s unyieldingly optimistic belief in the future of a country that had allowed him, a young black man, to be invested, now for a second term, as the most powerful human being on the planet. He had been given this role, he said, with a new chance to perfect still further the immense entity that is the American union, more than two centuries after his country had declared its independence from colonial rule. Such was the crowd’s exuberance that much of what the president said was drowned in a cacophony of cheering and frenzied delight. Sensing the mood, he prudently kept what he had to say brief and to the point. After no more than ten minutes of high rhetoric, the tone of his voice fell and quieted—he was coming to the end.

America Right or Wrong: An Anatomy of American Nationalism
by Anatol Lieven
Published 3 May 2010

In taking this "liberal imperialist" line, as Jacques also points out, these writers forget that "some of the greatest difficulties these countries have faced have been a direct result of the imperial legacy."155 The Western colonial empires overwhelmingly failed to develop most of their colonies, as witnessed by the catastrophic decline in Indian industries and share of world trade under British colonial rule. Indeed, that was part of the point, as the colonies were intended to be captive markets, not competitors—an approach replicated in the Bush administration's policy of distributing contracts to rebuild Iraq to American corporations rather than to Iraqi ministries. The only empires which successfully developed their imperial possessions were those of Russia and Japan, which treated them economically as part of the imperial metropolis itself.

The Sovereign Individual: How to Survive and Thrive During the Collapse of the Welfare State
by James Dale Davidson and William Rees-Mogg
Published 3 Feb 1997

The state was not liberating and protective of its citizens, no matter what its propaganda claimed; on the contrary its gross effect was constricting and exploitative, or else, it simply failed to operate in any social sense at all."' 2 BASIL DAVIDSON The indigenous governments that replaced colonial rule in the countries that were not settled by Europeans drew their leaders and administrators from populations who had little experience or skill at running any type of large-scale enterprise. In many cases, especially in Africa, infrastructure inherited from the departing colonial powers was rapidly looted, destroyed, or allowed to fall into disrepair.

Lonely Planet Cancun, Cozumel & the Yucatan (Travel Guide)
by Lonely Planet , John Hecht and Sandra Bao
Published 31 Jul 2013

And as the capital of Yucatán state, Mérida is also the cultural crossroads of the region, and there’s something just a smidge elitist about it: the people who live here have a beautiful town, and they know it. History Francisco de Montejo (the Younger) founded a Spanish colony at Campeche, about 160km to the southwest, in 1540. From this base he took advantage of political dissension among the Maya, conquering T’ho (now Mérida) in 1542. By decade’s end, Yucatán was mostly under Spanish colonial rule. When Montejo’s conquistadors entered T’ho, they found a major Maya settlement of lime-mortared stone that reminded them of the Roman architecture in Mérida, Spain. They promptly renamed the city and proceeded to build it into the regional capital, dismantling the Maya structures and using the materials to construct a cathedral and other stately buildings.

The Blood of Heroes: The 13-Day Struggle for the Alamo--And the Sacrifice That Forged a Nation
by James Donovan
Published 14 May 2012

Young Santa Anna had found his calling. A year later, in 1813, he marched hundreds of miles with General Joaquín de Arredondo and an eighteen-hundred-man royalist force across the arid desolation of northern Mexico. Their destination: that charming town of San Antonio de Béxar, scene of an uprising against colonial rule led by a mixed group of Mexican revolutionaries and Anglo filibusters who had defeated a Spanish army and boldly proclaimed themselves the Republican Army of the North. Arredondo, the commandant of Mexico’s Eastern Interior Provinces, had become brutally efficient over the last few years at suppressing revolts.

Discover Caribbean Islands
by Lonely Planet

But the island is fascinating for exploring. The verdant rainforested interior has good hiking options, and vast banana plantations provide a timeless spectacle. Kingstown POP 32,300 Rough cobblestone streets, arched stone doorways and covered walkways conjure up a Caribbean of banana boats and colonial rule. Kingstown heaves and swells with a pulsing local community that bustles through its narrow streets and alleyways. Steep hills surround the town, amplifying the sounds of car horns, street vendors and the music filtering through the crowd. The nearby towns of Villa and Indian Bay are where you will find the majority of the resorts on the island.

Corporate Warriors: The Rise of the Privatized Military Industry
by Peter Warren Singer
Published 1 Jan 2003

It is the sixth largest supplier of imported crude oil to the United States.24 The tragedy, however, is that instead of benefiting from this wealth Angola has been at war for the last three decades. The result is that the country ranks 160th among the world's nations in terms of quality of life.2o The war in Angola can be traced to its abrupt independence from Portuguese colonial rule in 1975. At this time, several hundred thousand Portuguese—virtually the entire educated population—abandoned the country, but not before stripping it of everything of value, including, in many cases, even taking their doorknobs.2*1 The new Angolan nation was thus left with few citizens trained in statecraft, industry, or agriculture, but a ready supply of warring guerilla armies.

The Rough Guide to Cape Town, Winelands & Garden Route
by Rough Guides , James Bembridge and Barbara McCrea
Published 4 Jan 2018

The island’s first prisoner was the indigenous Khoikhoi leader Autshumato, who learnt English in the early seventeenth century and became an emissary of the British. After the Dutch settlement was established, he was jailed by Jan van Riebeeck in 1658. The rest of the seventeenth century saw a succession of East Indies political prisoners and Muslim holy men exiled here for opposing Dutch colonial rule. During the nineteenth century, the British used Robben Island as a dumping ground for deserters, criminals and political prisoners, in much the same way as they used Australia. Captured Xhosa leaders who defied the British Empire during the Frontier Wars of the early to mid-nineteenth century were transported from the Eastern to the Western Cape to be imprisoned, and many ended up on Robben Island.

Triumph of the Optimists: 101 Years of Global Investment Returns
by Elroy Dimson , Paul Marsh and Mike Staunton
Published 3 Feb 2002

Table 2-3 shows that, mostly, the exchanges founded during the nineteenth century were set up either in Europe, or by Europeans abroad. Of the non-European exchanges that pre-date 1900, Canada, South Africa, Hong Kong, Australia, New Zealand, India, and Sri Lanka were all part of the British Empire, while Egypt was effectively a British protectorate. The exceptions to the European/colonial rule are the United States, Japan, Turkey, and the five Latin American markets, Mexico, Brazil, Argentina, Chile, and Venezuela. The important issue that Table 2-3 raises is the extent to which the sixteen countries covered in this book and shown in bold typeface were representative of the world’s stock markets at the start of our research period in 1900.

A World Beneath the Sands: The Golden Age of Egyptology
by Toby Wilkinson
Published 19 Oct 2020

Lady Cromer took different groups of British ladies for a fortnightly audience with the khedive. According to one expatriate Englishwoman: ‘For many years the Khedive’s ball was the culminating event in the winter festivities in Cairo, and was as brilliant a function as oriental splendour and cosmopolitan fashion in combination could compass.’28 Throughout the period of colonial rule, the British simply never understood the Egyptians. They lived separate lives, in different worlds. Cromer, though he effectively ran Egypt for a quarter of a century, never learned Arabic. Many Europeans – figures like Lucie Duff Gordon were exceptional – thought the Egyptians indolent and in need of moral reform.

Lonely Planet Cancun, Cozumel & the Yucatan (Travel Guide)
by Lonely Planet , John Hecht and Lucas Vidgen
Published 31 Jul 2016

And as the capital of Yucatán state, Mérida is also the cultural crossroads of the region, and there’s something just a smidge elitist about Mérida: the people who live here have a beautiful town, and they know it. History Francisco de Montejo (the Younger) founded a Spanish colony at Campeche, about 160km to the southwest, in 1540. From this base he took advantage of political dissension among the Maya, conquering T’ho (now Mérida) in 1542. By decade’s end Yucatán was mostly under Spanish colonial rule. When Montejo’s conquistadors entered T’ho, they found a major Maya settlement of lime-mortared stone that reminded them of the Roman architecture in Mérida, Spain. They promptly renamed the city and proceeded to build it into the regional capital, dismantling the Maya structures and using the materials to construct a cathedral and other stately buildings.

The Asian Financial Crisis 1995–98: Birth of the Age of Debt
by Russell Napier
Published 19 Jul 2021

Sometimes they are smart enough to hear the chimes at midnight, but often they are not. The foreign investor then often expresses outrage that gambling has been going on with the company’s capital! This cycle seems to have been repeating since portfolio investors first plunged into emerging market portfolio assets with the liberation of Latin America from colonial rule in the 1820s. Revulsion, pursuit cycling and passionate intensity 3 August 1998, Regional On numerous previous occasions, The Solid Ground has quoted from Professor Kindelberger’s work, which was based on the model created by Hyman Minsky. That model proved useful in indicating that the conditions for a crisis were present.

Blood in the Machine: The Origins of the Rebellion Against Big Tech
by Brian Merchant
Published 25 Sep 2023

Recall that for centuries, Britain’s major industry was wool production—an economic infrastructure comprising thousands of weavers, artisans, merchants, mechanics, and exporters. But from around the middle of the eighteenth century, a new industry emerged: cotton cloth production. Cotton had a key advantage—machines could process cotton fibers better than wool. Production was easier to automate. And cotton could be cheaply grown in a number of countries under British colonial rule. Cotton was a small industry in Britain in the early 18th century. By the end, it was a force gathering nearly unstoppable steam. Thanks to the spinning jenny, the water frame, and the power loom, England gained the ability to process cotton into cloth products at an unparalleled pace and scale.

Lonely Planet Belgium & Luxembourg
by Lonely Planet

Further regional autonomy is granted in 2012. 2010–11 Elections leave Belgian politicians unable to form a coalition government for nearly 18 months. 2018 Belgium’s soccer dream team reaches the semifinals of the World Cup. 2019 Luxembourg greenlights the country’s first floating solar plant. Set in a former steel-producing site, the plant is completed two years later and becomes a model for future renewable energy projects.. 2020 As the Black Lives Matter movement spreads, King Philippe becomes the first Belgian royal to express regret for its brutal colonial rule, and statues of King Leopold II are taken down. 2020 Some 652 days after the collapse of the previous government, Flemish Liberal Alexander De Croo is sworn in as Belgium’s new Prime Minister. 2021 Record rainfall across Europe causes one of the greatest natural disasters ever to strike Belgium.

Waging a Good War: A Military History of the Civil Rights Movement, 1954-1968
by Thomas E. Ricks
Published 3 Oct 2022

Lawson began with an overview of religion and philosophy, contending that all the great religions essentially sought to find justice. He would go on in later classes to review specific episodes and thinkers—Henry David Thoreau’s resistance to the American government, the American abolitionists, the German resistance to Nazism, and Gandhi’s campaign against British colonial rule. He threw in a bit of Chinese philosophy. He ended with a big dose of Christian faith. He taught that segregation was wicked and that it was wrong to submit to it. But he emphasized the necessity not to inflict suffering in attacking it and instead to take suffering upon oneself. “When you don’t retaliate with a personal insult, but instead offer a friendly gesture,” Lawson explained, “that’s what Jesus meant when he said, ‘turn the other cheek.’

Empire of Things: How We Became a World of Consumers, From the Fifteenth Century to the Twenty-First
by Frank Trentmann
Published 1 Dec 2015

The first thing a slave did was to buy a shirt or an embroidered kofia. The Zanzibar archipelago was a thriving fashion scene (see Plate 13). A Swahili saying went in 1900: ‘Proceed cautiously in Pemba. If you come wearing a loincloth, you leave wearing a turban. If you come wearing a turban, you leave wearing a loincloth.’27 Colonial rule gave this spiral an additional twist. Colonial administrations controlled jobs, money and status. Spending on Western goods simultaneously indicated one’s proximity to colonial rulers and one’s distance from native groups at the bottom of society. In French Cameroon after the First World War, the Duala elite spent a small fortune on European clothes.

…

‘As to the Indian people generally, they are clear gainers; or they would surely not take the British goods, unless they were either cheaper or better than their own.’49 This was the voice of the free-trade empire: trade would bring specialization, greater efficiency and welfare. British rule was benign because it shifted resources from idle princes to the Indian people. The sad truth was that the British empire managed to do the first without accomplishing the second. Simply put, Indian society under colonial rule moved from the shape of an hourglass into that of a pyramid. At the top, the rich elite was slimmed. At the bottom, the poor were not getting poorer, but there were many more of them. The middle class and affluent workers remained few. Why India under British rule became locked into a cycle of pauperization has been one of the longest-standing debates in history and economics.

From Peoples into Nations
by John Connelly
Published 11 Nov 2019

When mayor Stefan Starzyński finally surrendered on September 25, the German overlords did not set up a Polish puppet regime, but instead created two zones of direct control: in the west, they annexed a band of territory directly to the Reich, while in Central Poland they established a Generalgouvernement for the Occupied Polish Territories (GG), using a French word evocative of colonial rule.13 In these two regions, German authorities subjected Poland’s population to genocidal rule on two schedules: rapid in the west, because of the area’s new status as German territory; but more gradual in the GG, which was slated to become fully Germanized in a generation. Thus, in the west, German officials immediately closed all Polish schooling, made public speaking of Polish a crime, and introduced compulsory labor from age fourteen for males and sixteen for females.

…

For him, all this social pluralism accounted for the “stability of the regime and the support it receives from public opinion.”67 “The Soviet empire,” Konrád concluded, “despite all of its internal difficulties, is in good shape, not headed toward collapse.”68 It was a superpower, whose conventional and nuclear forces caused great anxiety in the West, and whose Marxist ideology had legions of supporters in NATO countries. Moreover, having achieved nuclear parity with the United States, the Soviet Union competed for influence in Asia, Africa, and Central America, where populations were shaking off colonial rule. In the 1980s, one-third of the world’s population was ruled by Marxist-Leninist regimes, and the number seemed likely to grow.69 North Vietnam had just scored an impressive victory over the United States. Throughout South and Southeast Asia, the Middle East, Africa, and Central and South America, millions looked with favor on state socialism, and Soviet advisors served in Mozambique, Syria, and Nicaragua, while proxy Cuban soldiers fought in Angola.

The Future of War
by Lawrence Freedman
Published 9 Oct 2017

Instead, it was calculated to push people away from supporting the government.19 The instrumentality of mass killings lay in their role as a way of removing political opponents, as in the purges undertaken by communist countries, or in removing hostile populations, especially when it was difficult to expel them in sufficient numbers, or as a means of intimidating civilian sources of support.20 THE EXAMPLE THAT GAINED MOST ATTENTION DURING THE 2000S, and which was used to show that a harsh approach could be successful, was the Sri Lankan Civil War. Its origins went back to British colonial rule and the early days of independence which saw discrimination against the minority, and increasingly resentful, Tamils. Fighting began in 1983 with demands for an independent Tamil state, led by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, or the Tamil Tigers. The tactics of the Tamil Tigers were vicious while Sri Lankan forces were hardly restrained.

MacroWikinomics: Rebooting Business and the World
by Don Tapscott and Anthony D. Williams
Published 28 Sep 2010

Once in Western universities, these students took advantage of the Internet to disseminate information and communicate among themselves—without fear of repression.27 In a span of a few years, Burmese activists were able to turn an obscure, backwater conflict into an international issue; force multinational corporations to divest from Burma; and make the so-called State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) one of the world’s most vilified regimes. Their tactics, which focus primarily on starving SLORC of foreign currency, were inspired by and modeled after the antiapartheid movement that freed South Africa from colonial rule. But while the South African boycotts took decades to take effect, the Internet was steadily increasing the effectiveness of activists and accelerating the speed of social change. In the United States alone, more than twenty states and local governments enacted laws to disqualify companies doing business in Burma from bidding on public contracts.

The Price of Inequality: How Today's Divided Society Endangers Our Future
by Joseph E. Stiglitz
Published 10 Jun 2012

Lenin saw the shaping of public opinion as essential in bringing on the revolution, but to some extent all countries and all leaders develop narratives that shape how people perceive their government and country. Anticolonial leaders had an easier time persuading the citizens of their country of the illegitimacy of colonial rule. 2. Ads could provide information, e.g., about what goods are available at what prices. But statements about the attributes of a product by the seller (unless accompanied by a money-back guarantee) would be taken as just self-serving. There are Ptolemaic attempts to describe ads, like that of the old Marlboro cowboy (retired in the United States around the turn of the century after a forty-five-year stint), as providing consumers information: most individuals who buy the cigarettes are not cowboys, but may identify themselves as hardy, like a cowboy.

Dereliction of Duty: Johnson, McNamara, the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the Lies That Led to Vietnam
by H. R. McMaster
Published 7 May 1998

The agreement temporarily partitioned Vietnam into north and south, limited the introduction of foreign troops into the region, and called for general elections to unify the country by July 1956. During the Geneva conference, Bao Dai appointed Ngo Dinh Diem, then living in Paris, as prime minister. As a young man, Diem had pursued a career as a politician and bureaucrat until he became frustrated with French colonial rule. He had long advocated Vietnamese independence, but rejected Ho’s Communist vision. In 1945 the Vietminh held Diem prisoner for six months until, after a brief meeting with Ho, he was released. While in captivity, Diem learned that the Vietminh had murdered one of his five brothers, Khoi, and Khoi’s son.

The Rise and Fall of Nations: Forces of Change in the Post-Crisis World
by Ruchir Sharma
Published 5 Jun 2016

In contrast, India is a large and slow-moving democracy, where local opposition can block land development and the state still reserves huge swaths of urban land for itself. As former World Bank China director Yukon Huang has pointed out, the sprawling urban estates reserved for civil servant housing and military cantonments are a legacy of colonial rule. In my experience, no capital in the emerging world has a neighborhood anything like Lutyens Delhi, named after the British architect who designed the administrative area of India’s capital city. This area includes a “bungalow zone” of hundreds of homes on more than twenty-five square kilometers owned almost entirely by the government and surrounded by verdant parklands and laced with wide tree-lined roads.

Necessary Illusions
by Noam Chomsky
Published 1 Sep 1995

Tucker, “Reagan’s Foreign Policy,” Foreign Affairs, “America and the World 1988/89,” Winter 1989, featured lead article. John Lewis Gaddis, The Long Peace (Oxford, 1987, 129). The effort to liberate Indochina from the U.S.-backed French forces was in part a civil war, as is generally true of struggles against foreign occupation and colonial rule—the American revolution, for example. It should be clear that this fact adds no credibility to the bizarre notion that the U.S. was “deterring aggression” by aiding the French effort to reconquer Indochina, even contemplating the use of nuclear weapons for this purpose. 8. See appendix V, section 8, for an example, though one beyond the norm. 9.

Order Without Design: How Markets Shape Cities
by Alain Bertaud
Published 9 Nov 2018

At that time France still had a military draft, and my student deferment period had expired. I was lucky enough to spend the last year of my military service in Algeria as a civilian technical assistant, a sort of French version of the Peace Corps. Algeria had been independent for only 2 years after a bitter war to free itself from colonial rule. At the time, there were so few Algerian urban planners that the government appointed me “Inspecteur de l’Urbanisme” or “Urban Inspector” for Tlemcen, a city of about 80,000 people in the Western part of Algeria. My job consisted of preparing new land development plans, but mostly it required spending the majority of my mornings deciding the fate of building permit applications.

Countdown: Our Last, Best Hope for a Future on Earth?
by Alan Weisman
Published 23 Sep 2013

Many of these urban warlords descend from the original farming families when Lyari was a village, long before Britain decided to build a major warm-water port on the Arabian Sea near a small fishing enclave called Kolachi, in what was then part of India. As the two villages grew and merged, farmers opened shops, consolidated, became community fixers, made land deals, and became powerful in a city where laws were scorned under colonial rule, and now exist mainly on paper. British rule in India ended in 1947, a triumph for Mahatma Gandhi’s gentle civil disobedience. But Muslims who feared living under a Hindu majority demanded independence, and Pakistan was born in two Muslim majority regions cleaved from eastern and western India.

We Were Soldiers Once...and Young: Ia Drang - the Battle That Changed the War in Vietnam
by Harold G. Moore and Joseph L. Galloway
Published 19 Oct 1991

On the boat coming over I had reread Bernard Fall's Street Without Joy and I recognized that airstrip as the departure point for the French army's Group Mobile 100 on June 24, 1954, as it headed west on Route 19 and straight into the historic Viet Minh ambush that helped seal the fate of French colonial rule in Indochina. We stepped off the choppers into a tangle of trees, weeds, and brush, in the middle of what would become our airfield, the Golf Course. Brigadier General John M. Wright, assistant division commander, had decreed that the airfield for the 1st Cav's 450-plus helicopters and fixed-wing aircraft would have to be "smooth as a golf course."

An Impeccable Spy: Richard Sorge, Stalin’s Master Agent
by Owen Matthews
Published 21 Mar 2019

Having suffering a nervous break-down, she was befriended by two neighbours, Thorberg and Ernest Brundin. Both were enthusiastic members of the Socialist Party of America and inspired Smedley with their devotion to the cause of justice for the oppressed. In 1917 Smedley moved to New York and became involved with Indian nationalists fighting British colonial rule in India, who recruited her to operate a front office for the group and publish anti-British propaganda. Most of these activities were covertly funded by Germany and Smedley changed addresses frequently to avoid surveillance by American and British military intelligence. Between May 1917 and March 1918 she moved ten times.

Lonely Planet Sri Lanka
by Lonely Planet

The Tamils, whose Hindu identity had become more pronounced in the lead-up to independence, began to find themselves in the position of threatened minority. The Sinhala-only bill disenfranchised Sri Lanka’s Hindu and Muslim Tamil-speaking population: almost 30% of the country suddenly lost access to government jobs and services. Although tensions had been simmering since the end of colonial rule, this decision marked the beginning of Sri Lanka’s ethnic conflict. A similar scenario played out in 1970, when a law was passed favouring Sinhalese for admission to universities, reducing numbers of Tamil students. Then, following an armed insurrection against the government by the hardline anti-Tamil, student-led People’s Liberation Front (Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna or JVP), a new constitution, which changed Ceylon’s name to Sri Lanka, gave Buddhism ‘foremost place’ in Sri Lanka and made it the state’s duty to ‘protect and foster’ Buddhism.

Beyond the Wall: East Germany, 1949-1990
by Katja Hoyer
Published 5 Apr 2023

While the plants would never grow in the GDR, perhaps a socialist partner state could be found to trade goods with, so that foreign currency would not be needed. Since the end of the Vietnam War in 1975, the tropical state in South-East Asia had been struggling economically. Vietnam had been exploited for its resources for decades under French colonial rule before it came under brutal Japanese occupation during the Second World War. After 1945, the French returned and began a desperate struggle to hold on to their colonies in Indochina, culminating in the bloody battle of Dien Bien Phu in 1954, the upshot of which was that they left their colonies but Vietnam was split in two.

The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined
by Steven Pinker
Published 24 Sep 2012

Over the past four decades, as drug trafficking has increased, their rates of homicide have soared. Others, like Russia (29.7) and South Africa (69), may have undergone decivilizing processes in the wake of the collapse of their former governments. The decivilizing process has also racked many of the countries that switched from tribal ways to colonial rule and then suddenly to independence, such as those in sub-Saharan Africa and Papua New Guinea (15.2). In her article “From Spears to M-16s,” the anthropologist Polly Wiessner examines the historical trajectory of violence among the Enga, a New Guinean tribal people. She begins with an excerpt from the field notes of an anthropologist who worked in their region in 1939: We were now in the heart of the Lai Valley, one of the most beautiful in New Guinea, if not in the world.

…

Where states are relatively weak and capricious, both fears and opportunities encourage the rise of local would-be rulers who supply a rough justice while arrogating the power to ‘tax’ for themselves and, often, a larger cause.”48 Just as the uptick in civil warfare arose from the decivilizing anarchy of decolonization, the recent decline may reflect a recivilizing process in which competent governments have begun to protect and serve their citizens rather than preying on them.49 Many African nations have traded in their Bokassa-style psychopaths for responsible democrats and, in the case of Nelson Mandela, one of history’s greatest statesmen.50 The transition required an ideological change as well, not just in the affected countries but in the wider international community. The historian Gérard Prunier has noted that in 1960s Africa, independence from colonial rule became a messianic ideal. New nations made it a priority to adopt the trappings of sovereignty, such as airlines, palaces, and nationally branded institutions. Many were influenced by “dependency theorists” who advocated that third-world governments disengage from the global economy and cultivate self-sufficient industries and agrarian sectors, which most economists today consider a ticket to penury.

Citizens of London: The Americans Who Stood With Britain in Its Darkest, Finest Hour
by Lynne Olson
Published 2 Feb 2010

-controlled territories viewed it that way, nor did the British, who had often used the altruism argument themselves when adding to their empire. Churchill and others in the British government also suspected that behind the Americans’ high-minded sermons about freeing British possessions from colonial rule was a generous dollop of economic self-interest. Their suspicions would certainly have been reinforced if they had overheard a casual comment that Roosevelt made to his son Elliott at Casablanca: “British bankers and German bankers have had world trade pretty well sewn up in their pockets for a long time, despite the fact that Germany lost in the last war.

The WikiLeaks Files: The World According to US Empire
by Wikileaks
Published 24 Aug 2015

But, most problematically, the “risks to the regime’s long-term stability [were] increasing” due to its corruption and narrow social base, as well as the lack of a clear successor. The repressive nature of the Ben Ali regime was hardly news to the United States. He had persecuted all opposition groups since taking power in the “bloodless coup” of 1987. But Tunisia was a regional ally, and had been so since attaining independence from French colonial rule. The state provided crucial support in the “war on terror,” and as a result it was a priority recipient of US military aid. As the “fact sheet” on the website of the US embassy in Tunisia still boasts, “Tunisia has been one of the top twenty recipients of US International Military Education and Training funding since 1994; and since 2003 has ranked tenth in overall funding.”18 Tunisia’s armed forces do not exist primarily to project military power abroad.19 Rather, the regular army exists as the last line of civil defense protecting the secular, republican state.

Economic Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy
by Daron Acemoğlu and James A. Robinson
Published 28 Sep 2001

Indeed, the party exists mostly as an electoral machine; otherwise, it works through the government rather than through some independent grassroots organization. Lee Kuan Yew said in 1984, “I make no apologies that the PAP is the Government and the Government is the PAP” (quoted in Milne and Mauzy 1990, p. 85). Overall, we see that Singapore moved to democracy and independence as its citizens protested against British colonial rule, but the PAP rapidly established one-party rule after 1963. Since then, the economy has boomed, inequality has been low, and the PAP has maintained power through relatively benign means, fostering popularity through extensive social welfare programs as well as engaging in threats and coercion.

Wealth, Poverty and Politics
by Thomas Sowell
Published 31 Aug 2015

Often, in centuries past, these poverty-stricken emigrants from China had little or no education and knew little of the language or customs of the countries they went to. Seldom did the laws or practices of the Southeast Asian countries in which the Chinese settled offer them equal rights with either members of the colonial ruling race or with the indigenous population. In colonial Malaya, for example, the British provided schools for the children of the Malays but the Chinese had to provide their own.19 In nineteenth century America, a long and painfully tragic story can be summarized by saying that the Chinese were treated even worse than in Southeast Asia.20 In Peru, guards were posted on an island where Chinese contract laborers were assigned the task of shovelling bird manure into sacks for export as fertilizer, working under stifling heat and stench.

Atlas Obscura: An Explorer's Guide to the World's Hidden Wonders
by Joshua Foer , Dylan Thuras and Ella Morton
Published 19 Sep 2016

Cult members worship Frum, a messiah with mutable characteristics. To some, he is white. To others, black. For most, he is American, likely based on a soldier who brought cargo to Vanuatu during World War II: “John from America.” Though Frum’s appearance varies, his mission is consistent: to shake off the restrictions of colonial rule and restore the independence and cultural freedom of the Tanna people. Cult followers believe Frum will return on February 15—an annual holiday known as John Frum Day—of an unspecified year, bearing food, household appliances, vehicles, and medicine. Celebrations on John Frum Day have a distinctly American feel.

Lonely Planet Colombia (Travel Guide)
by Lonely Planet , Alex Egerton , Tom Masters and Kevin Raub
Published 30 Jun 2015

During the colonial period, the local demographic picture became increasingly complex, as the country's three racial groups – mestizos (people of mixed European-indigenous blood), mulattos (people with European-African ancestry) and zambos (African-indigenous people) – mixed. Independence from Spain As Spanish domination of the continent increased, so too did the discontent of the inhabitants – particularly over monopolies of commerce and new taxes. The first open rebellion against colonial rule was the Revolución Comunera in Socorro (Santander) in 1781, which broke out against tax rises levied by the Crown. It began taking on more pro-independence overtones (and nearly taking over Bogotá) before its leaders were caught and executed. When Napoleon Bonaparte put his own brother on the Spanish throne in 1808, the colonies refused to recognize the new monarch.

White Trash: The 400-Year Untold History of Class in America
by Nancy Isenberg
Published 20 Jun 2016

His dog was so lazy that he “lied his head agin the wall to bark.” In Lubberland, sloth was contagious, and Lawrence had the power to put all masters under his spell so that they fell into a deep slumber. As applied to the rural poor who closed themselves off to the world around them, the metaphor of sleep suggested popular resistance to colonial rule. Byrd found the people he encountered in Carolina to be resistant to all forms of government: “Everyone does what seems best in his own eyes.”36 The Mapp of Lubberland or the Ile of Lazye (ca. 1670) portrayed an imaginary territory in which sloth is contagious and normal men lack the will to work.

Aftershocks: Pandemic Politics and the End of the Old International Order
by Colin Kahl and Thomas Wright
Published 23 Aug 2021

But the deeper issue was growing concern over the Hong Kong government’s collusion with the CCP in Beijing to destroy the principle of “one country, two systems.” The freedoms and political autonomy enshrined in the territory’s Basic Law, agreed to as part of the 1997 transfer of Hong Kong from British colonial rule to China, were promised to endure until 2047—and now they seemed to be in existential jeopardy.45 Hong Kong’s free press played a vital role in making the world aware of COVID-19 in the first place, calling attention to the efforts by Chinese officials to cover up the virus and silence health workers such as Li Wenliang.

The Rough Guide to Jamaica
by Thomas, Polly,Henzell, Laura.,Coates, Rob.,Vaitilingam, Adam.

Meanwhile, session musicians were conducting their own experiments, using the exaggerated shuffle rhythm of R&B and syncopated mento sounds. Somewhere along the way, the staccato, guitar-and-trumpet-led sound of ska emerged and captured the Jamaican musical imagination with effortless ease. Following independence from British colonial rule in 1962, the future seemed full of possibilities. You can hear the euphoria in the music of the time – joyous, up-tempo ska tunes that seem now not to express a care in the world – and the small independent record labels in west Kingston were at the cutting edge. Ska lyrics provide a window into the evolution of Jamaica and its music.

Persian Gulf Command: A History of the Second World War in Iran and Iraq
by Ashley Jackson
Published 15 May 2018

Exile, to an island fastness or the Savoy Hotel, had befallen many enemies of the British Empire, including Abdullah, Sultan of Perak, Cetshwayo, King of the Zulus, Khalid bin Barghash, Sultan of Zanzibar, Napoleon, Emperor of France, Mutesa, Kabaka of Buganda, Arabi Pasha, Egyptian nationalist and, soon, Reza Pahlavi, Shah of Iran. For some years I’ve thought about writing a book on this subject, but recently learned that there is no need, with the forthcoming publication of Robert Aldrich, Banished Potentates: Dethroning and Exiling Indigenous Monarchs under British and French Colonial Rule, 1915–1955 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2018). 80.Schubert, ‘The Persian Gulf Command’, p. 306. 81.For an overview, see Bonakdarian, ‘US–Iranian Relations’. 82.Camron Michael Amin, ‘An Iranian in New York: ‘Abbas Mas‘udi’s Description of the Non-Iranian on the Eve of the Cold War’, in Kamran Scott Aghaie and Ashfin Marashi (eds), Rethinking Iranian Nationalism and Modernity (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2014), p. 170. 83.Bonakdarian, ‘US–Iran Relations’, p. 11. 84.On this intriguing historical whodunit, and diametrically opposed British and Iraqi constructions of historical truth, see Matthew Elliot, ‘The Death of King Ghazi: Iraqi Politics, Britain, and Kuwait in 1939’, Contemporary British History, vol. 10, no. 3 (1996), pp. 63–81.

Lonely Planet Kenya
by Lonely Planet

Taita social life was traditionally dispersed and strongly territorial, with each clan inhabiting a discrete area of the Taita Hills, south of what is now Tsavo West National Park. It was only after colonialism that a collective sense of Taita identity developed in earnest, a process accelerated by the intrusion of the railway through Taita lands; Mwangeka, a Taita hero, was lauded for his resistance to colonial rule. Taita religion was largely animist in nature, with sacred meeting places and elaborate burial rituals the defining features, although few Taita now live according to traditional ways. Northern Kenya Borana The Borana are one of the cattle-herding Oromo peoples, indigenous to Ethiopia, who migrated south into northern Kenya and make up less than 0.1% of the population.

Slouching Towards Utopia: An Economic History of the Twentieth Century
by J. Bradford Delong
Published 6 Apr 2020

Moreover, even within the defense perimeter in the Pacific, US strategists concluded, it made most sense to wield US power by air and sea rather than by land.13 Moreover, the United States was in favor of decolonization—getting the British out of India, the Dutch out of Indonesia, and other global powers out of the territories they had held for years. While the United States was happy to provide logistical support to the French, who were fighting a war against the communist Vietminh in Southeast Asia, it wanted the French to promise independence rather than further colonial rule as the end point. Acheson’s speech, however, did not specifically mention Korea or say how it fit into the defense perimeter in the Pacific. Did this omission tip the balance in Stalin’s mind? It may have. In June 1950, Stalin let slip the dog of war that was Kim Il-Sung and his Soviet-trained and supplied army.

Frommer's Mexico 2008
by David Baird , Juan Cristiano , Lynne Bairstow and Emily Hughey Quinn
Published 21 Sep 2007

The Chichimecans resisted the encroachers, but epidemic diseases brought from Europe soon decimated the native population. The Spanish established mining cities in quick succession, stretching from Querétaro (established in 1531) north all the way to Zacatecas (1548) and beyond. They found quantities of gold, but silver proved so plentiful that it made Mexico world famous as a land of riches. For 3 centuries of colonial rule, much of the mines’ great wealth went to build urban centers of impressive and lasting architecture. It’s wonderful to walk leisurely through these cities and view them, not one building at a time, but in broad views of colonial cityscapes. Of the five cities, three (Guanajuato, Querétaro, and Zacatecas) have been designated World Heritage Sites by UNESCO.

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To this day, the two principal ethnic groups in Oaxaca remain the Zapotec and Mixtec, whose tonal languages are closely related to each other but far different from the Aztec language Náhuatl. The city of Oaxaca, originally called Antequera, was founded just a few years after the Spanish vanquished the Aztec. Most of Oaxaca’s central valley was granted to Hernán Cortez for his services to the crown. Three centuries of colonial rule followed, during which the region remained calm. In the years following independence, there was more or less continuous upheaval. From the 1830s to the 1860s, the Liberals and Conservatives fought for control of Mexico’s destiny, with the French eventually intervening on the side of the Conservatives.

The Stuff of Thought: Language as a Window Into Human Nature
by Steven Pinker
Published 10 Sep 2007

But the concepts that enter into people’s thoughts and actions are often natural kinds and artifacts. To the extent that words for these concepts are rigid designators, the law’s attempt to replace them with definitions is impossible in principle. In Bad Acts and Guilty Minds, Leo Katz gives an example.14 During the era of colonial rule in Africa, the British administration passed a Witchcraft Suppression Act, which included a detailed definition of witchcraft. Unfortunately, the drafters were not experts in the local customs and they botched the definition, stipulating certain rituals as witchcraft though they were in fact methods of detecting witches.

The Tragedy of Great Power Politics
by John J. Mearsheimer
Published 1 Jan 2001

For a comprehensive survey of Anglo-German relations between 1890 and 1914, see Paul M. Kennedy, The Rise of the Anglo-German Antagonism, 1860–1914 (London: Allen and Unwin, 1980), pts. 3–5. 71. See Prosser Gifford and William R. Louis, eds., France and Britain in Africa: Imperial Rivalry and Colonial Rule (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1971); J.A.S. Grenville, Lord Salisbury and Foreign Policy: The Close of the Nineteenth Century (London: Athlone, 1964); Langer, Diplomacy of Imperialism; Keith Neilson, Britain and the Last Tsar: British Policy and Russia, 1894–1917 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1995), pt. 2; and the sources cited in Chapter 5, note 36, of this book. 72.

The Evolution of God
by Robert Wright
Published 8 Jun 2009

E.g., in the Middle East around the turn of the twentieth century, Muhammad Abduh and Muhammad Rashid Rida influentially promulgated doctrines of defensive jihad (though these interpretations left room for fighting colonial rulers for liberation). And, in India, Sayyid Ahmad Khan promulgated an even more limited doctrine of jihad, one that didn’t warrant rebellion against British colonial rule since Britain was allowing the practice of Islam in India. 37. Bin Laden did cite the presence of infidel armies (i.e., American troops) in Saudi Arabia as a grievance, but here the alleged transgression is being in Saudi Arabia, not just being infidels. Chapter Eighteen Muhammad 1. Koran 3:134; 8:73. 2.

Challenger: A True Story of Heroism and Disaster on the Edge of Space
by Adam Higginbotham
Published 14 May 2024

Murrow, the pioneer broadcaster and head of the US Information Agency—effectively the propaganda arm of the State Department, with a remit to sell American principles and policy at home and abroad—had written a letter to NASA Administrator James Webb. Murrow, like others in Washington, DC, had watched Yuri Gagarin embark on a global tour as an ambassador for communism, on which he made stops in many of the countries of the world just emerging from colonial rule—including Liberia, Ghana, Cyprus, and India. Murrow recognized that America’s astronauts would be useful tools in spreading the good word of democracy abroad, particularly as the fight for civil rights within the United States reached a critical inflection point. Murrow wrote: Dear Jim, Why don’t we put the first non-white man in space?

Frommer's Mexico 2009
by David Baird , Lynne Bairstow , Joy Hepp and Juan Christiano
Published 2 Sep 2008

The Chichimecans resisted the encroachers, but epidemic diseases brought from Europe soon decimated the native population. The Spanish established mining cities in quick succession, stretching from Querétaro (established in 1531) north all the way to Zacatecas (1548) and beyond. They found quantities of gold, but silver proved so plentiful that it made Mexico world famous as a land of riches. For 3 centuries of colonial rule, much of the mines’ great wealth went to build urban centers of impressive, enduring architecture. It’s wonderful to stroll through these cities and view them, not one building at a time, but in broad views of colonial cityscapes. Of the five cities, three (Guanajuato, Querétaro, and 11 285619-ch07.qxp 7/22/08 11:05 AM Page 191 To Mexico City Acámbaro San Juan del Río C H OAC Á N M I CHOACÁ Moroleón Zamora de Hidalgo 43 la Piedad de Cabadas Ocoltán 35 L a g o de de La hapala C ha To Morelia 15D Salvatierra Celaya 45D 45 Salamanca Pénjamo 110 90 Arandas 15D Irapuato Tepatitlán de Morelos Guadalajara Sahuayo de José Morelas 45 57D 85 D A LG O H I DA Zimapán Querétaro QU E RÉ R É TA RO QUE 120 Guanajuato 80D Silao G UA N A J UATO 54 Jalpa Zacatecas) have been designated World Heritage Sites by UNESCO.

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To this day, the two principal ethnic groups in Oaxaca remain the Zapotec and Mixtec, whose tonal languages are closely related to each other but far different from the Aztec language Náhuatl. The city of Oaxaca, originally called Antequera, was founded just a few years after the Spanish vanquished the Aztec. Most of Oaxaca’s central valley was granted to Hernán Cortez for his services to the crown. Three centuries of colonial rule followed, during which the region remained calm. In the years following independence, there was more or less continuous upheaval. From the 1830s to the 1860s, the Liberals and Conservatives fought for control of Mexico’s destiny, with the French eventually intervening on the side of the Conservatives.

Debt: The First 5,000 Years
by David Graeber
Published 1 Jan 2010

The only appropriate payment for the gift of a woman is the gift of another woman; in the meantime, all one can do is to acknowledge the outstanding debt. There are places where suitors say this quite explicitly. Consider the Tiv of Central Nigeria, who we have already met briefly in the last chapter. Most of our information on the Tiv comes from mid-century, when they were still under British colonial rule.11 Everyone at that time insisted that a proper marriage should take the form of an exchange of sisters. One man gives his sister in marriage to another, that man marries the sister of his newfound brother-in-law. This is the perfect marriage because the only thing one can really give in exchange for a woman is another woman.

A Peace to End All Peace: The Fall of the Ottoman Empire and the Creation of the Modern Middle East
by David Fromkin
Published 2 Jan 1989

The communique expressed the desire of the British government to con-vene a peace conference with Turkey, but stated that no such conference could convene under the gun of Turkish threats. It expressed fear of what the Moslem world might do if comparatively weak Moslem Turkey could be seen to have inflicted a major defeat on the Allies; presumably the rest of the Moslem world would be encouraged to throw off colonial rule. The communique made reference to British consultations with France, Italy, and the Dominions with a view toward taking common military action to avert the Kemalist threat.29 * The need for securing support from the Dominions arose from the change in their position that had come about after—and as a result of—the First World War.

Shake Hands With the Devil: The Failure of Humanity in Rwanda
by Romeo Dallaire and Brent Beardsley
Published 9 Aug 2004

Brent and I managed to piece together a rough history from paper accounts and a few scholarly articles, which reduced a highly mplex social and political situation to a simple inter-tribal conflict. a confidence born of ignorance, we soldiered on. We traced the roots of the current hostilities back to the early twenand Belgian colonial rule. When the Belgians chased the out of the territory in 1916, they discovered that two groups people shared the land. The Tutsis, who were tall and quite lightened, herded cattle; the shorter, darker Hutus farmed vegetable The Belgians viewed the minority Tutsis as closer in kind to opeans and elevated them to positions of power over the which exacerbated the feudal state of peasant Hutus and overlord Enlisting the Tutsis allowed the Belgians to develop and exploit vast network of coffee and tea plantations without the inconvenience war or the expense of deploying a large colonial service.

The Half Has Never Been Told: Slavery and the Making of American Capitalism
by Edward E. Baptist
Published 24 Oct 2016

But on a single August night, the mill of the first slavery’s growth stopped turning. All across Saint-Domingue’s sugar country, the most profitable stretch of real estate on the planet, enslaved people burst into the country mansions. They slaughtered enslavers, set torches to sugar houses and cane fields, and then marched by the thousand on Cap-Français, the seat of colonial rule. Thrown back, they regrouped. Revolt spread across the colony.10 By the end of the year thousands of whites and blacks were dead. As the cane fields burned, the smoke blew into the Atlantic trade winds. Refugees fled to Charleston, already burdened by its own fear of slave revolt; to Cuba; and to all the corners of the Atlantic world.

Southeast Asia on a Shoestring Travel Guide
by Lonely Planet
Published 30 May 2012

ATI-ATIHAN The mother of all Philippine fiestas, Ati-Atihan celebrates Santo Niño (Infant Jesus) with colourful, Mardi Gras–like indigenous costumes and displays in Kalibo on the island of Panay. ISLAMIC NEW YEAR This lunar new year is celebrated throughout the Muslim world, including Indonesia and Malaysia. MYANMAR’S INDEPENDENCE DAY The end of colonial rule in Burma is celebrated as a national holiday on 4 January. SULTAN OF BRUNEI’S BIRTHDAY Colourful official ceremonies are held on 15 January to mark the birthday of Sultan Hassanal Bolkiah. In Bandar Seri Begawan, events include an elaborate military ceremony presided over by the supremo himself, smartly dressed in a medal-bedecked uniform.

…

Those who commit evil are recorded in a book made of dog skin. Arts For centuries the arts in Myanmar were sponsored by the royal courts, mainly through the construction of major religious buildings that required the skills of architects, sculptors, painters and a variety of craftspeople. Such patronage was cut short during British colonial rule and has not been a priority since independence. This said, there are plenty of examples of traditional art to be viewed in Myanmar, mainly in the temples that are an ever-present feature of town and countryside. Marionette Theatre Yok-thei pwe (Burmese marionette theatre) was the forerunner of Burmese classical dance.

Collapse
by Jared Diamond
Published 25 Apr 2011

That's what actually appears to have happened at Western Settlement, and possibly at Eastern Settlement as well. Just as in Iceland, the environmental problems that beset the medieval Norse remain concerns in modern Greenland. For five centuries after Greenland's medieval Norse died out, the island was without livestock under Inuit occupation and then under Danish colonial rule. Finally, in 1915, before the recent studies of medieval environmental impacts had been carried out, the Danes introduced Icelandic sheep on a trial basis, and the first full-time sheep breeder reestablished the farm at Brattahlid in 1924. Cows were also tried but were abandoned because they took too much work.

O Jerusalem
by Larry Collins and Dominique Lapierre
Published 31 Dec 1970

The Jewish tendency to live within the framework of their own social systems, their tendency to patronize the Arabs, stirred Arab bitterness and suspicion, and helped widen the gap between the two communities. Half a century behind their Zionist neighbors in the development of their own nationalist aspirations, industrially and socially underdeveloped, having just emerged from centuries of repressive colonial rule, the Arabs responded to the situation simply and unsophisticatedly. They consistently refused every compromise offered them, insisting that since the Jewish claim to Palestine was invalid in the first place, any discussion of the subject would merely give it a validity it did not have. Repeatedly, their attitude, made unbending by the fanaticism of their leaders, lost them opportunities to set a limit on Jewish growth in Palestine and to define with precision their own rights there.

The Bin Ladens: An Arabian Family in the American Century
by Steve Coll
Published 29 Mar 2009

In that period at Saudi high schools and universities, it was common to find Syrian and Egyptian teachers, many of whom had become involved with dissident Islamist political groups in their home countries. Some of these teachers were members of, or were influenced by, the Muslim Brotherhood, an Islamist organization founded in Egypt in 1928 by a schoolteacher, Hassan Al-Banna. The Brotherhood was initially a religious-minded movement opposed to British colonial rule in Egypt; later, its leaders continued their struggle against Nasser. In his approach to the Brotherhood, Nasser alternated between periods of accommodation and brutal crackdowns. Some of the Brotherhood’s organizers were forced into exile, and they began to form new chapters across the Muslim world.

Lonely Planet Mexico
by John Noble , Kate Armstrong , Greg Benchwick , Nate Cavalieri , Gregor Clark , John Hecht , Beth Kohn , Emily Matchar , Freda Moon and Ellee Thalheimer
Published 2 Jan 1992

MUSEO CASA DE HIDALGO Miguel Hidalgo lived in this house ( 182-01-71; cnr Hidalgo & Morelos; Tue-Sat M$31, Sun free; 9am-5:45pm Tue-Sat, 9am-4:45pm Sun) when he was Dolores’ parish priest. It was from here, in the early hours of September 16, 1810, that Hidalgo, Ignacio Allende and Juan de Aldama set off to launch the uprising against colonial rule. The house is now something of a national shrine. One large room is devoted to a collection of memorials to Hidalgo. Other rooms contain replicas of Hidalgo’s furniture and independence-movement documents, including the order for Hidalgo’s excommunication. Festivals & Events Dolores is the scene of major Día de la Independencia (September 16) celebrations, when the Mexican president may officiate – according to tradition – in his fifth year of office.

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History Francisco de Montejo the Younger founded a Spanish colony at Campeche, about 160km to the southwest, in 1540. From this base he took advantage of political dissension among the Maya people (Click here), conquering T’ho (now Mérida) in 1542. By the decade’s end, Yucatán was mostly under Spanish colonial rule. When Montejo’s conquistadors entered T’ho, they found a major Maya settlement of lime-mortared stone that reminded them of the Roman architecture in Mérida, Spain. They promptly renamed the city and proceeded to build it into the regional capital, dismantling the Maya structures and using the materials to construct a cathedral and other stately buildings.

The Rough Guide to South America on a Budget (Travel Guide eBook)
by Rough Guides
Published 1 Jan 2019

Stretching from the majestic icebound peaks and bleak high-altitude deserts of the Andes to the exuberant rainforests and vast savannahs of the Amazon basin, it embraces an astonishing range of landscapes and climates, and encompasses everything outsiders find most exotic and mysterious about the continent. Three centuries of Spanish colonial rule have left their mark, most obviously in some of the finest colonial architecture on the continent. Yet the European influence is essentially a thin veneer overlying indigenous cultural traditions that stretch back long before the Conquest: while Spanish is the language of business and government, more than thirty indigenous languages are still spoken.

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Chronology 1520 Ferdinand Magellan is the first European to sail through what is now the Magellan Strait. 1536 Expedition from Peru to Chile by conquistador Diego de Almagro and his four hundred men ends in death for most of the party. 1541 Pedro de Valdivia, a lieutenant of Francisco Pizarro, founds Santiago; a feudal system in which Spanish landowners enslave the indigenous population is established. 1808 Napoleon invades Spain and replaces Spanish King Ferdinand VII with his own brother. 1810 The criollo elite of Santiago decide Chile will be self-governed until the Spanish king is restored to the throne. 1817 Bernardo O’Higgins defeats Spanish royalists in the Battle of Chacabuco with the help of Argentine general José San Martín, as part of the movement to liberate South America from colonial rule. 1818 Full independence won from Spain. O’Higgins signs the Chilean Declaration of Independence. 1829 Wealthy elite seizes power with dictator Diego Portales at the helm. 1832–60s Mineral deposits found in the north of the country, stimulating economic growth. 1879–83 Chilean troops occupy the Bolivian port of Antofagasta, precipitating the War of the Pacific against Bolivia and Peru. 1914 With the creation of the Panama Canal, shipping routes no longer need to pass via the Cape, thus ending Valparaíso’s glory days.

Collapse: How Societies Choose to Fail or Succeed
by Jared Diamond
Published 2 Jan 2008

That’s what actually appears to have happened at Western Settlement, and possibly at Eastern Settlement as well. Just as in Iceland, the environmental problems that beset the medieval Norse remain concerns in modern Greenland. For five centuries after Greenland’s medieval Norse died out, the island was without livestock under Inuit occupation and then under Danish colonial rule. Finally, in 1915, before the recent studies of medieval environmental impacts had been carried out, the Danes introduced Icelandic sheep on a trial basis, and the first full-time sheep breeder reestablished the farm at Brattahlid in 1924. Cows were also tried but were abandoned because they took too much work.

The Rough Guide to New York City
by Martin Dunford
Published 2 Jan 2009

KI D S ’ N E W YO R K | Theater, circuses, and other entertainment 429 Contexts 431 Contexts History ...........................................................................................433 Books ............................................................................................441 New York on film ..........................................................................446 432 History To Europe she was America, to America she was the gateway of the earth. But to tell the story of New York would be to write a social history of the world. H.G. Wells Early days and colonial rule ong before the arrival of European settlers, New York was inhabited by several Native American tribes; the Algonquin tribe was the largest and most populous in the area that is now New York City. Although descendants of the Algonquins and other tribes still live on Long Island’s Shinnecock reservation, the appearance of Europeans in the sixteenth century essentially destroyed their settled existence, bringing an end to Native American life as it had existed here for several thousand years.

This Sceptred Isle
by Christopher Lee
Published 19 Jan 2012

On the other hand, it made some seafaring sense for the boats to sail from England on an annual or seasonal basis. This was partly due to the weather, shoal migration and spawning. On deeper examination, here was an illustration of the limitations of industry. To set up exclusive rights and to maintain some colonial rule over them in the Newfoundland ports would stretch the resources of the fishing managers and their funds. If they put too much effort into establishing themselves in Newfoundland then they could end up having less control over the management of the returning catches and the supply services and distribution in English ports.

Basic Economics
by Thomas Sowell
Published 1 Jan 2000

Therefore, the net effect of price control was that “the city lived in high spirits until all at once provisions gave out” and Antwerp had no choice but to surrender to the Spaniards.{92} Halfway around the world, in eighteenth-century India, a local famine in Bengal brought a government crackdown on food dealers and speculators, imposing price controls on rice. Here the resulting shortages led to widespread deaths by starvation. However, when another famine struck India in the nineteenth century, now under the colonial rule of British officials and during the heyday of free market economics, opposite policies were followed, with opposite results: In the earlier famine one could hardly engage in the grain trade without becoming amenable to the law. In 1866 respectable men in vast numbers went into the trade; for the Government, by publishing weekly returns of the rates in every district, rendered the traffic both easy and safe.

Growth: From Microorganisms to Megacities
by Vaclav Smil
Published 23 Sep 2019

A high of 4.32% in 2010 was an exception due to the recovery from the world’s greatest post-WWII downturn, and the post-2011 rates stayed below 3%. Examinations of the importance of historical events for long-term economic development are surprisingly recent, with the most important contributions focusing on the impact of colonial rule (the difference between former Spanish and British colonies providing the most obvious contrasts) and on the origins of current institutions, above all the legal arrangements that affect financial affairs (Engerman and Sokoloff 1994; Acemoglu et al. 2002). Nunn’s (2009) summary of these studies emphasized the contrast between an undeniable conclusion that history matters and a continued inability to describe exact channels of causality through which it matters, leaving us with black boxes that still wait to be unpacked.

The Rough Guide to New York City
by Rough Guides
Published 21 May 2018

< Back to Kids’ New York Contexts History Books New York on film History To Europe she was America, to America she was the gateway of the earth. But to tell the story of New York would be to write a social history of the world. H.G. Wells Early days and colonial rule Long before the arrival of European settlers, several Native American tribes inhabited New York; the Lenni Lenape tribe – part of the Algonquin nation – was the largest and most populous in the area that is now New York City. Although descendants of the Algonquins and other tribes still live on Long Island’s Shinnecock reservation, the appearance of Europeans in the sixteenth century essentially destroyed their settled existence.

The Great Sea: A Human History of the Mediterranean
by David Abulafia
Published 4 May 2011

Italian emigration was dominated by southerners, for the inhabitants of the southern villages saw none of the improvement in the standard of living that was beginning to transform Milan and other northern centres. For the French, on the other hand, opportunities to create a new life elsewhere could be found within the Mediterranean: Algeria became the focus of French emigration, for the ideal was to create a new France on the shores of North Africa, while keeping the wilder interior under colonial rule. Two manifestations of this policy were the rebuilding of large areas of Algiers as a European city, and the collective extension of French citizenship to 35,000 Algerian Jews, in 1870. The Algerian Jews were seen as évolué, ‘civilized’, for they had embraced the opportunities provided by French rule, opening modern schools under the auspices of the Alliance Israélite Universelle, founded to promote Jewish education on the European model, and transforming themselves into a new professional class.1 From the 1880s onwards, after it fell under French control, Tunisia also attracted French colonists, though more slowly; around 1900 it was a more popular target for Italian settlers than for French ones.

The Road Not Taken: Edward Lansdale and the American Tragedy in Vietnam
by Max Boot
Published 9 Jan 2018

The man who would become Ho Chi Minh was born in 1890, three years before the birth of Mao Zedong, as Nguyen Sinh Cung in the central Tonkin province of Nghe An, long known for its stubborn and rebellious people—“the buffaloes of Nghe An,” they were called.7 When he reached age ten, his name was changed, in conformity with Vietnamese custom, to Nguyen Tat Thanh (He Who Will Succeed). The son of a Confucian scholar and part-time farmer, Nguyen Tat Thanh attended a prestigious French school in Hue. He was, however, expelled in 1908 for joining demonstrations by peasants upset at their high tax burden—a sign of the growing opposition to France’s colonial rule, which had begun in the 1850s. In 1911, he shipped out of Saigon aboard a merchant vessel bound for Marseille. He would not see Vietnam again for three decades. In the intervening years, he visited Africa, Asia, Europe, and North and South America while working as a gardener, cook, pastry chef, and snow sweeper, among other occupations.

Arabs: A 3,000 Year History of Peoples, Tribes and Empires
by Tim Mackintosh-Smith
Published 2 Mar 2019

Now, places that were ‘Westernizing’, however superficially, became even more alien than they had been to the tribal inhabitants of the surrounding, and often unchanging, country. An extreme case in every way, but one which points to other disunities created by imperial rule, was that of Aden, down at the far end of the peninsula. ‘British colonial rule,’ admitted one of its last dispensers there, High Commissioner Sir Kennedy Trevaskis, ‘had converted Aden into an island which might have been separated by a hundred miles of ocean from the South Arabian mainland.’ Aden, itself a miniature peninsula with ancient cosmopolitan connections, had never been more than loosely moored to Yemen and the peninsula as a whole.

A Pipeline Runs Through It: The Story of Oil From Ancient Times to the First World War
by Keith Fisher
Published 3 Aug 2022

What impression would it make upon the Radjah of Perlak, if, for instance, he saw a flourishing settlement rise up at Lho Seumawé for the development of petroleum wells in Tjunda, while in his own land there was nothing but a dead pipeline?302 The government decided in favour of Royal Dutch, however, and the pipeline finally became operational over the entire distance in January 1901.303 The Dutch now became more determined to extend their colonial rule into the neighbouring sultanate of Jambi. In May, following a number of applications for oil-exploration licences in the region from companies, including Royal Dutch and Moeara Enim, the Resident of Jambi, I.A. Van Rijn van Alkemade, proposed that it should be opened up for mineral extraction as soon as possible; and in December, Snouck Hurgronje wrote that mineral extraction there should urgently be pursued ‘as one of the main peaceful means of firmly establishing our influence in that region’.

Palo Alto: A History of California, Capitalism, and the World
by Malcolm Harris
Published 14 Feb 2023

Others went to Caribbean plantations, where they formed a new indentured agricultural workforce, and some later traveled, as we’ll see, to the mines of South Africa. Most, however, ventured to colonial territories in Southeast Asia: the Dutch East Indies, British Malaya, and French Indochina. “While many of these immigrants remained poor,” writes Sebastian Strangio, “a significant number flourished under colonial rule, slotting into roles as tax collectors and economic middlemen between the European authorities and native populations.” Sebastian Strangio, In the Dragon’s Shadow: Southeast Asia in the Chinese Century (Yale University Press, 2022), 26. iv Arson attacks failed due to the unusual durability of Chinatown relative to the rest of the city.

Ghost Wars: The Secret History of the CIA, Afghanistan, and Bin Laden, from the Soviet Invasion to September 10, 2011
by Steve Coll
Published 23 Feb 2004

In the space of just a few years during the late 1960s and early 1970s, what little there was of the center in Afghan politics melted away in Kabul under the friction of these confrontational, imported ideologies.4 The Egyptian texts carried to Kabul’s universities were sharply focused on politics. The tracts sprang from the ideology of the Muslim Brotherhood, the transnational spiritual and political network founded during the 1920s by an Egyptian schoolteacher, Hassan al-Banna, as a protest movement against British colonial rule in Egypt. (Jamaat-e-Islami was, in effect, the Pakistani branch of the Muslim Brotherhood.) Muslim Brotherhood members believed that the only way to return the Islamic world to its rightful place of economic and political power was through a rigid adherence to core Islamic principles. Initiated brothers pledged to work secretly to create a pure Islamic society modeled on what they saw as the lost and triumphant Islamic civilizations founded in the seventh century.

A People's History of the United States
by Howard Zinn
Published 2 Jan 1977

In fact, there were more indentured servants than ever, and the Revolution “did nothing to end and little to ameliorate white bondage.” Carl Degler says (Out of Our Past): “No new social class came to power through the door of the American revolution. The men who engineered the revolt were largely members of the colonial ruling class.” George Washington was the richest man in America. John Hancock was a prosperous Boston merchant. Benjamin Franklin was a wealthy printer. And so on. On the other hand, town mechanics, laborers, and seamen, as well as small farmers, were swept into “the people” by the rhetoric of the Revolution, by the camaraderie of military service, by the distribution of some land.

Nobody's Perfect: Writings From the New Yorker
by Anthony Lane
Published 26 Aug 2002

In other words, a movie that preaches the need for self-respect is openly turned on by the prospect of humiliation, by a sneaky belief that violence is a pretty sight. Heaven and Earth is intended to make us muse afresh on the plight of the Vietnamese, and, in an unlikely way, it succeeds. First, they had colonial rule, then the Vietcong, then napalm, and now Oliver Stone trying to be nice to them. Haven’t these poor people suffered enough? JANUARY 17, 1994 THIRTY TWO SHORT FILMS ABOUT GLENN GOULD The Canadian pianist Glenn Gould was born in 1932, read music before he could read words, gave his first public recital at the age of twelve and his last at the age of thirty-one, and died in 1982.

The First American: The Life and Times of Benjamin Franklin
by H. W. Brands
Published 1 Jan 2000

When the two brothers took their differences to their father, the old man sided with his younger son—because “I was either generally in the right, or else a better pleader.” This made James all the angrier; in his anger he frequently beat Ben, who took this physical form of insult “extremely amiss.” (He added, parenthetically, from amid the American challenge to British colonial rule during the early 1770s: “I fancy his harsh and tyrannical treatment of me might be a means of impressing me with that aversion to arbitrary power that has stuck to me through my whole life.”) Ben had little doubt he could manage on his own by now. Better than most apprentices, he knew how much it cost to support himself.

Dirty Wars: The World Is a Battlefield
by Jeremy Scahill
Published 22 Apr 2013

Afghan forces who accompanied McRaven offered to sacrifice a sheep to ask for forgiveness for the deaths caused by the night raid. Mohamed Afrah Qanyare was one of the first Somali warlords contracted by the CIA after 9/11 to hunt down people on the US kill list. “America knows war,” he said. “They are war masters.” The Mogadishu Cathedral, built in 1928 when Somalia was under Italian colonial rule, now lies in ruins. Since 2002, US-backed warlords have battled Islamic militias for control of Somalia. Somali warlord Yusuf Mohammed Siad, known as “Indha Adde” (White Eyes), controls large sections of Mogadishu. Once an ally of al Qaeda, he now fights on the US side against al Shabab. “If we capture a foreigner, we execute them so that others will see we have no mercy,” he said.

Karl Marx: Greatness and Illusion
by Gareth Stedman Jones
Published 24 Aug 2016

In Asia, indigenous movements of national liberation, formed in resistance to imperialism and colonialism, carried out communist revolutions in China and Vietnam, also in the name of ‘Marxism’. By the 1960s, movements inspired by communism or revolutionary socialism had also spread across Latin America and succeeded in Cuba. In South Africa, communism helped inspire the first sustained resistance to Apartheid, and movements to end white colonial rule throughout the rest of Africa. In the aftermath of 1917 and the global spread of Soviet-style communism, Marx was celebrated as communism’s epic founder and lawgiver in an increasingly monumental mythology. He was venerated as the founder of the science of history – ‘historical materialism’ – and together with his friend Engels as the architect of the scientific philosophy to accompany it – ‘dialectical materialism’.

Fateful Triangle: The United States, Israel, and the Palestinians (Updated Edition) (South End Press Classics Series)
by Noam Chomsky
Published 1 Apr 1999

The propaganda campaign about “Islamic fundamentalism” has its farcical elements—even putting aside the fact that U.S. culture compares with Iran in its religious fundamentalism. The most extreme Islamic fundamentalist state in the world is the loyal U.S. ally Saudi Arabia—or, to be more precise, the family dictatorship that serves as the “Arab facade” behind which the U.S. effectively controls the Arabian peninsula, to borrow the terms of British colonial rule. The West has no problems with Islamic fundamentalism there. Probably one of the most fanatic Islamic fundamentalist groups in the world in recent years was led by Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, the terrorist extremist who had been a CIA favorite and prime recipient of the $3.3 billion in (official) U.S. aid given Classics in Politics: The Fateful Triangle Noam Chomsky Preface 19 to the Afghan rebels (with roughly the same amount reported from Saudi Arabia), the man who shelled Kabul with thousands killed, driving hundreds of thousands of people out of the city (including all Western embassies), in an effort to shoot his way into power; not quite the same as Pol Pot emptying Phnom Penh, since the U.S. client was far more bloody in that particular operation.

The Quest: Energy, Security, and the Remaking of the Modern World
by Daniel Yergin
Published 14 May 2011

Nigeria has gone through five constitutions and seven military coups. The country’s experience demonstrates the Dutch disease in many ways. The once-vibrant agricultural-export sector has collapsed, and the country is a net importer of food. An effective and dedicated civil service, one of the legacies of colonial rule, was weakened, contributing to the poor governance. Oil revenues were stolen and squandered on a massive scale. The huge Ajaokouta steel complex is the poster child for revenues wasted. Built in the 1970s, it has yet to produce commercial steel. Between 1970 and 2000, Nigeria’s population more than doubled; over the same period, on a per capita basis, income actually declined .7 Through all this, the country’s oil industry has been caught up in the struggle among regions, ethnic groups, national and local politicians, and violent groups—militias, gangs, and cults—for power and primacy, for identity—and for the money.

The Rough Guide to Egypt (Rough Guide to...)
by Dan Richardson and Daniel Jacobs
Published 1 Feb 2013

Midan Orabi and Midan Tahrir Emerging from Sharia Sa’ad Zaghloul onto Midan Orabi you’ll see a Neoclassical Monument of the Unknown Soldier facing the seafront, where a naval guard of honour is changed every hour on the hour. The square is named after the leader of the 1882 Orabi Revolt, Egypt’s first attempt to cast off European colonial rule, punished by a naval bombardment of the city. Midan Tahrir Midan Orabi forms a T-shape with an even larger square, whose equestrian statue of Mohammed Ali rears outside the former Mixed Courts, where foreigners were once tried under their own jurisprudence rather than Egyptian law.

I You We Them
by Dan Gretton

A moment which, like that action, finally opened up the possibility of reconciliation and justice – though, of course, these processes take many, many years. Some in the crowd, still wary of their old colonial adversary, shouted that they wanted a clear apology – Wieczorek-Zeul replied, ‘Everything I have said in my speech was an apology for crimes committed under German colonial rule.’ However (and it was a big however), she explained there would be no financial compensation from the German government, though economic aid would increase. Also, bizarrely, although this speech had seemed to accept German responsibility in uncompromising terms, according to the German government afterwards it did not constitute either an official German apology nor a formal recognition of genocide; her speech would not be adopted as government policy.

Pity the Nation: Lebanon at War
by Robert Fisk
Published 1 Jan 1990

They called the Maronites fascists and demanded that Lebanon join the struggle against the Camp David ‘surrender’. The enmity between Chamoun and Assad was in any case now a personal one, exacerbated by Chamoun’s decision to publicise a damaging 40-year-old letter written by Syrian Alawites to Léon Blum, informing the prewar French prime minister that Syria was ‘not yet ready’ for freedom from colonial rule. One of the signatories was allegedly a Latakia peasant named Assad, the father of the man who now claimed to be the author of real Syrian independence. The Phalange cared nothing for the Beit Eddine accord. The Christian militiamen went out of their way to mock it. They gleefully spray-painted the Star of David on the walls of the damaged apartment blocks in Ashrafieh, inking the word ‘Israel’ in Biro onto their khaki shirts and green dungarees.

Shantaram: A Novel
by Gregory David Roberts
Published 12 Oct 2004

When the light on that long night became the dawn, and the ferry docked at the Goan capital of Panjim, I was the first to board a bus to Mapusa. The fifteen-kilometre journey from Panjim to Mapusa, pronounced as Muppsa, wound through lush, leafy groves, past mansions built to the styles and tastes of four hundred years of Portuguese colonial rule. Mapusa was a transportation and communication centre for the northern region of Goa. I arrived on a Friday, market day, and the morning crowds were already busy with business and bargains. I made my way to the taxi and motorcycle stands. After a bout of bartering that invoked an august assembly of deities from at least three religions, and incorporated spirited, carnal references to the sisters of our respective friends and acquantainces, a dealer agreed to hire out an Enfield Bullet motorcycle for a reasonable rental.

The Secret World: A History of Intelligence
by Christopher Andrew
Published 27 Jun 2018

Study of the Arthashastra, in Menon’s view, is necessary to remind Indians that strategic thinking in India long predated the colonial era: We are afflicted with neglect of our pre-modern histories, and many of us believe [Western] orientalist caricatures of India. India’s supposedly incoherent strategic approach is actually a colonial construct, as is the idea of Indians somehow forgetting their own history and needing to be taught it by Westerners who retrieved it. The version that they ‘retrieved’ was a construct that was useful to perpetuate colonial rule and, after independence, to induce self-doubt and a willingness to follow. . . . To be honest among ourselves, much of what passes for strategic thinking in India today is derivative, using concepts, doctrines and a vocabulary derived from other cultures, times, places and conditions. This is why, with a few honourable exceptions like the home-grown nuclear doctrine, it fails to serve our needs, impact policy, or to find a place in domestic and international discourse.40 To regard the Arthashastra as ‘a realist description of the running of a state’, however, requires a rather selective reading.

England
by David Else
Published 14 Oct 2010

Perhaps the greatest domestic writer of the interwar period is DH Lawrence, who charted changing Britain in novels including Sons and Lovers, The Rainbow and the controversial Lady Chatterley’s Lover, for which the publishers were prosecuted in 1960 under the recently introduced Obscene Publications Act (they were found not guilty by showing the work was of ‘literary merit’). Other writers ploughed a similar course: EM Forster’s A Passage to India depicted the downfall of British colonial rule, while Evelyn Waugh explored moral, social and political disintegration in A Handful of Dust, Vile Bodies and Brideshead Revisited. The interwar period also spawned a generation of gifted poets – WH Auden, Stephen Spender, Louis MacNeice, Robert Graves – who collectively documented the crumbling pillars of British (and European) society

Caribbean Islands
by Lonely Planet

Car Car rental companies will deliver cars to the ferry dock in Kingstown or the airport. Avis ( 456-4389; www.avis.com) and Lewis Auto World ( 456-2244; www.lewisautoworld.com) have airport offices. Kingstown POP 32,000 Rough cobblestone streets, arched stone doorways and covered walkways conjure up a Caribbean of banana boats and colonial rule. The city of Kingstown heaves and swells with a pulsing local community that bustles through its narrow streets and alleyways. Steep hills surround the town, amplifying the sounds of car horns, street vendors and the music filtering through the crowd. For nearly all visitors to SVG, Kingstown is the gateway to exploring the outer islands of the Grenadines.

Global Crisis: War, Climate Change and Catastrophe in the Seventeenth Century
by Geoffrey Parker
Published 29 Apr 2013

Zachariadou, ed., Natural disasters in the Ottoman empire (Rehtymnon, 1999), 251–63 Faroqhi, S., ed., The Cambridge History of Turkey, III: The later Ottoman empire, 1603–1839 (Cambridge, 2006) Faroqhi, S. with L. Erder, ‘Population rise and fall in Anatolia, 1550–1620’, Middle Eastern Studies, XV (1979), 322–45 Farris, N., Maya society under colonial rule: The collective enterprise of survival (Princeton, 1984) Farris, W. W., Japan's medieval population: Famine, fertility and warfare in a transformative age (Honolulu, 2006) Faruqui, M. D., ‘Princes and power in the Mughal empire, 1569–1657’ (Duke University, PhD thesis, 2002) Fei Si-yen, Negotiating urban space: Urbanization and Late Ming Nanjing (Cambridge, MA, 2009) Felix, A., ed., The Chinese in the Philippines, 2 vols (Manila, 1966–9) Felloni, G., ‘Per la storia della populazione di Genova nei secoli XVI e XVII’, Archivio Storico Italiano, CX (1952), 236–53 Ferrarino, L., La guerra e la peste nella Milano dei ‘Promessi sposi’.

The Boundless Sea: A Human History of the Oceans
by David Abulafia
Published 2 Oct 2019

They went to work with unstoppable zeal. Shrimps found their way on to the list of banned goods, because it was not clear that they had originated in the colony; maybe they had lived their lives in the Chinese-controlled waters of the Pearl River.3 The other trading base of the British, Singapore, was not expected to stay under colonial rule for very long. There was plenty of sympathy in London for the independence movement in Malaya, but the emergence of guerrilla forces within Malaya, among whom were many ethnic Chinese who were also Communist, complicated the picture greatly. Moreover, the population of Singapore shot up, soon reaching a million (double the pre-war figure), for this colony, like Hong Kong, acted as a magnet to poverty-striken mainlanders.

Reaganland: America's Right Turn 1976-1980
by Rick Perlstein
Published 17 Aug 2020

Then came words almost universally judged a calamitous mistake: “It is time we recognized that ours was, in truth, a noble cause.” He explained this with an analysis that once upon a time had been embraced by virtually all Americans, back when Marines were landing in Da Nang: “A small country newly freed from colonial rule sought our help in establishing self-rule and the means of self-defense against a totalitarian neighbor bent on conquest.” The VFW audience gave this an enthusiastic ovation—an even more enthusiastic one when he continued, “We dishonor the memory of 50,000 young Americans who died in that cause when we give way to guilt as if we were doing something shameful.”

Lonely Planet China (Travel Guide)
by Lonely Planet and Shawn Low
Published 1 Apr 2015

Around Dalian Lushun With its excellent port and strategic location on the northeast coast, Lushun (formerly Port Arthur) was the focal point of both Russian and Japanese expansion in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The bloody Russo-Japanese War (1904–05) finally saw the area fall under Japanese colonial rule, which would continue for the next 40 years. Lushun is worth a visit during any trip to Dalian. While developers are piling on the high-rise apartments, Lushun is still a relaxed town built on the hills. Most sites are related to military history, but there’s an excellent museum on Liaoning, as well as a number of scenic lookouts and parks.

Great Britain
by David Else and Fionn Davenport
Published 2 Jan 2007

In 1928 Lawrence further pushed his explorations of sexuality in Lady Chatterley’s Lover, initially banned as pornographic. Torrid affairs are no big deal today, but the quality of the writing still shines. Other highlights of the interwar years included EM Forster’s A Passage to India, about the hopelessness of British colonial rule, and Daphne du Maurier’s romantic suspense novel Rebecca, set on the Cornish coast. Evelyn Waugh gave us Brideshead Revisited and Richard Llewellyn wrote the Welsh classic How Green Was My Valley. In a different world entirely, JRR Tolkien published The Hobbit, trumping it some 20 years later with his awesome trilogy The Lord of the Rings.