deindustrialization

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description: process of reduction of industrial activity

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Star's Reach: A Novel of the Deindustrial Future

by John Michael Greer  · 14 Apr 2014  · 466pp  · 159,321 words

Star’s Reach A Novel of the Deindustrial Future John Michael Greer Star's Reach Copyright © 2014 by John Michael Greer Published 2014 by Founders House Publishing, LLC Cover art © Fotografieco/Dreamstime.com

.com Full Contents Start Reading About The Author Copyright Author’s Note There’s a certain irony in the fact that this tale of the deindustrial future first appeared in serial form as a monthly blog post on the internet, that most baroque of modern industrial society’s technosystems. That said

Inventing the Future: Postcapitalism and a World Without Work

by Nick Srnicek and Alex Williams  · 1 Oct 2015  · 357pp  · 95,986 words

the labour supply wreaked havoc on low-skilled black workers. With manufacturing jobs shipped overseas or subject to automation, these workers were disproportionately affected by deindustrialisation.91 Industrial jobs left the urban centres and were replaced by service work often located in distant suburban areas.92 The urban ghettos were left

they both function as a desperate means of survival.105 But while primitive accumulation is responsible for the origins of these slums, it is ‘premature deindustrialisation’ that looks set to consolidate their existence. If previous periods of industrialisation at least had the benefit of providing enough factory jobs for the new

proletariat, premature deindustrialisation threatens to eliminate this traditional pathway entirely. Technological and economic developments now enable countries to virtually leapfrog the industrialisation phase, which means that developing economies

are now deindustrialising at much lower rates of per capita income and with much lower shares of manufacturing employment.106 China is a good example of this, with

a focus on ‘technological upgrading [and] productivity enhancements’ in order to maintain growth.110 The automation of factories is at the leading edge of this deindustrialisation trend, with China already the biggest purchaser of industrial robots, and expected to soon have more industrial robots in operation than either Europe or North

America.111 The factory of the world is going robotic. Deindustrialisation can also be seen in ‘reshoring’, where manufacturing returns to developed economies in jobless, automated forms.112 These deindustrialisation trends are taking hold across the developing economies of Latin America, sub-Saharan Africa and most

this is not only an incomplete transition to a significant working class, but also the stymying of the expected employment path for the workforce. Premature deindustrialisation is leaving most of the world’s urban proletariat dispossessed of its agricultural livelihood and without the opportunity to be hired for manufacturing jobs. Some

this non-routine cognitive labour is increasingly automated, what may occur is a premature shift away from a service-based economy – on top of premature deindustrialisation. What this means is that the maintenance of large portions of humanity within slums and informal, non-capitalist economies is likely to be consolidated by

at the time. 3.Slum populations will continue to grow due to the automation of low-skilled service work, and will be exacerbated by premature deindustrialisation. 4.Urban marginality in the developed economies will grow in size as low-skilled, low-wage jobs are automated. 5.The transformation of higher education

over 1.6 million robots.18 In terms of employment, manufacturing has reached a global saturation point. Even in developing countries, the trend is towards deindustrialisation, with employment growth now confined predominantly to the service sector.19 Concurrent with the decline of manufacturing, the latter half of the twentieth century oversaw

, its organisational structures fell apart, and today ‘there is no longer a class fraction that can hegemonise the class’.10 Under the combined pressures of deindustrialisation, the globalisation of production, the rise of service economies, the expansion of precarity, the demise of classic Fordist footholds and the proliferation of diverse identities

to unify was always a limited phenomenon, and these differences persist today, exacerbated under conditions of a globalised division of labour. Perhaps more fundamentally, if deindustrialisation (the automation of manufacturing) is a necessary stage along the path towards a postcapitalist society, then the industrial working class could never have been the

agent of change. Its existence was predicated upon economic conditions that would have to be eliminated in the transition to postcapitalism. If deindustrialisation is required for the transition to postcapitalism, then the industrial working class was inevitably going to lose its power in the process – fragmenting and falling

.Jan Breman, ‘A Bogus Concept?’, New Left Review II/84 (November–December 2013), p. 137. 101.Sukti Dasgupta and Ajit Singh, Manufacturing, Services and Premature Deindustrialization in Developing Countries: A Kaldorian Analysis, Working Paper Series, World Institute for Development Economics Research, 2006, at ideas.repec.org, p. 6; Breman, ‘Introduction’, p

to decline as a share of GDP at per capita levels of around $3,000, rather than $10,000. Dani Rodrik, ‘The Perils of Premature Deindustrialization’, Project Syndicate, 11 October 2013, at project-syndicate.org, p. 5. 107.Over 30 million manufacturing jobs have been lost since 1996. Erik Brynjolfsson, Andrew

, at bcg.com; Stephanie Clifford, ‘US Textile Plants Return, with Floors Largely Empty of People’, New York Times, 19 September 2013. 113.Dani Rodrik, Premature Deindustrialization, BREAD Working Paper No. 439, Bureau for Research and Economic Analysis of Development, 2015, at ipl.econ.duke.edu, p. 2. 114.Fiona Tregenna, Manufacturing

Productivity, Deindustrialization, and Reindustrialization, World Institute for Development Economics Research, 2011, at econstor.eu, p. 11. 115.Out of a labour force of 481 million, approximately 1

Machines as Well as Machinations’, in Brian Elliot, ed., Technology and Social Change (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1988), p. 27. 16.Fiona Tregenna, Manufacturing Productivity, Deindustrialization, and Reindustrialization, World Institute for Development Economics Research, 2011, at econstor.eu, p. 7. 17.Colin Gill, Work, Unemployment and the New Technology (Cambridge: Polity

, 94, 95, 98, 104, 121, 123, 126, 130, 156, 157, 166, 167, 173, 174 precarious, 2, 64, 117, 129, 167 Precarious Workers Brigade, 117 premature deindustrialisation, 97, 98 primitive accumulation, 87, 89, 90, 96, 97 prison, 90, 102, 103, 119, 133 incarceration, 102, 103, 104, 105, 161 productivity, 74, 88, 97

Net Zero: How We Stop Causing Climate Change

by Dieter Helm  · 2 Sep 2020  · 304pp  · 90,084 words

not true. The net zero carbon production target takes no account of the carbon we import, and which pervades much of our spending. For a deindustrialised economy with only 20 per cent manufacturing, this is particularly pertinent. To give a simple example, if British Steel had closed down (something which was

case pollution on a planetary scale. Every other country in the world pales into insignificance in terms of added environmental pollution since 1990. The Europeans deindustrialised, and the US went sideways. From around 2005, the US had natural gas to substitute for coal, and hence it could both grow and limit

, the EU, Russia and China have committed themselves to targets which are largely within their own interests. The EU, as we shall see, has been deindustrialising and its emissions were always going to fall anyway. The US is never going to sign up to a global treaty which gives the UN

hence the new Eastern European members would have steeply falling emissions from 1990. The Western EU member states were also well into their own structural deindustrialisation. However, because of poor domestic policies, Germany would struggle to meet its own 2020 target; for many it was a cruise. The baseline of 1990

cobble together an agreement. The EU pitched in early, and it was the EU that clearly led on ambition. It could, because Europe continued its deindustrialisation, whereas China and India were industrialising, and the US remained an industrial economy. The outcome at Paris repeated what had gone before, with a few

much to reduce its carbon footprint, despite cutting emissions at home. And much of these cuts would have happened anyway. It is a story of deindustrialisation, and importing carbon emissions instead of producing them. Any other country considering unilateralism in response to what Europe has done, and especially if they look

, will have an impact beyond the first 30 years and, as we will see, the carbon price that may result will still be seriously inadequate. Deindustrialisation and the UK The really big story behind the unilateral policies and their failure to have an impact on the growth of the global concentration

to break down. Sharp rises in energy and labour costs permanently damaged Europe’s competitiveness and it would never fully recover. There began a gradual deindustrialisation, as other parts of the world picked up market share. The German economic miracle gave way to the Japanese and Korean economic miracles, and then

1989.) This matters for the impact of unilateral policies because what Europe did in the last 30 years was create an additional boost to a deindustrialising process already under way. The Renewable Energy Directive and the EU ETS increased the costs of doing business in Europe. What the EU achieved was

carbon-intensive imports simply did not count at all. The lesson others learned from all this is that a unilateral policy can actually speed up deindustrialisation. That is not what the US has had in mind, and China could sit back, talk the talk and encourage the Europeans to

deindustrialise further, in the knowledge that it would be Chinese companies that would go on benefiting. The UK’s Climate Change Act The UK went further

coal and nuclear power stations to stay ahead of the curve.[7] When the UK economy went into free fall in 1980, and as it deindustrialised and entered a period of much lower growth, some of those power stations, epitomised by Drax, then the largest coal-fired power station in the

, 44, 47, 55, 87, 95, 145, 146, 149–50, 155, 172–3, 179, 197–8, 229 Defra (Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs) 170 deindustrialisation x, 29, 46, 52, 54, 59, 72–4, 218 Deng Xiaoping 27 Denmark 69–70, 136–7 desalination 135–6, 179 diesel 4, 20–1

, 46, 47, 117, 137, 165, 166, 197; baseline of 1990 and 51–2 Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) 76, 165 competition regime and customs union 56 deindustrialisation and 46, 52, 54, 59, 72–4 directives for 2030 66 Emissions Trading System (EU ETS) 71–2, 73, 79, 110–13, 117, 144, 208

, phasing out of 24–5, 60–1, 77, 208 Committee on Climate Change (CCC) x–xi, 7, 74–6, 120, 164, 166, 169, 217, 235 deindustrialisation and 72–4 80 per cent carbon reduction target by 2050 74 electricity and 206, 208, 218, 219, 224 Helm Review (‘The Cost of Energy

The Economics of Belonging: A Radical Plan to Win Back the Left Behind and Achieve Prosperity for All

by Martin Sandbu  · 15 Jun 2020  · 322pp  · 84,580 words

and rural hinterland where incomes have increasingly fallen behind and economic opportunities have become more limited (I discuss this at greater length in chapter 11). Deindustrialisation is again a big part of the reason for this. The big shift from manufacturing to services favours some kinds of places over others.11

Western societies, nor at their political consequences. * * * Strike two: A great recession made at home. If Western governments’ policy mistakes had been confined to mismanaging deindustrialisation, populist forces may have remained quiescent after their initial, largely unsuccessful emergence in the 1980s. But the global financial crisis in 2008 and the Great

Is Europe? Evidence from Distributional National Accounts, 1980–2017,” WID.world Working Paper 2019/06, April 2019, https://wid.world/europe2019. Like the response to deindustrialisation, bad economic policies made matters worse. The immediate response to the crisis by finance ministers and central bankers from autumn 2008 to spring 2009 was

not see it coming.19 In this respect, the global financial crisis was a worse indictment of Western policy makers than the botched response to deindustrialisation, and the second strike less forgivable than the first. The sectoral transformation of the employment structure was the inevitable consequence of deep technological changes beyond

off. This has added people who may have been faring reasonably well until 2008 to the ranks of those bearing the cost of decades of deindustrialisation. In a sentence: incontinent policy before the crisis brought a financial collapse, and timid policy afterwards amplified the suffering it caused. * * * Strike three: the task

ahead. In the baseball metaphor, the first strike for many Western governments was their poor handling of deindustrialisation; and for most, the second strike was the run-up to and the aftermath of the global financial crisis. A third economic challenge is now

is likely to take another hit. Unless governments adopt policies that handle this disruption better, it will potentially affect even greater numbers of people than deindustrialisation. And to the extent that researchers can predict it, it is the places most left behind by the previous wave of automation that are most

the price of carbon, it therefore looks like a recipe for worsening the culture wars over not just climate policy but Western politics overall. Mishandled deindustrialisation has already undermined entire ways of life in many Western countries. The changes now required to address climate change threaten to do the same all

; populist vs. elite, 14–15 deaths of despair, 36, 194 Deaton, Angus, 194 debt deflation, 156 debt financing, 155–60 debt restructuring, 159–60, 166 deindustrialisation, 29, 56–62 DeLong, Bradford, 145 demand management, 106, 132–33, 138–44, 146–47, 151, 216–17 Denmark: economic change as trigger for populism

The New Snobbery

by David Skelton  · 28 Jun 2021  · 226pp  · 58,341 words

by merit and talent. This has coincided with a two-tier economy created by the decline of skilled manufacturing and the growth of graduate jobs. Deindustrialisation created a social and economic blight that impacted several generations and is still being felt today. ‘Wealth creators’ have become lionised; professional careers have been

religions’. The conservatism that was on display in working-class communities was seldom of the sort that the national Conservative Party displayed. An association with deindustrialisation meant that the party seemed disinterested in dignity of work or strong communities. The shedding of many elements of conservatism in favour of an increasingly

supporters the butt of their jokes, is one legitimised by a system that argues society has been sorted based on ‘merit’. In tandem with excess deindustrialisation, it has helped to create a gulf in esteem and dignity, which has relegated the concerns of workers to beneath those of the managerial class

status as their ancestors; the reverence for workers that previously existed has been replaced by the newly fashionable snobbery. Since the 1970s, the UK has deindustrialised more than any other major economy, from around a third of the economy to only 10 per cent. This was done in the name of

esteem used to be spread evenly across the economy, it is now reserved for jobs towards the knowledge end of the economy. The aftermath of deindustrialisation has created an economic polarisation, which has led to a political polarisation and a growing gulf in understanding and empathy. A good job in manufacturing

been at Rover. This is a clear illustration of the fact that all jobs are not created equal. Although many who lost their jobs following deindustrialisation were able to find other work, this new work was often lower paid, with less security and less social esteem than the skilled manufacturing job

they had held before. It wasn’t just the post-industrial towns that took the hit from the UK’s rapid deindustrialisation; it was the economy as a whole. One of our major national problems is the fact that our productivity lags behind most major European countries

manufacturing, rather than modernisation without manufacturing; the assumption underlying this economic shift was wrong. Any argument that deindustrialisation was inevitable is deeply flawed and ignores that sector’s success in other countries. Treating deindustrialisation as an unalterable economic inevitability or a sign of progress and ‘modernisation’ was mindless at best and negligent

that were once dependent on skilled, proud work found that they were buffeted by two major economic shocks in a matter of decades. The first, deindustrialisation, saw massive economic dislocation, widespread unemployment, greater insecurity and, ultimately, greater dependence on both unskilled work and the public sector. Decades later, the highest levels

320 per cent compared to only 12 per cent for industry, and has been maintained ever since. This financialisation coincided with a deep and damaging deindustrialisation, which transformed the UK from a production-led to a consumption-led economy. An equally important transformation was the financial sector moving from one that

to build up the City of London and make the UK a home for finance. Successive governments made the political choice to let the UK deindustrialise more than any other major economy and, with it, lose much of the legacy of skilled engineering and skilled work that had made the country

the Creation of Millions of High-Quality Manufacturing Jobs at the Centre of Our Economic Goals It is essential that we remake the economy so deindustrialisation is replaced by rapid reindustrialisation. An industrial policy with an explicit goal of increasing the manufacturing share of output is essential to boost productivity, revive

and communities. Sadly, stories of manufacturing success are all too often the exceptions that prove the rule of lasting deindustrialisation – and this wasn’t just a 1980s story; the UK has also deindustrialised more than any other major economy since 1990. Many things were lost in the decision made by successive governments

The Corruption of Capitalism: Why Rentiers Thrive and Work Does Not Pay

by Guy Standing  · 13 Jul 2016  · 443pp  · 98,113 words

income, up from about a fifth before the Global Transformation started. The share of income going to profits in non-financial sectors actually fell. Meanwhile, deindustrialisation has been relentless. During the early twentieth century, agriculture shrank to less than 3 per cent of US national income, while manufacturing began its steep

of 1986, when the City of London was deregulated. One outcome has been a persistently strong currency, which has made manufacturing exports uncompetitive and accelerated deindustrialisation. It has also boosted inequality.52 Canada suffered similarly after 2008, when money flowed into its financial sector because it had largely escaped the turbulence

on the right is equally fascinating. Its old class base also weakened in the early phase of globalisation and the early stages of rentier capitalism. Deindustrialisation meant a dwindling number of industrialists to fund and mobilise support. Moreover, all across the Western world, middle-income groups seemed to be shrinking as

the immediate gains in tax cuts for the rich and in welfare payments arising from high unemployment linked to the strong currency and the resultant deindustrialisation then devastating British manufacturing. According to PricewaterhouseCoopers, had the UK used tax receipts from its oil and gas fields to build up a wealth fund

, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7 and securitisation 1, 2 and social policy 1 student debt 1, 2 and tax breaks 1 ‘debt overhang’ 1 deindustrialisation 1, 2, 3 democracy and banking systems 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7 circuits of power 1 commodification of 1, 2 and education 1

Seventeen Contradictions and the End of Capitalism

by David Harvey  · 3 Apr 2014  · 464pp  · 116,945 words

(with biomedical and genetic engineering and artificial intelligence at the forefront). But innovation is always a double-edged sword. The 1980s, after all, gave us deindustrialisation through automation such that the likes of General Motors (which employed well-paid unionised labour in the 1960s) have now been supplanted by the likes

flow, then the things that facilitate the flows become useless and have to be abandoned and rental returns collapse. The long and painful history of deindustrialisation has left whole cities, like Detroit, bereft of activity and therefore sinks of lost value even as other cities, like Shenzhen or Dhaka, become hubs

in the physical landscape we inhabit. The balance between creativity and destruction is often hard to discern, but the costs imposed on whole populations through deindustrialisation, gyrations in property values and land rents, disinvestment and speculative building all emanate from the underlying and perpetual tension between fixity and motion which periodically

life and modes of being and thinking have to drastically alter to embrace the new at the expense of the old. The recent history of deindustrialisation and its association with dramatic technological reconfigurations is an obvious case in point. Technological change is neither costless nor painless and the cost and the

, of course, the left is bound to defend jobs and skills under threat. But, as the miserable history of the noble rearguard action fought against deindustrialisation in the 1970s and 1980s demonstrates, this will likely be a losing battle against a newly emerging technological configuration from the very beginning. An anti

more spectacularly, China joined the new centres of factory labour in Mexico, Bangladesh, Turkey and many other parts of the world. The West became broadly deindustrialised, while the East and the global South became centres for industrial value production alongside their more traditional role of primary commodity producers and extractors of

ships greatly reduced the cost and time of movement of agricultural commodities after 1850 or so, much as containerisation did for world trade after 1970. Deindustrialisation (the nether side of geographical expansion) has been going on for a very long time. The second way to reduce the time and cost of

get redirected from one space to another. The capitalist system remains relatively stable as a whole, even though the parts experience periodic difficulties (such as deindustrialisation here or partial devaluations there). The overall effect of such interregional volatility is to temporarily reduce the aggregate dangers of overaccumulation and devaluation even though

it was greedy unions, profligate politicians, bad managers and the like who forced capital out. But it was capital and not people that abandoned and deindustrialised Detroit, Pittsburgh, Sheffield, Manchester, Mumbai and the like. While there have been obvious examples of mismanagement and heightened class conflicts in this or that region

new plants drive out old before their lifetime is over, as more expensive items are replaced by cheaper items because of technological changes. The rapid deindustrialisation of older industrial districts in the 1970s and 1980s in North America and Europe is an obvious example. In times of crisis, of war or

debt peonage 62, 212 decentralisation 49, 142, 143, 144, 146, 148, 219, 281, 295 Declaration of Independence (US) 284 decolonisation 282, 288, 290 decommodification 85 deindustrialisation xii, 77–8, 98, 110, 148, 153, 159, 234 DeLong, Bradford 228 demand management 81, 82, 106, 176 demand-side management 85 democracy 47, 215

64 Erasmus, Desiderius 283 ethnic hatreds and discriminations 8, 165 ethnic minorities 168 ethnicisation 62 ethnicity 7, 68, 116 euro, the 15, 37, 46 Europe deindustrialisation in 234 economic development in 10 fascist parties 280 low population growth rate 230 social democratic era 18 unemployment 108 women in labour force 230

70 NGOs (non-governmental organisations) 189, 210, 284, 286, 287 Nike 31 Nkrumah, Kwame 291 ‘non-coincidence of interests’ 25 Nordic countries 165 North America deindustrialisation in 234 food grain exports 148 indigenous population and property rights 39 women in labour force 230 ‘not in my back yard’ politics 20 nuclear

The Enigma of Capital: And the Crises of Capitalism

by David Harvey  · 1 Jan 2010  · 369pp  · 94,588 words

the mid-west, but in the west and the south. The result was the wrenching and relentless reorganisation and relocation of production throughout the world. Deindustrialisation of older production centres occurred everywhere from Pittsburgh’s, Sheffield’s and Essen’s steel industry to Mumbai’s textile industry. This was paralleled by

wars can disrupt flows. Furthermore, revolutions in spatial and temporal relations produce stresses and crises (witness the difficult adjustments forced on many cities by widespread deindustrialisation in the heartlands of capitalist production in the 1980s as production moved to east Asia). The geography this produces will be examined later. Why do

for by capitalist producers in the here and now. Abandoning all those assets, as happened to many older industrial cities in the huge wave of deindustrialisation of the 1980s, incurs losses (social as well as infrastructural) and can itself be a source of crises that affect not only those that hold

consequent upon innovations in transport and communications can revolutionise the global landscape of production and consumption (as we have already argued in the case of deindustrialisation) and produce ‘switching crises’ (sudden switches in flows of capital investment from one ‘hot spot’ to another) within a volatile system of uneven geographical development

the repositioning of the state apparatus with respect to social provision). Capital was re-empowered vis-à-vis labour through the production of unemployment and deindustrialisation, immigration, offshoring and all manner of technological and organisational changes (e.g. subcontracting). When later coupled with an ideological and political attack on all forms

processes, as well as the active struggles that produced it. The uneven geographical development that results is as infinitely varied as it is volatile: a deindustrialised city in northern China; a shrinking city in what was once East Germany; the booming industrial cities in the Pearl River delta; an IT concentration

with a second area not too far away (in Pennsylvania, say) that was once a thriving steel and metal-working town that has recently suffered deindustrialisation and plant closures. The population was once homogeneous enough, built around seemingly secure and unionised male blue-collar jobs with family structures based on that

’s will! Marx and Engels spelled out the secular consequences of this in their 1848 Communist Manifesto in ways that every worker who has experienced deindustrialisation over the last forty years will readily understand: All old-established national industries have been destroyed or are daily being destroyed. They are dislodged by

to harness the possibilities immanent within an existing situation. Since the existing situation varies enormously from Nepal, to the Pacific regions of Bolivia, to the deindustrialising cities of Michigan and the still booming cities of Mumbai and Shanghai and the damaged but by no means destroyed financial centres of New York

advanced capitalist world they have become ever more prominent over the last thirty years because of changing labour relations imposed by neoliberal corporate restructuring and deindustrialisation. It is wrong to ignore the struggles of all these other workers. Many of the revolutionary movements in capitalism’s history have been broadly urban

transformation 128 A Abu Dhabi 222 Académie Française 91 accumulation by dispossession 48–9, 244 acid deposition 75, 187 activity spheres 121–4, 128, 130 deindustrialised working-class area 151 and ‘green revolution’ 185–6 institutional and administrative arrangements 123 ‘mental conceptions of the world’ 123 patterns of relations between 196

74, 187 de-leveraging 30 debt-financing 17, 131, 141, 169 decentralisation 165, 201 decolonisation 31, 208, 212 deficit financing 35, 111 deforestation 74, 143 deindustrialisation 33, 43, 88, 131, 150, 157, 243 Deleuze, Gilles 128 demand consumer 107, 109 effective 107, 110–14, 116, 118, 221, 222 lack of 47

Paint Your Town Red

by Matthew Brown  · 14 Jun 2021

spectrum agree that we need to find a new way of addressing the major divides in wealth and opportunity between and within regions. Decades of deindustrialisation and austerity have depressed many communities and decisions made by increasingly remote central governments have made people feel that they have little power to influence

decades in the making and is rooted in the past forty years of economic strategies which have overseen a rolling back of the welfare state, deindustrialisation, attacks on wages and working conditions, and weakening of local civic infrastructure. All of this has been exacerbated by the austerity imposed in response to

struggling and crisis-hit population and the profits made by investment banks and stockbrokers is ever more glaring. Even before this point, previous responses to deindustrialisation, and the structural unemployment and impoverishment it wrought on so many communities, continued to place too much faith in employment and housing strategies driven by

been in the city of Cleveland, Ohio. One of America’s poorest large cities, it had been losing jobs and residents for decades due to deindustrialisation, disinvestment and capital flight — not dissimilar to many major cities and towns across the US, Europe and UK. However, Cleveland still had very large non

terms, it has taken the small city of Preston in Northern England from being one of the country’s most deprived and disadvantaged, hit by deindustrialisation, austerity and government funding cuts, to seeing significant economic improvement through shifting spending and investment from external suppliers to local producers and businesses. Inspired by

been voted the UK’s most improved city in which to live and work.1 What Were Preston’s Problems? The past forty years of deindustrialisation, council funding cuts and austerity in the UK have hit the North of the country particularly hard, with wealth, opportunities and influence becoming increasingly tightly

people have a long history in the UK and beyond. Both these things are becoming increasingly viable alternatives as a response to the problems of deindustrialisation, unemployment, and inequality, which the status quo has failed to solve. Again, these alternatives are developing through community wealth-building strategies as a collaboration between

the resources and support of local authorities and the skills, initiatives and enterprise of grassroots groups and individuals. Old Approaches to Deindustrialisation The economic and social impact of the deindustrialisation which affected many parts of Britain from the late 1970s still casts a shadow over much of the country. The Welsh economy

, a number which rises to around 50% in former industrial areas. As in many other regions, the collapse of large-scale single-site employment following deindustrialisation has reshaped the economic base so that private-sector employment is dominated by microfirms and SMEs, which poses practical challenges around how to politically engage

and resources to the local community via sustainable stewardship, including hydropower alongside crop-growing, timber-processing and tourism. The issue of reforesting in Wales, after deindustrialisation saw the end of large forestry projects producing pit-props, has been given less attention than in Scotland, where reforesting has included sawmills using local

merely common sense. We do not pretend to offer a single panacea for all the social, economic and political ills produced by forty years of deindustrialisation, austerity and neglect, but the initiatives outlined in this book clearly show that addressing these ills is possible. We are not claiming that this is

Wasteland: The Dirty Truth About What We Throw Away, Where It Goes, and Why It Matters

by Oliver Franklin-Wallis  · 21 Jun 2023  · 309pp  · 121,279 words

.12 billion tonnes of industrial waste.27 (In pure coincidence, this fits almost precisely with the 97–3 estimate.)28 In the UK, a relatively deindustrialised nation, ‘commercial and industrial’ wastes amounted to 43.9 million tonnes in 2018, plus a further 57.5 million tonnes of ‘non-hazardous construction and

/history/cuyahoga-river-caught-fire-least-dozen-times-no-one-cared-until-1969-180972444/ 21 David Stradling and Richard Stradling, ‘Perceptions of the Burning River: Deindustrialization and Cleveland’s Cuyahoga River’, Environmental History, Vol. 13 (2008): http://www.jstor.org/stable/25473265 22 Wes Siler, ‘51 Years Later, the Cuyahoga River

The Science of Hate: How Prejudice Becomes Hate and What We Can Do to Stop It

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The London Problem: What Britain Gets Wrong About Its Capital City

by Jack Brown  · 14 Jul 2021  · 101pp  · 24,949 words

Automation and the Future of Work

by Aaron Benanav  · 3 Nov 2020  · 175pp  · 45,815 words

Powers and Prospects

by Noam Chomsky  · 16 Sep 2015

The Great Convergence: Information Technology and the New Globalization

by Richard Baldwin  · 14 Nov 2016  · 606pp  · 87,358 words

The Measure of Progress: Counting What Really Matters

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The Next Shift: The Fall of Industry and the Rise of Health Care in Rust Belt America

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The Globalization of Inequality

by François Bourguignon  · 1 Aug 2012  · 221pp  · 55,901 words

What Went Wrong: How the 1% Hijacked the American Middle Class . . . And What Other Countries Got Right

by George R. Tyler  · 15 Jul 2013  · 772pp  · 203,182 words

Democracy and Prosperity: Reinventing Capitalism Through a Turbulent Century

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The Ecotechnic Future: Envisioning a Post-Peak World

by John Michael Greer  · 30 Sep 2009

Rethinking the Economics of Land and Housing

by Josh Ryan-Collins, Toby Lloyd and Laurie Macfarlane  · 28 Feb 2017  · 346pp  · 90,371 words

Rule Britannia: Brexit and the End of Empire

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What Would the Great Economists Do?: How Twelve Brilliant Minds Would Solve Today's Biggest Problems

by Linda Yueh  · 4 Jun 2018  · 453pp  · 117,893 words

People, Power, and Profits: Progressive Capitalism for an Age of Discontent

by Joseph E. Stiglitz  · 22 Apr 2019  · 462pp  · 129,022 words

Reaching for Utopia: Making Sense of an Age of Upheaval

by Jason Cowley  · 15 Nov 2018  · 283pp  · 87,166 words

The Globotics Upheaval: Globalisation, Robotics and the Future of Work

by Richard Baldwin  · 10 Jan 2019  · 301pp  · 89,076 words

Inside the Robot Kingdom: Japan, Mechatronics and the Coming Robotopia

by Frederik L. Schodt  · 31 Mar 1988  · 361pp  · 83,886 words

Empire of Cotton: A Global History

by Sven Beckert  · 2 Dec 2014  · 1,000pp  · 247,974 words

Snakes and Ladders: The Great British Social Mobility Myth

by Selina Todd  · 11 Feb 2021  · 598pp  · 150,801 words

The Great Economists: How Their Ideas Can Help Us Today

by Linda Yueh  · 15 Mar 2018  · 374pp  · 113,126 words

A Pelican Introduction Economics: A User's Guide

by Ha-Joon Chang  · 26 May 2014  · 385pp  · 111,807 words

There Is Nothing for You Here: Finding Opportunity in the Twenty-First Century

by Fiona Hill  · 4 Oct 2021  · 569pp  · 165,510 words

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