congestion pricing

Life After Cars: Freeing Ourselves From the Tyranny of the Automobile

by Sarah Goodyear, Doug Gordon and Aaron Naparstek  · 21 Oct 2025  · 330pp  · 85,349 words

“The War Against the Car” and asked if the then-mayor of London, Ken Livingstone, was purposely making traffic worse so that he could enact congestion pricing the next year. No longer did the stories about a “war on cars” describe put-upon small-town folk fighting back against the scourge of

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merely absurd. But they have real-world consequences. Some of them are political, like New York Governor Kathy Hochul’s last-minute decision to pause congestion pricing in New York City in what was apparently an effort to placate wealthy suburban voters and persuade them to vote for Democratic candidates in the

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cities that have limited cars and increased space for human beings. Oslo, Madrid, Paris, London—these are the cities that make international headlines with their congestion pricing initiatives, bike lane networks, and freeway removals. But in dozens of smaller cities, from Bilbao to Malmö to Toulouse to Ljubljana, city officials are pedestrianizing

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carrot’s easy, the carrot is just building some bike lanes and patting yourself on the back. The stick gets harder when we talk about congestion pricing or traffic circulation or car-free or low-car city centers, but they’re necessary to really achieve the things that we want to achieve

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Colorado Department of Transportation, 17 community lack of and loneliness, 119–23 traffic undermining, 116–19 trust, 176–77 conflict over bike lanes. See bikelash congestion pricing, 131, 191 consultations, community, 29–31, 62, 185–86, 197, 231–32 conversations, 232–33 Coom, Pippa, 35 Copenhagen, DK, 33–35, 181–82, 233

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, 44 bike traffic laws in, 38–42 blocks for walking, 229 car crashes in related to schools, 58 car ownership in, 122 Central Park, 71 congestion pricing, 131 cyclist behavior in, 41 Department of Transformation, 205, 208 Department of Transportation, 24, 28, 32, 62–63, 200, 215 Fourteenth Street in, 110–12

Ghost Road: Beyond the Driverless Car

by Anthony M. Townsend  · 15 Jun 2020  · 362pp  · 97,288 words

. What’s worse, as the power of mobility financiers grows, the very same tools that cities will deploy to manage the AV invasion—such as congestion pricing—may be co-opted by speculators, weaponized, and turned back against local governments. Each of these three big stories breaks down a popular yet mistaken

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Mile If the age of free roads is coming to an end, the idea that may finally spell its doom is a scheme known as congestion pricing. By charging people more to travel when and where traffic is heaviest, the thinking goes, people will switch to mass transit, shift their schedules, or

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-serving motorists. But it will also be a catalyst for mobility’s financialization. As legend has it, Columbia University economist William Vickrey, the father of congestion pricing, was so “uninterested in material comfort that he barely knew how much he was paid.” The absentminded professor was well aware of money’s motivating

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. The rambling study Vickrey produced for City Hall spans more than 150 pages, and makes for dry reading. But it reveals the conceptual roots of congestion pricing as it is practiced today. Vickrey understood the problem foremost as an exercise in marginal-cost pricing, where the price of goods and services is

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Source: Adapted from William S. Vickrey,The Revision of the Rapid Transit Fare Structure of the City of New York, Technical Monograph No. 3, 1952. Congestion pricing fared somewhat better on surface roads. In 1959, Vickrey was invited by the US Congress to prepare a road-pricing scheme for the Washington, DC

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attack in 1996—behind the wheel of his own car on the Hutchinson River Parkway, no less—the world had but one successful example of congestion pricing to point to, Singapore’s Area Licensing Scheme. Singapore’s program had, however, delivered on Vickrey’s promises. After it launched in 1975, traffic into

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projected. And as the share of commuters traveling by private car fell, those using carpools and buses expanded from 41 to 62 percent. From Singapore, congestion pricing has spread slowly but surely. London (in 2003) and Stockholm (in 2006) were the next two big cities to put the scheme to work, and

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after introducing congestion-pricing cordons around their central districts, both saw traffic fall by nearly one-third. In all three cities, authorities have cut back on road construction and

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’d otherwise be at elevated risks of emissions-induced asthma. A fourth city, Milan, adopted congestion pricing in 2012, and New York City began preparations to introduce it in 2019. Despite these successes, the spread of congestion pricing is just beginning. In many more places, motorists have resisted these reforms through organized lobbies. They

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, claiming that congestion tolls would hit the middle class and poor the hardest. But in fact, it is the poor who benefit the most from congestion pricing. Not only are they the least likely to own cars, they gain the most from faster buses running on traffic-free streets. The uptick in

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appeal, however, reflects a tipping point for traffic jams. It turns out that the biggest obstacle to broader support for congestion pricing was insufficient congestion. Over the last decade, the surge of ride-hail vehicles into center cities has brought a new intensity to the traffic crisis.

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to reduce auto use. It was a warning of what was to come for other cities as well. What’s more, the political insurmountability of congestion pricing doesn’t seem so insurmountable anymore. London’s efforts showed that the approach wasn’t only viable for centralized states like Singapore or social democracies

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, global city and it could work. And even in the perennially dysfunctional politics of Italy (and New York City, for that matter), a consensus for congestion pricing could be found. WE AREN’T THE FIRST to tackle the challenge of tracking the passage of vehicles. Taxi meters, which log the distance traveled

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the mileage; the other side is money—accurate, indelible, and secure.” The importance of what ClearRoad is building is undeniable. Putting aside the politics of congestion pricing, there aren’t many options for governments to replace fuel taxes. This at least eases the pain for drivers during the transition to use-based

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funds engage in speculative trade against the risks and rewards of road revenues. Now we’re off to the races. The road to ruin for congestion pricing—from sensible scheme for allocating public space, to funnel for financial mayhem—may be far shorter than it seems today. Right now, an uneasy consensus

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exists around the efficacy of congestion pricing. For the left, this alliance has achieved two important programmatic goals—securing new funding for transit, while simultaneously discouraging automobile use. In New York City

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$1 billion a year, financing $15 billion in transit improvements. But the victory has come at a steep price in principle, because for the right, congestion pricing is a stunning ideological victory. Not only does it balance spending with user fees rather than with wealth or income taxes, it tames the public

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driverless revolution pushes the wedge of financialization deeper and deeper into the world of mobility. New York City’s struggles over how exactly to implement congestion pricing offer the clearest case of how fast priorities can shift from clearing roads to filling city coffers, and to fighting over which group bears the

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but costly schemes to capture and leverage road revenues, often by luring cities into penurious deals with up-front, lump-sum, low-ball cash payments. Congestion pricing could be the gateway drug to a future where financiers and mayors team up to tax our movements in endlessly creative and lucrative ways. If

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2020, the company will have made back its initial $1.15 billion investment and will continue to profit for 60 years.” When I think about congestion pricing, I worry about whether we’re sufficiently scrutinizing the ideology it represents. But what I fear is whether we can contain this rationale for rationing

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unleashed. I don’t dispute that giving away the public realm to motorists has been a terrible mistake. But as pragmatic and politically expedient as congestion pricing is today, once automation takes hold it may soon turn out to be a deal with the devil. Return of the Traction Monopolies The octopus

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blog post. “Even if that means paying money out of our own pocket to pass a tax on our core business.” Uber’s embrace of congestion pricing was initially well received, coming as it did on the heels of maverick founder Travis Kalanick’s ouster the year before. But I didn’t

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buy it. I was already on edge about congestion pricing’s prospects in an age of algorithmic financial fudgery, and I didn’t trust Uber. I wondered—was congestion pricing really a tax on Uber? Or was the company simply borrowing another trick from its Gilded

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to collude with city governments to clear the streets of competition? The plot seems too diabolical to be true. Uber’s surface motivations for backing congestion pricing make sense. Its cars suffer as much from slow traffic as everyone else—measurably so, even, as lower speeds generate fewer revenue-miles. In the

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risks of this marriage between high tech and high finance are clear. Uber’s 2019 IPO filings revealed—despite the company’s nice talk about congestion pricing a year earlier—its true intentions toward cities all along. Public transit was the competition, and Uber planned to win. What’s more, instead of

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the financialization of mobility go? What’s clear is that the creeping normalization of market logic won’t stop at merely implementing mobility policy, as congestion pricing is seen to be doing today. It will become a tool for actually making policy, with powerful interests, rather than people, pulling the levers. When

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. How far are they willing to let the creeping frontier of market logic advance? First roads, then curbs—will sidewalks be the next frontier for congestion pricing? We saw earlier how the ride-hail revolution is leading toward collusion, consolidation, and off-loading of tolls onto consumers. Could this be the future

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for last-mile delivery too? Congestion pricing at the curb could be manipulated by cash-flush corporations like Amazon to starve out the competition. And it’s easy to imagine cash-strapped

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: The Multibillion-Dollar Tax Subsidy That’s Making Your Commute Worse (New York: Transit Center and Frontier Group, 2018), 2–5; they gain the most: “Congestion Pricing Would Save Riders of Most Queens and Brooklyn Express Buses One to Two Hours per Week,” Riders Alliance (blog), Medium, October 30, 2018, https://medium

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.com/@RidersNY/congestion-pricing-would-save-queens-brooklyn-express-bus-riders-1-to-2-hours-per-week-ed967dfbfdc0. 168a whopping 73 percent of the increased traffic: San Francisco County

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–38, https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/abs/10.1086/256674?journalCode=jpe. 172to bring in more than $1 billion: Elise Young and Henry Goldman, “Congestion Pricing. Has It Worked and Can It Fix New York City?” Washington Post, April 1, 2019, https://www.washingtonpost.com/business

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/congestion-pricing-has-it-worked-and-can-it-fix-new-york/2019/04/01/c8b360d2-5493-11e9-aa83-504f086bf5d6_story.html. 173“Since then, rates have skyrocketed”:

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supercomputer location under seat, 84 vehicular variety increase, 53 see also code and programming for AVs; deep learning; reprogramming mobility computer vision, 152, 230, 231 congestion pricing at the curb, 223 electronic tolling, 169–72 mobility policy and, 182 in New York City, 165–67, 167, 168, 172–73 speculation or perverse

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–23 electronic tolling, 169–72 monetization of vehicle owner data, 32 overview, 17, 163–65, 244 realignment of money and power, 181–83 see also congestion pricing first mile, 60 fleet learning, 37 Florida Automated Vehicles Summit, 55 Ford, Henry, 12 Ford Motor Company, 12, 32, 58, 218–19, 231, 233 forecasting

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Cab (video game), 149 neural networks, 36–37, 235 Newsweek future car ad in 1950s, 50–52, 51 New York City Citi Bike docks, 64 congestion pricing, 165–67, 167, 168, 172–73 Regional Plan Association’s traffic separation, 209, 210 street grid, 135–36 traction monopolies, 174, 174, 180 Ng, Andrew

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cost of time wasted, 9, 12, 30 driverless shuttles and, 106 predicted effects of AVs, 9 ride-hail and, 168 taxibots and, 99 see also congestion pricing trafficgeddons, 85–86 Trafi, 109, 216 transects of the driverless city, 187–88, 188–89, 194–95, 198–99, 200–201, 206–7, 208 transit

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turnpike trusts in Great Britain, 162–63 Turpin, Dick, 161 Uber betrayal of cities, 181 Careem purchase by, 177 competition with Lyft, 177–78, 179 congestion pricing, 179, 181 dynamic pricing, 181 fatal AV–pedestrian accident, 231 Greyball program, 178 initial public offering, 97, 177, 181 Jump bike-share platform, 202 limited

Road to ruin: an introduction to sprawl and how to cure it

by Dom Nozzi  · 15 Dec 2003  · 282pp  · 69,481 words

number of miles people drive much more effectively than raising gasoline taxes, which are unable to take such congestion into account.37 PLANNED CONGESTION AND CONGESTION PRICING “Most people will not walk or bicycle or take the bus unless driving is too expensive or inconvenient or traffic is too frustrating,” a Florida

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will discourage residents and businesses from locating in dispersed, low-density areas. Furthermore, planned congestion is politically easier to implement than the preferred approach of congestion pricing. And with the improved quality of alternatives to driving alone brought about by planned congestion, it becomes politically easier to implement

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congestion pricing—the most efficient congestion management tactic.39 Congestion pricing imposes a fee for using congested roads during rush hour periods. The goal is to shift drivers to alternative times, alternative routes, or

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the entire community shares from our choice. A number of economists hold that urban traffic congestion is nearly impossible to solve without some form of congestion pricing. Yet advocating the use of this tactic, the most efficient and effective way to discourage low-value car trips, is political suicide in America, and

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use them more efficiently, some communities are considering opening them to single-occupant cars after collecting a congestion fee. A variation on HOV lanes and congestion pricing is high-occupancy toll (HOT) lanes, which give us as drivers three options: drive for free on acongested lane, shift to a carpool or transit

The End of Traffic and the Future of Transport: Second Edition

by David Levinson and Kevin Krizek  · 17 Aug 2015  · 257pp  · 64,285 words

facilities—mainly the space between buildings in the form of roads—modifies this mantra to Reduce, Reuse, Bicycle. Reduce Reducing overall travel demand helps and congestion pricing is undoubtedly the most effective strategy in the near term; we tackle pricing and cost issues in the next chapter. We first motivate and prescribe

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exchange money for time. To date, the public is skeptical when they are unfamiliar with road pricing, but supportive after seeing it in action. Returning congestion pricing revenue back to the neighborhoods where it was generated may help.313 Phasing pricing in one Electric Vehicle at a time seems an obvious strategy

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faster, so can lead to slightly reduced headways exiting traffic signals. 312 The common term is congestion pricing. Versions have been successfully implemented in cities including London, Stockholm, and Singapore among others. Almost all economists like congestion pricing. For further information, see: Lindsey, Robin (2006) Do Economists Reach A Conclusion on Road Pricing? The

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Intellectual History of an Idea. Econ Journal Watch 3(2) pp. 292-379 313 King, D., Manville, M., & Shoup, D. (2007). The political calculus of congestion pricing. Transport Policy, 14(2), 111-123. 314 Figure 13.1, Sources various. Special thanks to David Ungemah and Mark Burris. 315 The end result might

Cities in the Sky: The Quest to Build the World's Tallest Skyscrapers

by Jason M. Barr  · 13 May 2024  · 292pp  · 107,998 words

choices, they would naturally eschew their cars, which would further enhance cities’ dynamism. A simpler, though less comprehensive, way to reduce car usage is through congestion pricing, where drivers pay a toll to enter the densest neighborhoods. The money raised is poured back into improving mass transit

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. Congestion pricing has been successfully established in London, Stockholm, and Singapore. Launched in 2003, the scheme for central London produced a 30 percent reduction in traffic congestion

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, 141, 150, 157, 160, 163 computer-based technologies, xvii–xviii, 64, 67–68, 102, 167–68 concrete. See skyscraper engineering Condit, Carl W., 17, 20 congestion pricing, 261–62 “Consequences of Living in High-Rise Buildings, The” (Gifford), 265–66, 267 constrained optimization problem, 63 Conventions for the Extension of Hong Kong

Walkable City: How Downtown Can Save America, One Step at a Time

by Jeff Speck  · 13 Nov 2012  · 342pp  · 86,256 words

must: induced demand; It’s not just freeways; Kill the traffic engineers first; Remove it and they will go; A step too far: pedestrian zones; Congestion pricing: too smart to be easy; The long view Cars are the lifeblood of the American city. Even in our most successful walking and transit cities

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answer—which is to bring the cost of driving on crowded streets closer in line with its value. That technique is the subject of the Congestion Pricing section ahead. IT’S NOT JUST FREEWAYS When I say “highway,” you probably picture a limited-access six-laner with guardrails and on-ramps. But

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to be successful, it will thrive due to its location, demographics, and organization—not its streetscape. CONGESTION PRICING: TOO SMART TO BE EASY No chapter on cars and cities would be complete without a discussion of congestion pricing, a vastly underutilized tool that communities can use to protect themselves from the automotive hordes. We

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-based choices about when to drive where? The result would be a solution to both excessive driving and excessive congestion. That’s the idea behind congestion pricing. In the early 2000s, London was choking on traffic, and people were desperate for a solution. Having exhausted the alternatives, Mayor Ken Livingstone proposed the

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subsequent mayoral election, largely a referendum on the pricing scheme, Livingstone was reelected by a broad margin. London is not alone in its embrace of congestion pricing. São Paulo, Shanghai, Singapore, Stockholm, and Sydney39 have all introduced similar measures, with varying, but all generally positive, results. San Francisco is now working on

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. Not beginning with the letter S like all the others, New York City was apparently at a distinct disadvantage when Mayor Michael Bloomberg hatched a congestion-pricing scheme on Earth Day 2007. His proposal would have raised about half a billion dollars annually, and was additionally slated to receive $354 million off

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do41—minus the revenues to the city—demonstrating the effectiveness of using price to control congestion. But gas prices are a much blunter instrument than congestion pricing, which allows cities to specifically attack problem locations, and make a lot of money in the bargain. Most cities are not beholden to their state

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shoppers with dollars to spare who have the most to offer your Main Street merchants. In its most sophisticated form, this approach means true variable congestion pricing, which we will discuss in a minute. But for many cities, a perfectly adequate outcome can be achieved simply by raising meter rates a notch

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a mere 62 seconds.51 For a twenty-first-century version, we turn to San Francisco, which, thanks to Shoup, has recently introduced a true congestion-pricing regime. For seven thousand spaces in eight key neighborhoods—25 percent of the city’s metered parking—prices are being adjusted block by block and

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cities’ parking problems. That said, since the start-up costs are easily bondable and the potential income so great, opting out of a full-fledged congestion-pricing regime could turn out to be a pound-foolish choice. A TALE OF TWO CITIES As if we weren’t convinced, Shoup has a final

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tag—$1,200,000,000.65 This $1.2 billion tells us a number of things. One of them is that $20 million for a congestion-pricing regime in San Francisco is chump change. Another is that there is obviously a lot of money in privately managed parking, and, that as Chicago

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… for gasoline to hit ten dollars per gallon. As we have already seen in New York, oil prices can accomplish in short order what defeated congestion-pricing schemes fail to do. At some point, sooner or later, it will become much more expensive to drive around every American city, especially those like

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. Data taken alternately from two sources: Ibid., and Wikipedia, “London Congestion Charge.” 38. Ibid. 39. Stewart Brand, Whole Earth Discipline, 71. 40. Wikipedia, “New York Congestion Pricing.” 41. Ibid. 42. Ibid. 43. Nozzi, op. cit. 44. Bernard-Henri Lévy, American Vertigo. 45. Ivan Illich, Toward a History of Needs. 46. Ibid., 119

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) Coletta, Carol combined sewage overflows (CSOs) community renewal block grants commuting: civic engagement and; health issues from; as least favorable activity; stress of Condon, Patrick congestion pricing Congress for the New Urbanism (CNU) Connecticut, University of ConocoPhillips Consumer Preference Survey Cortright, Joe Cownie, Frank Cox, Wendell cycle track “Cycling for Few or

Traffic: Why We Drive the Way We Do (And What It Says About Us)

by Tom Vanderbilt  · 28 Jul 2008  · 512pp  · 165,704 words

, the thinking has turned from “How can we get more people on the roads?” to “How can we get fewer?” The answer, of course, is congestion pricing. As an idea, it’s hardly new. The idea of taxing people for the “externalities,” like congestion, that they create goes all the way back

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is punitive. You can achieve reasonable results with incentives that result in fairly modest behavioral response.” By getting just some people to change their behavior, congestion pricing can help reverse a long-standing vicious cycle of traffic, one that removes the incentives to take public transportation. The more people who choose to

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percent. Which is exactly what happened, and London soon had “traffic thrombosis.” Everything engineers did to ease the flow just seemed to make it worse. Congestion pricing reverses the cycle. Driving becomes more expensive, so traffic is reduced. The fees raised by pricing go into buses, which benefit in time and in

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civic space. This was deemed, from a traffic point of view, impossible. As Malcolm Murray-Clark, the director of London’s congestion-pricing program, told me over tea in his office, congestion pricing changed all that. By removing the “background levels” of traffic from London, as he put it, planners had the wiggle room

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did not have a destination in central London,” he said. “It was just a through trip. Those were the first to go, if you like.” Congestion pricing is really just another spin on making the system optimal, or, to put it another way, saving people from their own instincts: How do you

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capacity for the other ninety-five percent of the year. You don’t design a church for Easter Sunday.” So Disney tried a form of congestion pricing. It issued ticket books in which the tickets’ values reflected the capacity of the rides. Popular rides like Space Mountain required E tickets, which were

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the highway. Drivers do not want to pull up to a tollbooth and be told, “Come back at two-thirty p.m.” But in principle, congestion pricing works the same way, by redirecting demand on the network in time. Traffic can be made to flow better by redirecting demand in space, of

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than the route I was on. The road I was on, congested or not, was still the best. Real-time traffic and routing information and congestion pricing are two sides of the same coin. One tells drivers how to avoid traffic congestion; the other impels drivers to avoid traffic congestion. When the

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cars generating that congestion, promises something else. It can be used to calculate the exact demand for any stretch of road at any time. With congestion pricing, the traffic on the roads will finally be made to act like the traffic in things, with market prices reflecting and shaping the supply and

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some places, these systems are so entrenched that they can take on the logic of an economic system, a kind of “corruption pricing” instead of “congestion pricing.” A study of the bribes that Indonesian truckers had to pay at military checkpoints showed that the closer the truckers got to their destination, the

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, as of 2007, owed the highest amount (ahead of even corruption-plagued Nigeria) of unpaid traffic congestion-pricing fees to the city of London. The United States, which claims that its diplomats are exempt from the congestion-pricing “tax,” is not one of the ten least corrupt countries (it was ranked twentieth in 2007

Carmageddon: How Cars Make Life Worse and What to Do About It

by Daniel Knowles  · 27 Mar 2023  · 278pp  · 91,332 words

just an American one. In the 1970s, Sam Schwartz—he who invented the term “gridlock”—was one of the first city officials worldwide to propose congestion pricing. In his book Street Smart, which is part memoir, part polemic, Schwartz recounts that when he started in New York’s department of transportation, he

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tolling on the bridges into Manhattan. Most of those bridges had not been tolled since 1911. “At that time, I hadn’t heard the term congestion pricing,” recalls Schwartz. But he had heard of an economist, a man called William Vickrey, who had argued that drivers ought to pay for the land

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they use. “He schooled me on congestion pricing.” And Schwartz in turn schooled the city government. The city government and the State of New York passed a law imposing the new tolls. “I

Carjacked: The Culture of the Automobile and Its Effect on Our Lives

by Catherine Lutz and Anne Lutz Fernandez  · 5 Jan 2010  · 269pp  · 104,430 words

at peak times on heavily used roads or in certain districts. Witness Mayor Mike Bloomberg’s highly publicized, unsuccessful attempt to institute the kind of “congestion pricing” measures in midtown Manhattan that have been effective in comparable metropolitan areas such as central London. In 2003, the city of London started charging a

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solutions to them. It also became a way for politicians to avoid suggesting that drivers might drive less or encouraging them to do so through congestion pricing and other effective but unpopular traffic reduction strategies. Glassner contextualized the risks posed by road rage by comparing the small number of crash fatalities caused

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in designing safer cars. 4. Apply revenue-generating measures that encourage a large public movement to rail and public transit, such as road user charges, congestion pricing, and truck weight and distance fees. 5. Amend regulations to encourage more equity and ecology from car insurance. Insurance companies should be required to offer

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. Capuzo, “Where Walkable Encounters Affordable,” New York Times, October 31, 2008. Downs, Still Stuck in Traffic, p. 9. Ibid., pp. 8–9. Todd Litman, London Congestion Pricing: Implications for Other Cities (Victoria, BC: Victoria Transport Policy Institute, January 10, 2006). Pisarski, Commuting in America III. Marc Schlossberg, Page Paulsen Phillips, Bethany Johnson

Triumph of the City: How Our Greatest Invention Makes Us Richer, Smarter, Greener, Healthier, and Happier

by Edward L. Glaeser  · 1 Jan 2011  · 598pp  · 140,612 words

, when congestion is worse. Decades of experience have proven Vickrey right. Building more roads almost never eliminates traffic delays, but congestion pricing does. In 1975, Singapore adopted a simple form of congestion pricing, charging motorists more for driving in the central city. Now the system is electronic and sophisticated and keeps that city traffic

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-jam free. In 2003, London adopted its own congestion charge and also saw traffic drop significantly. So why is congestion pricing so rare in the United States? Because politics trumps economics. Imposing a new fee on thousands of motorists is unpopular, and as a result, millions

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the wastewater. You might expect traffic jams in the world’s second most densely populated nation, but Singapore’s streets are fluid because it adopted congestion pricing in 1975. Lee Kwan Yew’s initially simple system has constantly evolved, and today toll-collecting arches electronically charge cars throughout the city. Every car

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to reduce traffic congestion: Columbia University, “Practical Economic Solutions.” 105 “users of private cars ... their use imposes”: Vickrey, “New York’s Subway Fare Structure.” 105 congestion pricing ... traffic-jam free: Goh, “Congestion Management.” 105 London adopted its own congestion charge: Leape, “London Congestion Charge.” 106 first modern police force: Schivelbusch, “Policing of

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recently, it had to import . . . recycling the wastewater: “Singapore’s Deep Tunnel Sewerage System Wins Global Water Awards 2009,” Marketwire, Apr. 28, 2009. 230 adopted congestion pricing in 1975: Goh, “Congestion Management.” 230 Commute times run around thirty-five minutes: Payscale.com, www.payscale.com/research/SG/Country=Singapore/Commute_Time. 230

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