Ghost Road: Beyond the Driverless Car
by Anthony M. Townsend · 15 Jun 2020 · 362pp · 97,288 words
, Traffic Congestion, and the Environment, ed. Kenneth J. Button and Eric T. Verhoef (Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar, 1998), 216. 167London (in 2003): Transport for London, Congestion Charging Central London Impacts Monitoring Second Annual Report (London, UK: Transport for London, April 2004), 1–6; Stockholm (in 2006): Tri-State Transportation Campaign, Road Pricing
The politics of London: governing an ungovernable city
by Tony Travers · 15 Dec 2004 · 251pp · 88,754 words
(for example, to impose a minimum budget for police or for transport). Where powers were put into the legislation to allow the mayor to introduce congestion charging, there was a debate about the extent to which the government was proposing to take reserve powers to intervene in the scheme or to claw
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. The GLA also receives income from government grants, charges for services and from sales of capital assets. The GLA Act allows the mayor to introduce congestion charging or a levy on off-street car parking. The reality is ‘such fiscal autonomy as the GLA will possess will be limited to decisions about
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boroughs. Moreover, the mayor was willing to claim that some advice was privileged – for example, in the case of legal advice given to TfL about congestion charging (Greater London Authority, 2000). Most importantly, it was clear to a number of board members and staff that the mayor’s closest advisers were preparing
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mayor’s office in conjunction with senior officers at TfL. GLA officers were also by-passed by mayoral advisers. The development of the Mayors’s congestion charging policy provides a good case study. A consultation paper was worked up and published by the late summer of 2000 by a small number of
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working closely with the mayor. Neither the TfL board nor the overwhelming majority of GLA staff were involved in the propagation and early implementation of congestion charging. Similarly, when the mayor – as chair of TfL – decided to change key TfL staff, such as the original head of street management and the equivalent
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’s waste strategy; the mayor’s green spaces policy; the transportation of nuclear waste; recycling; and the mayor’s air quality strategy) and transport (including: congestion charging (twice); buses in outer London; safer routes home; bus services more generally; and the mayor’s transport strategy). There were also reports on regeneration funding
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issue is further considered in Chapter 8. Clearly some of the assembly’s work was driven by the need to consider mayoral initiatives (such as congestion charging) or policies (such as the strategies). Scrutiny was also possible at question time with the mayor and in other forums. However, there is no doubt
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towards the mayor who clearly had a complex job in setting up the new authority. Scrutiny committees that concentrated on published mayoral policy such as congestion charging and the draft transport policy found it easier to challenge the mayor and his functional bodies than those that undertook more general inquiries. The scrutiny
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of congestion charging had the advantage of massive expertise in its appointment of external adviser (it chose Martin Richards, who had been managing director of a company that
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–02 (the first set by the mayor) 2002–03 and 2003–04. In 2003–04, a new income stream of £70 million became available from congestion charging. The assembly has an annual opportunity to challenge the mayor’s budget each spring. In 2001–02, 2002–03 and 2003–04 they managed to
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of the lack of tangible outcomes) that being Mayor of London is going to be a difficult office in which to achieve quick results. Only congestion charging provided a “quick win” For the assembly members, life was also a brand new experience. In the same way that Ken Livingstone was the first
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transport any more’. However, a number of boroughs, notably Westminster and Kensington and Chelsea, made significant efforts – including legal challenges – to halt the introduction of congestion charging. Housing is another specific source of conflict between the mayor and the boroughs. In the view of some, the mayor has given disproportionate emphasis to
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prior to the election. On the euro, 54 per cent of businesses in September 2000 supported the mayor, with 26 per cent against. Even on congestion charging – polling suggested 61 per cent were in favour, 24 per cent opposed. This was not through any misreading of Ken Livingstone’s political stance: 90
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1,000 in 2002–03 a number of well-received reports highlighting London’s rapid growth and consequent need for new investment Congestion Charging, introduced without major mishap, in early 2003. Congestion charging was the single most radical policy introduced by Ken Livingstone in his post-2000 administration. The policy had been included in
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the zone would be reduced by 10 to 15 per cent. In the event, traffic was cut far more, reducing the overall yield. London’s congestion charging scheme would rely on a system of digital cameras on all roads at the boundary of the zone. Vehicles entering the zone Is London Ungovernable
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penalty notice would be sent to the owner. Repeated failure to pay penalties could lead to a vehicle being impounded. A crescendo of opposition to congestion charging built up in the months prior to February 2003. Residents’ groups, car users, the Conservative Party, Smithfield meat traders and sections of the media became
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officers on the streets of the capital. Actually witnessing 192 The Politics of London public service improvements proved virtually impossible. The long-term impact of congestion charging will, perhaps, be Ken Livingstone’s most visible intervention into modern London. Less obviously successful was Mayor Livingstone’s battle against the public–private partnership
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the mayor. For all Livingstone’s whimsical populist charm, Simon Jenkins’s oft-repeated jibe ‘where’s the mayor?’ cut deep. Only the success of congestion charging bucked this trend. The assembly The assembly itself has not found anything like an effective role. There were a number of reasons for this failure
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the assembly about how better to do their job. The brightest spots for the assembly in the period from 2000 to 2003 were inquiries into congestion charging, economic development and the budget scrutiny. This last activity, undertaken annually by a committee chaired by Sally Hamwee, provided a comprehensive overall analysis of the
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Planning Association). Government Office for the South-East of England (2001) Regional Planning Guidance for the South East (RPG9) (London: HMSO). Greater London Authority (2000) Congestion Charging London Assembly Scrutiny Report (London: GLA). Greater London Council (1969) Greater London Development Plan: Report of Studies (London: GLC). Greater London Council (1984) London Industrial
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) 13–14 commuters/commuting 28, 142, 147, 156, 170, 192, 207 competitiveness 143, 151 Confederation of British Industry (CBI, 1965–) 33, 89, 150, 151, 153 congestion charging 66, 94, 116, 119, 135, 144, 152, 190–3, 195, 202, 210 Conservative Party 6, 18, 43, 44, 47, 84, 97, 100, 150, 191, 196
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, 207, 210 car users 191 congestion 149 parking 39, 66, 143, 202 Motorway M25 38, 139 ringways or motorway box 29 traffic 39 see also congestion charging Robertson, Alex xii Robinson, Brian 131 Robson, William 28 Rogers, Lord (Richard) 10, 95, 121 Rome 163, 173 Romney House (Westminster) 80, 83, 84, 95
Carmageddon: How Cars Make Life Worse and What to Do About It
by Daniel Knowles · 27 Mar 2023 · 278pp · 91,332 words
his plans. Quietly, he widened sidewalks and eliminated parking where he could. He even let a road through Prospect Park in Brooklyn grow over. But congestion charging was put on ice. Highway revolts stopped more motorways being built, especially through city centers. But they did nothing to dismantle the ones that had
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, is a shortage of land and a relentless, centralized leadership that recognized early on that cars were a waste of space. In Singapore, for example, congestion charging was introduced in 1975, almost thirty years before anywhere else managed it. It was motivated by a growing traffic problem; in the decade before, the
Lectures on Urban Economics
by Jan K. Brueckner · 14 May 2011
rent control on commute times. Journal of Urban Economics 58: 421–436. Krugman, Paul. 1992. Geography and Trade. MIT Press. Leape, Jonathan. 2006. The London Congestion Charge. Journal of Economic Perspectives 20: 157–176. Lee, Kangoh, and Santiago Pinto. 2009. Crime in a Multi-Jurisdictional Model with Public and Private Crime Prevention
The Undercover Economist: Exposing Why the Rich Are Rich, the Poor Are Poor, and Why You Can Never Buy a Decent Used Car
by Tim Harford · 15 Mar 2006 · 389pp · 98,487 words
spare road space. Furthermore, since the rich do more of most things, externality charges often redistribute money in a desirable way. In the case of congestion charging, the truth is striking: in the United Kingdom, poor people do not drive—they bicycle, walk, or take the bus. The poorest tenth of the
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total spending on fuel by the richest 10 percent is at least thirty times more than by the poorest 10 percent. The conclusion is that congestion charging not only improves efficiency, it also redistributes money by raising more tax from the rich. That’s nice for the defenders of
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congestion charging in Britain, but useless in the United States, where the poor still drive a lot and so pay larger amounts of tax as a percentage
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question, but congestion charging can deliver no matter what the answer is. There are alternatives to congestion charging which stop short of the extreme of an outright ban on driving. The trouble is, they don’t work
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in response to the policy, in force from 1696 to 1851, of taxing people based on the number of windows their homes had. Advocates of congestion charging believe that it must be easier to persuade people to find a way to make fewer trips by car than it is to persuade people
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a few weeks, but over the months and years, we would be living in a society where we could all get around safely and quickly. Congestion charging can change the small decisions we make every week about whether to drive to a supermarket, or catch the bus, or walk to a local
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change jobs and one in seven people move; every time that happens, there is a clear opportunity to reconsider travel choices in the light of congestion charging. There’s also a domino effect here, as changes in behavior reinforce each other. If more people begin riding buses, there will be more room
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, those costs are invisible to the market, but systems such as externality charging provide the missing signal that the cost exists. When London introduced a congestion-charging zone in early 2003 (charging £5 or about $9 per day to drive into the city center) people responded far more quickly than many critics
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is about who gets what and why. Clean air and smooth-flowing traffic are part of the “economy” in this sense. It’s possible that congestion charging would increase GDP because people would get to work more quickly and produce more, and prices in stores would be lower because of more efficient
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distribution. But it’s perfectly possible that congestion charging would reduce GDP. This does not, in fact, matter in the slightest. We know for certain that it would make us better off in a
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Fuels,” European Economy Special Edition (1992). A separate, more recent, study focused on London is Ian Crawford’s The Distributional Effects of the Proposed London Congestion Charging Scheme (briefing note, no 11, Institute for Fiscal Studies, Oct. 2000), http://www.ifs.org.uk/consume/gla.pdf. Distributional consequences in the United States
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by American drivers from the US Department of Transportation, http://www.fhwa.dot.gov/ohim/2000hfbt.pdf. The effect of London’s congestion charge on traffic levels is described in “Congestion Charging Six Months On,” Transport for London, October 2003. Chapter 5 The classic article on lemons and asymmetric information is George Akerlof, “The
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systems, 2, diminishing returns, 180 10, 14, 65, 66 discounts, 36, 56 computer industry, 51–52, 80 disease, 53–54, 58, 251. See also health congestion charging, 88–90, 96–98. care See also externality charges Disney World, 37 Consilience (Wilson), 204 distribution of wealth, 252 contracts, 248 dividends, 140–41 convenience
Triumph of the City: How Our Greatest Invention Makes Us Richer, Smarter, Greener, Healthier, and Happier
by Edward L. Glaeser · 1 Jan 2011 · 598pp · 140,612 words
£5 each time they entered an inner corridor of London; the charge later rose to £8. For forty years since William Vickrey introduced the idea, congestion charging has appealed to economists who think that people should pay for the social costs of their actions. One person’s driving creates congestion for everyone
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on driving is a good way to use roads more wisely. Ken Livingstone was fearless, as usual, and congestion charges appealed to him for reasons beyond the economists’ customary love of efficiency. Livingstone saw congestion charging as a means of helping the environment by moving people out of cars and into subways. He also
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of Poundbury’s homes are apartments: Watson, Learning from Poundbury, 19. 215 pay £5 each time they entered an inner corridor of London: Leape, “London Congestion Charge.” 215 congestion charging has appealed to economists: For instance, Vickrey, “Congestion Theory,” 251; Vickrey, “Pricing of Urban Street Use”; Vickrey, “Pricing in Urban and Suburban Transport”; and
Traffic: Why We Drive the Way We Do (And What It Says About Us)
by Tom Vanderbilt · 28 Jul 2008 · 512pp · 165,704 words
, or how much they drove, Vickrey, the story goes, built a cheap radio transmitter and installed it in his car, displaying the results to friends.) Congestion charging, in cities like London and Stockholm, has been shown to work because it forces people to make a decision about—and gives them a precise
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por tu Ciudad, which deserves kudos for trying to calm Mexico City’s often hostile traffic. In England, thanks to Malcolm Murray-Clark, Director of Congestion Charging in London, and Phil Davis, at Transport for London’s London Traffic Control Centre. Peter Weeden of the Royal Kensington Borough Council graciously offered his
Order Without Design: How Markets Shape Cities
by Alain Bertaud · 9 Nov 2018 · 769pp · 169,096 words
hotel rooms, should be adjusted to maintain as close to full road occupancy as possible. In the case of urban roads, the objective of the congestion charge is not to maximize a city’s income but to prevent congestion above a set level. A car should therefore be charged for the increased
Walkable City: How Downtown Can Save America, One Step at a Time
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trips than before the charge. Bus reliability has jumped by 30 percent and bus delays have dropped by 60 percent.37 Before introduction of the congestion charge, Londoners were evenly divided on the concept. When last polled, pros beat cons by 35 percent.38 And in the subsequent mayoral election, largely a
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bubble-wrapping cyclists, making people wear helmets, when what we should be doing is taming the bull. It can be done easily, through traffic calming, congestion charges, giving priority to cyclists at intersections.” He insisted he wasn’t fanatically anti-automobile. “At a lecture in Washington, somebody said to me, ‘Here in
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