disinformation

Active Measures: The Secret History of Disinformation and Political Warfare

by Thomas Rid

is, and what it is not. First, and most important, active measures are not spontaneous lies by politicians, but the methodical output of large bureaucracies. Disinformation was, and in many ways continues to be, the domain of intelligence agencies—professionally run, continually improved, and usually employed against foreign adversaries. Second,

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all active measures contain an element of disinformation: content may be forged, sourcing doctored, the method of acquisition covert; influence agents and cutouts may pretend to be something they are not, and

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foreign intelligence.19 On January 11, 1923, a remarkable institutional innovation saw the light of day:20 Artuzov created an office for dezinformatsiya, or disinformation.21 The sheer volume of deceptive material that passed through these intelligence channels was large enough to trigger bureaucratic innovation in Russian foreign intelligence. The

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GPU reportedly coordinated with the Revolutionary Military Council, Russia’s highest military authority, to set up a special bureau to “prepare disinformation for Western military intelligence services.”22 The goal, according to a GPU participant, was “to deter military intervention by the Western powers.”23 The GPU

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was shot by the Germans in 1943. The actions of the Trust, more than any other event in the 1920s, would shape the future of disinformation. It was spectacularly successful. Polish intelligence later declared that—“without exaggeration”—Operation Trust had inflicted “incalculable damage” on the Russian émigrés, undercutting their political

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States who were lobbying hard against recognizing the Soviet Union. America’s highly visible, ideologically motivated opposition to Marxism was practically an open invitation for disinformation and forgery. With his statements against Amtorg, Woll was broadcasting the establishment’s readiness to be tricked. Then, on March 4, about six weeks

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the opening of the GDR Party Congress.23 The political warfare planners at Berlin Operations Base were careful to manage expectations at CIA headquarters. The disinformation campaign that Marbach and his team were designing and implementing was counterintuitive, neither wide nor narrow, designed neither for mass influence nor targeting of

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strange, threatening letters. Henriette Trémeaud, wife of the prefect of Strasbourg, circa 1957. She died in a terrorist attack that was designed to be a disinformation operation. (Photograph by Keystone-France / Gamma-Keystone via Getty Images) “French Oppressors!” one such leaflet was titled. The pamphlet was addressed to the authorities

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that the Hauptverwaltung Aufklärung (HVA), the foreign intelligence branch of the Ministry of State Security—the Stasi—had already conducted active measures before 1957. But disinformation and “psychological warfare,” the defector said, had been officially announced within the HVA as a “major operational responsibility,” just as the cigar box bomb

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weeks into his tenure. Department D pulled together various officers from different parts of the KGB’s vast First Chief Directorate to coordinate and direct disinformation operations. Shelepin’s most brilliant appointment was Ivan Ivanovich Agayants, a highly decorated career intelligence officer from Ganja (Gence) in Azerbaijan. Agayants was tall,

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that sought to promote “division in the West.” Langley analysts pointed out that they observed “rather elaborate progressions in prolonged campaigns.”15 These anti-Western disinformation campaigns were aggressive, fast-paced, and used innovative methods that evolved quickly and in unexpected, frightening ways. One such measure exploited a military exercise known

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for running espionage operations against the Christian Democrats in the Federal Republic. Heim, a Wehrmacht veteran, defected before the Stasi formed a specific unit for disinformation, but in his debriefings with West German security services, he was already able to detail what he called “intelligence work of corrosion,” or Zersetzungsarbeit.

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, researchers, and specialists, usually not revealing their identity and purpose to these useful outsiders, although some were trusted agents. Not all were Russian. The disinformation division would commission these outside consultants, for a fee, to carry out research on issues of political, economic, historical, or cultural interest to the KGB

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a detailed list of individual active measures, complete with specific objectives, targets, and assigned responsibilities, and are therefore an invaluable source for the historian of disinformation. Oral disinformation, as Ivanov outlined in his 1979 lecture, could be highly effective, even deadly, especially in developing countries. On November 20, 1979, a group of

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had a deeper meaning. “After many years of practice and theoretical generalizations, the comrades from Service ‘A’ have brought some clarity to the concept of disinformation,” Ivanov explained, specifically on the “working methods that are widely used are exposing, compromising, and influencing governments, organizations, and individuals.” He cautioned against getting “

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confidential ties, who will keep secret our involvement in these measures.” Ivanov explained that it was very important to understand the specific target of a disinformation operation. Diplomats were softer targets than intelligence officers, he said. “An intelligence officer will by default report data to the relevant agency, where serious

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assessment. Service A had its own cipher clerks and two cipher machines to handle secure, encrypted communications, both outgoing and incoming, on disinformation in the making. The disinformation planners were supported by the KGB’s encryption service, which handed key material directly to Ivanov’s personal staff. Technology didn’t just

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. New technologies created new forensic problems. Technology also created new targets. Not long after Ivanov’s presentation, his unit reportedly engaged in the first disinformation hack of a telecommunication system. In October 1981, a large Soviet nuclear-armed submarine ran aground near Sweden’s Karlskrona Naval Base, violating Swedish territorial

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that AIDS conspiracy theories continued to fester at the far-left fringes of American civil rights activism, still, so far, without meaningful input from Soviet disinformation operators.18 American intelligence analysts, meanwhile, were investigating the reverse question: whether AIDS was a Soviet biological weapon. The CIA was aware that the

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read and wrote, shared images and documents, socialized, consumed news, and spread rumors. The sprawling network, as became progressively clear, was practically optimized for disinformation, at least until the mid-2010s. Active measures operators two decades after Wagenbreth would frame his question differently: What would active measures be without the

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culture of leaking when Schneier wrote these lines. The two-year period after the Snowden disclosures, in fact, was a short, modern golden age of disinformation. That period was characterized by the confluence of several developments that were, ultimately, all temporary afterglow effects of 1990s internet utopianism: the prevailing view,

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agencies—both as a potential threat and as a potential cover for operations. CyberGuerrilla was a genuine Anonymous forum and preferred leak platform of Russian disinformation operators. (Internet Archive) “Anons,” as the activists called one another, ran social media accounts and blogs to foment unrest and advance the fight against

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military personnel. Screenshots of the newly published cyb3rc site also appeared on Newsweek’s social media feed. CyberCaliphate bore all the hallmarks of a coordinated disinformation campaign: these actions were launched simultaneously, with consistent branding and language, and across various fronts and hacked social media sites, both publicly and as

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forms of truth, of course, are exaggerations, ideals, clichés. This distinction is somewhat coarse and simplistic—nevertheless, it helps explain the logic of disinformation. The goal of disinformation is to engineer division by putting emotion over analysis, division over unity, conflict over consensus, the particular over the universal. For, after all,

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—balloons launched, protesters counted, forgeries printed, packages mailed, letters received, press stories clipped, or downloads and shares and likes and page views logged. Some disinformers of old had long understood this problem: “I don’t think it’s possible to measure exactly, realistically, the impact of an active measure,” Bittman

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in short, created a powerful illusion, an appealing mirage—the metrics created an opportunity for more, and more convincing, disinformation about disinformation. For willfully exaggerating the effects of disinformation means exaggerating the impact of disinformation. All this is bad news for future historians. Seminars, in-person discussions, and correspondence were always fleeting and rarely

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transitioned into the SVR. The sweeping official history of Russian foreign intelligence acknowledges that over the past century the designations of the same operational activity—disinformation—came and went, from “operational games” to “active measures” to the blander, more recent “support measures.”13 Then came the rise of the internet,

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leaked, compromising material of questionable provenance, and as publishers recycled unoriginal, repetitive content. The end effect was that a significant and large portion of the disinformation value-creation chain was outsourced to the victim society itself, to journalists, to activists, to freelance conspiracy theorists, and, to a lesser degree, to

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by an unprecedented confluence of incentives that lead many victims—politicians, journalists, technologists, intelligence analysts, adversary operators, and most researchers—to highlight the potentials of disinformation over its limitations. Perhaps the most vivid illustration of this trend is the fantastic story of the Shadow Brokers—the devastating NSA leak with its

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pp. 283–84. The other book was a Stasi memoir available only in German, Auftrag Irreführung, more on which below.   2.  Lawrence (Ladislav) Bittman, former disinformation officer, state security, Prague, interview with Thomas Rid, March 25, 2017, Rockport, MA; audio at https://archive.org/details/bittman-ridt. See Richard Sandomir, “

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33, 2014.   6.  Less aggressive because the CIA mainly supported existing organizations and publications through covert funding, not by designing and delivering divisive and deceptive disinformation; see Hugh Wilford, The Mighty Wurlitzer: How the CIA Played America (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008); see also Michael Warner’s review in

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, 1930, p. 4. 28.  Spivak, A Man in His Time, p. 164. 29.  “Three Offer Proof Whalen Red Papers Were Forged Here.” 4. American Disinformation   1.  George Kennan, “The Inauguration of Political Warfare,” Draft, April, 30, 1948, NARA release, https://web.archive.org/web/20150123010608/http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document

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Максимович Примаков, Очерки истории российской внешней разведки, Том 5, 1945–1965 годы (Москва: Международные отношения, 1997), p. 13.   2.  Ladislav Bittman, The KGB and Soviet Disinformation: An Insider’s View (Washington, DC: Pergamon-Brassey’s, 1985), p. 39.   3.  CIA, “The Soviet and Communist Bloc Defamation Campaign,” CIA-RDP67B00446R000500070009-1,

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Times, June 28, 1978, p. BR4.   2.  The sourcing on the Tupamaros’ motivation is not satisfactory, hence “reportedly.” See Fletcher Schoen and Christopher Lamb, “Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference,” Strategic Perspectives 11 (Washington, DC: National Defense University, 2012), p. 33.   3.  Anna Mudry

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Its Secrets,” Associated Press, August 23, 2016. 48.  WikiSaudiLeaks, July 20, 2015, https://web.archive.org/web/20150810005744/http://www.wikisaleaks.com/. 49.  Thomas Rid, “Disinformation: A Primer in Russian Active Measures and Influence Campaigns,” Testimony, United States Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, Washington, DC, March 30, 2017. 50.  The leak

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the reference by an obscure account, @LexingtonAl, archived at https://web.archive.org/web/20190923140434/https:/twitter.com/Mao_Ware/status/1097891011202875392. A Century of Disinformation   1.  The full name is Bundesbehörde für die Unterlagen des Staatssicherheitsdienstes der ehemaligen Deutschen Demokratischen Republik.   2.  Jens Gieseke, Die Stasi (Munich: Pantheon, 2011),

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; recognizing; Service A and; skill set for; Soviet budget for; Stasi’s history with; as support measures; the Trust’s success inspiring; see also disinformation Active Measures of Eastern Intelligence Services report activism; see also Anonymous; peacewar Adenauer, Konrad “Adventures of Mr. Hudson in Russia” Adzhubei, Alexei AEDEPOT Afghanistan AFL

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and; Schneier on; of Shadow Brokers; Snowden and; Ukraine and Russian-orchestrated; WikiLeaks and; see also Anonymous; hacking operations Dirección General de Inteligencia (DGI) disinformation: accurate information in; Artuzov and; Bittman on; Black Lives Matter movement and; data and; East and West divide on; election interference of 2016 and; emotion

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Mark Hauptverwaltung Aufklärung (HVA); Active Measures of Eastern Intelligence Services report and; Arbeitskreis and; archival records of; DENVER operation and; Devil and His Dart and; disinformation focus of; effectiveness of; Fleissmann and; Generals for Peace and; Headquarters Germany and; Helms’s accusations against; Kampfverband für Unabhängiges Deutschland and; Die Neue Nachhut

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All-German Affairs) Kalugin, Oleg Kämpfer, Der Kampfgruppe gegen Unmenschlichkeit (KgU); administrative harassment and; balloon distribution of; brochures of; CIA and; closure of; courage of; disinformation and; election interference of; Ford Foundation funding; forgery of; founding of; goals of; graffiti campaign of; hardware sabotage operations of; Hildebrandt’s removal from; operating

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Agency nuclear disarmament nuclear war threats; see also neutron bomb Nuclear Weapons Freeze Campaign nuclear winter: Alexandrov and; CIA on; KGB and; scenarios of; self-disinformation and; TTAPS project and Nuland, Victoria O Obama, Barack Office of Strategic Services OGPU (Joint State Political Directorate) Olympic Games Operation GRAVEYARD Operations Plan (OPLAN

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to; Johnson, R. L., leaking; nuclear war and; publication of; STORM operation and; target list of; Wendland’s suicide and Opperput, Edward #OpSaudi oral disinformation Organization Gehlen Orme, Stan Orwell, George Osborn, K. Barton O’Shaughnessy, Elim Ovchinnikov, Leonid P Paese Sera Pahl-Rugenstein Pakistan Panama Papers Pan-Pacific Worker

Extremely Hardcore: Inside Elon Musk's Twitter

by Zoë Schiffer  · 13 Feb 2024  · 343pp  · 92,693 words

users on the site. The job was every bit as fascinating as Roth had imagined it would be. Twitter was fighting troll farms, state-sponsored disinformation, and organized harassment. To most executives, it was a headache; to Roth, it was a satisfying puzzle with no simple solution. He’d spend hours

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try to sway the vote in favor of Donald Trump. Among other things, Russian bots had tweeted 2.1 million times during the campaign. Their disinformation posts on Facebook reached 126 million people. “The effect of such manipulations could be momentous in an election as close as the 2016 race, in

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few months as Taibbi continued to publish his findings while misinterpreting some of the evidence. Take Twitter Files #17. In 2021, one of the leading disinformation research labs in the United States, the Atlantic Council’s Digital Forensic Research Lab (DFRLab), sent Twitter a list of forty thousand accounts as part

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of an investigation into coordinated disinformation in India. The investigation was being conducted with an independent Indian news outlet called The Wire. The partnership was still in its infancy but appeared

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simple existence of trans people as worthy of laughter and contempt rather than curiosity or empathy, then hand them weapons in the form of lazy disinformation and hate.” The film hadn’t gotten much attention when it came out. Now, a year after its release, Boreing saw a chance to change

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of civilians. Israel responded with airstrikes. By Monday morning, at least 900 Israelis had died, along with 560 Palestinians. Almost instantly, X was awash in disinformation about the attacks. “Rather than being shown verified and fact-checked information, X users were presented with video game footage passed off as footage of

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-year-old video from the Syrian civil war repurposed to look like it was taken this weekend.” It wasn’t clear who was behind the disinformation campaigns—but researchers noted that the tactics were consistent with prior campaigns out of Iran. Musk promoted two Twitter accounts known for spreading

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disinformation as credible news sources for the crisis. He deleted the tweet hours later, after it was viewed eleven million times. As the violence unfolded, researchers

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manually tracked and debunked viral disinformation, a project made more difficult by the fact that Musk had cut off free API access and recently eliminated headlines from news articles. Musk had

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is not from Israel.” The video was, in fact, real. Community Notes was no match for a rapidly unfolding global crisis. X’s collapse into disinformation and chaos was the culmination of many of Musk’s decisions over the past year, including cutting off free API access for researchers, laying off

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check mark. Less than a week after the violence started, EU regulators opened an inquiry into X over the alleged spread of illegal content and disinformation, “in particular the spreading of terrorist and violent content and hate speech,” which may have violated the Digital Services Act. The need for a new

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/israel-gaza-siege-hamas.html. GO TO NOTE REFERENCE IN TEXT X was awash in disinformation: David Gilbert, “The Israel-Hamas War Is Drowning X in Disinformation,” Wired, October 9, 2023, wired.com/story/x-israel-hamas-war-disinformation/. GO TO NOTE REFERENCE IN TEXT prior campaigns out of Iran: Moderated Content, “MC

The Radical Fund: How a Band of Visionaries and a Million Dollars Upended America

by John Fabian Witt  · 14 Oct 2025  · 735pp  · 279,360 words

of free speech—no small thing in a nation emerging from draconian wartime speech controls and struggling under an onslaught of war-fueled propaganda and disinformation in the press. The Fund and its circle helped finance a new generation of progressive labor unions, too. Throwing its weight behind unions that sought

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wave of new laws banning political radicalism, while the courts upheld the arrest and imprisonment of those who spoke out in dissent. Novel strategies of disinformation and propaganda whipped up public opinion into red scares, nativism, and a second Ku Klux Klan, calling into question the capacity of voters to know

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lived a century ago, the United States is a wealthy nation in crisis, plagued by unjustifiable economic inequalities, strained by racial divisions, and beset by disinformation campaigns that openly distort the democratic process. Detractors on the left and the right alike have turned on the Fund’s legacies.16 This book

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place in Arkansas as it had been for Walter Lippmann to follow the events of the Russian Revolution two years before. The heavy fog of disinformation seemed to have spread from the Pittsburgh steel strike still underway. Here in Arkansas, once again, was a story at one remove, a story that

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efforts. The largest share went to social democratic magazines, news services, and publishers with connections to Hillman’s new unionism—publications committed to undoing the disinformation Baldwin, Sinclair, and so many others had identified in the news media after World War I. Twenty percent of the Fund’s grants went to

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in the American West: Beth Lew Williams, The Chinese Must Go: Violence, Exclusion, and the Making of the Alien in America (Harvard University Press, 2018). disinformation and propaganda: Megan Ming Francis, “The Battle for the Hearts and Minds of America,” Souls 13 (2011): 46–71; Christopher Cappozola, Uncle Sam Wants You

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Detroit City College, 491 DeVos Foundation, 539 Dewey, John, 77, 84, 113, 203, 238, 318–21, 323, 384, 431 Dies, Martin, 4 Dillet, Etienne, 128 disinformation, 538 and economic structure, 538 see also propaganda Domingo, Wilfred, 331, 332, 336 Doran, J. T. “Red,” 286 Dos Passos, John, 70–71, 227 Doty

Blank Space: A Cultural History of the Twenty-First Century

by W. David Marx  · 18 Nov 2025  · 642pp  · 142,332 words

“very little social capital” to resist “feminist bullies.” In hindsight, Gamergate provided a blueprint for the right’s use of internet-driven harassment, memes, and disinformation as tools for inflicting psychological and social damage on their perceived enemies. Inspired by his idol Paris Hilton, Yiannopoulos mastered the art of leveraging controversy

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Facebook links more frequently than liberals. Four days before the election, BuzzFeed News exposed the Veles operations. After Trump’s victory, the site exemplified how disinformation was shaping global politics. Outgoing president Obama talked “almost obsessively” about Veles as a warning sign for American democracy. Hilary Clinton blamed the “guys over

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staffer who claimed to have worked for Rudy Giuliani’s presidential campaign. This collaboration revealed a more dystopian form of globalization: Powerful political forces outsourced disinformation campaigns to low-cost labor in developing countries. For the teens, it was all business. “We can’t afford anything,” one content farmer explained, “and

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like an episode of Black Mirror. The utopian features of Web 2.0—lifting marginalized voices and extending monetization tools to everyone—ended up powering disinformation operations that catapulted right-wing politicians into office. Digital marketer Rick Webb, who once “worshipped at the altar of Stewart Brand and Kevin Kelly,” captured

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argued, AI’s flood of pseudo-culture might distort our collective understanding and push civilization toward collapse. Putting aside the obvious dangers in AI-enhanced disinformation, Harari’s fear-mongering misunderstood how artistic culture works. Even without AI, the 2020s already saw a crisis of cultural overproduction. The internet hosted 630

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, 184 digital norm evasion, 6, 7 Dimes Square, New York City, 218, 221, 262 Dinerstein, Joel, 19, 108 DiNucci, Darcy, 54–55 Discovery (album), 125 disinformation, 147, 160, 227 Dobrik, David, 184 Dr. Dre (Andre Young), 27, 157, 179 Doctorow, Cory, 51, 231 Dodson, Antoine, 90, 145 Dodson, Kelly, 89–90

Gilded Rage: Elon Musk and the Radicalization of Silicon Valley

by Jacob Silverman  · 9 Oct 2025  · 312pp  · 103,645 words

working on content moderation or trust and safety. These departments work on interlocking, perhaps intractable, problems related to free speech, harassment, privacy, platform manipulation, and disinformation operations. Some of these disciplines are pretty new. Some of these issues don’t have clear answers, especially when dealing with hundreds of millions of

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, congressional hearings and vicious online attacks,” he said. “These efforts, staged largely by the right, are having their desired effect”—chilling speech, undermining research into disinformation, and making companies unnecessarily risk averse, especially when it came to addressing threats from the political right and online trolls.8 These aggressive, coercive measures

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, the battle around TikTok was reduced to a Sinophobic moral panic, rather than a complex debate about data sovereignty, free speech, the contested definition of “disinformation,” and big tech’s pioneering use of surveillance as a business model. Banning TikTok seemed like a crude policy response when America’s tech giants

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letter, Murphy specifically cited concerns about the Saudi government using its investment “to silence government critics and human rights activists, or to further state-sponsored disinformation campaigns.” According to the Washington Post, the investigation never happened.22 (CFIUS records are not subject to Freedom of Information requests.) That investigatory work fell

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was regurgitating that day. The question of truth was superfluous, especially since in Republicans’ view Democrats had already polluted the epistemological landscape with arguments over “disinformation”—a category most Republicans refused to acknowledge as real. No, what mattered was that everything had gone to seed and that Trump, in his meandering

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here and Disney here homeless law here and Elon Musk here, here and David Sacks here and Twitter here digital currencies here, here, here, here disinformation here, here, here, here, here Disney here, here, here, here, here Dorsey, Jack here, here, here, here, here, here drones here Duran, Gil here, here

The Illegals: Russia's Most Audacious Spies and Their Century-Long Mission to Infiltrate the West

by Shaun Walker  · 15 Apr 2025  · 465pp  · 155,902 words

continued to pace. Arriving back at his table, he turned around and barked his single-word verdict derisively in the direction of Fitin and Merkulov. “Disinformation!” With that, he dismissed the men. Soviet illegals had penetrated two enemy capitals, providing detailed and specific information about the upcoming Nazi invasion from Tokyo

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and its Western allies, deciding that more emphasis should be placed on so-called active measures, including collecting kompromat on foreign public figures and using disinformation campaigns. The KGB’s leadership also demanded a renewed emphasis on illegal intelligence.[37] The “special directorate,” which handled illegals and later became known simply

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: Hutchinson, 2009. Remnick, David. Lenin’s Tomb: The Last Days of the Soviet Empire. London: Penguin, 1993. Rid, Thomas. Active Measures: The Secret History of Disinformation and Political Warfare. London: Profile, 2020. Rieber, Alfred J. Stalin as Warlord. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2022. Ross, Marjorie. El secreto encanto de

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, 138 Rudenko, Anatoly, 240–1 Rudé právo, 201 Rudi, see Valoušek, Dalibor Russia: 9/11 attacks and, 319 annexation of Crimea by, 339, 340, 346 disinformation campaigns by, 339–43 foreign agents in, 326–7. See also Poteyev, Alexander historical revisionism in, 346 illegals program of, see Russian illegals program intelligence

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, 233–4 Ukraine: invasion by Russia of, 9–10, 352–3 occupation by Nazi Germany of, 93, 96 Revolution of Dignity (2014) in, 339 Russian disinformation against, 341 See also Crimea Ulpan Etzion, 212 Ulyanov, Vladimir, see Lenin, Vladimir Uncle Petya (NKVD trainer), 94 Unit 29155 (GRU), 343 United Kingdom, see

Digital Empires: The Global Battle to Regulate Technology

by Anu Bradford  · 25 Sep 2023  · 898pp  · 236,779 words

, it has also been a channel for exposing vast segments of society to different forms of harmful content. Internet sites often serve as platforms for disinformation, bullying, hatred, and repulsive content, undermining the safety and dignity of individuals while dividing societies and destabilizing democracies. Algorithms designed to tailor online content

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other critics of the market-driven regulatory model can also point out how Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, and other platforms have repeatedly failed to remove dangerous disinformation on topics ranging from the COVID-19 pandemic to democratic elections. And they can replay the images of the January 6, 2021, insurrection at

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the US Capitol, which originated in a rampant social media–fueled disinformation campaign about a stolen election.31 Consequently, when looking strictly at innovation and economic growth, the American market-driven model can be praised for its

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companies are navigating the Russian invasion of Ukraine, facing conflicting demands from Ukraine, Russia, the EU, and the US on how to handle the disinformation and propaganda on their platforms that are shaping the narrative about the war.63 US tech companies operating in China face a particularly difficult balancing

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incident where Frances Haugen, a former Facebook product manager, leaked documents to Congress that raised questions about the company’s handling of hate speech and disinformation.137 These tech companies have advanced in their defense various narratives when lobbying Congress. For example, in 2022, they argued that more robust antitrust

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of an unregulated marketplace. It is also increasingly doubtful whether the market-driven model is delivering on its promise to enhance democracy as hatred and disinformation are often replacing the civic debates that were supposed to thrive online. Instead of nurturing inclusive democracy, online engagement has often increased societal polarization.

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engagement means more advertising revenue, giving the platforms the incentive to amplify it. The digital public space is also increasingly compromised by rampant disinformation, in particular as disinformation gets disseminated more than truth online. A 2018 study examining news stories that were shared in Twitter from 2006 to 2017 reveals how

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electoral process. There is no more vivid illustration of this than the January 6 insurrection at the US Capitol following a rampant social media–fueled disinformation campaign about a stolen election. The unregulated digital economy is also rife with privacy scandals. This is exactly what happened in the infamous Cambridge

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cyber operations. For example, the US government does not control social media and news outlets, making it easier for adversaries to infiltrate those outlets with disinformation operations. Such operations can be deployed to manipulate elections or otherwise undermine democratic institutions—as happened, for example, in 2016 when Russian hackers stole emails

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of the European regulatory model. The EU has also developed regulatory instruments to preserve and strengthen democracy in the digital age, including by curtailing online disinformation and promoting a free and pluralistic media. The EU has further woven a commitment to fairness and redistribution into its regulatory model, as exemplified

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freedom of expression is under threat when the platforms are permitted to moderate content. Yet the absence of such moderation practices would allow hate speech, disinformation, terrorist propaganda, and other harmful content to run rampant online. The line-drawing between permissible and impermissible speech is therefore complicated, and the key

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a myriad of ways for technology to undermine democracy. Online communication channels have not only cultivated civic engagement; they have also facilitated the spread of disinformation, undermining public debate and the legitimacy of democratic elections.76 Apart from producing freedom and enhancing democracy, online platforms have also sowed discord and deepened

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its belief in the role of regulation to preserve democratic processes, the EU has adopted a number of regulatory instruments, including measures aimed at countering disinformation and strengthening free and pluralistic media, both of which the EU sees as crucial for sustaining democratic discourse. Through these efforts, the EU is

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elevating the preservation and strengthening of democracy as a central tenet of its rights-driven regulatory model. Fighting Disinformation and Other Harmful Content Online The European rights-driven regulatory agenda is anchored in the conviction that protecting citizens’ ability to express themselves freely online

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is steadfast in its commitment to limit the dissemination of such information online. However, crafting a rights-preserving regulatory approach toward the removal of disinformation is complicated given the EU’s equally steadfast commitment to the freedom of expression online. The EU recognizes that freedom of expression is a fundamental

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information sources and educating them to more critically evaluate the information they encounter online. As part of its regulatory efforts, the Commission developed a nonbinding Disinformation Code, which, in its updated 2022 version, has been signed by leading platforms including Google, Meta, Microsoft, TikTok, and Twitter.83 These companies voluntarily

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decisions.”98 The plan also holds that “by providing the public with reliable information, independent media play an important role in the fight against disinformation and the manipulation of democratic debate.”99 This view provides a policy rationale for the EU to leverage regulation with the goal of enhancing the

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EU has been too lenient in tolerating harmful content online. While such regulation has led tech companies to take down considerable amounts of hate speech, disinformation, and terrorist content in the name of dignity, safety, and democracy, this kind of speech remains rampant online. Major platforms such as Facebook, YouTube,

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with content that is harmful, dangerous, and often illegal. Few can dispute that these platforms have become go-to destinations for the spread of disinformation and the manipulation of public opinion on critical issues ranging from global pandemics to vaccines, and from migration to democratic elections. The role of social

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content moderation. Europeans remain concerned about the ways US tech companies are shaping the European public discourse, often for worse, by allowing hate speech and disinformation to run rampant on their platforms. As a result, the EU has adopted regulations aimed at restricting illegal and harmful content online. In response,

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social media.126 Instead of censoring conservative views, the right-wing media in the US often features conservative propaganda, cultivates conspiracy theories, and disseminates disinformation in the news media.127 This suggests that US news outlets have engaged in the kind of propaganda that the US government’s internet freedom

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agenda for years sought to tackle abroad. The online disinformation surrounding the stolen 2020 presidential election—propagated most prominently by President Trump himself—provides perhaps the starkest evidence of how the US government has leveraged

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his 2021 remarks, Secretary of State Anthony Blinken stressed how the US was working to ensure that “the technology works for democracy, fighting back against disinformation, standing up for internet freedom, reducing the misuse of surveillance technology.”129 In April 2022, President Biden announced the establishment of the Bureau of

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the Tanzanian human rights organization Fichua Tanzania and its founder.160 However, these deactivations catch only a fraction of the accounts that are deployed for disinformation or government propaganda. For example, Twitter reportedly deactivated only 11 percent of over 3,500 total accounts spreading pro-government propaganda worldwide.161 US platforms

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cultural power, sparking significant concern among political leaders as these platforms continued to abuse their market power, infringe on user privacy, and circulate hate speech, disinformation, and other harmful content. In response, a countermovement to rein in these companies emerged, and foreign governments began to engage in efforts to repeal the

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not simply produce freedom as the early American techno-optimist view had predicted—they also cultivated an online public square littered with hatred, violence, and disinformation. Societal harms associated with free speech online, as illustrated by many of the examples cited earlier in this chapter, cast doubt on the idea

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has been, or is becoming, pertinent. The discussion reveals how the EU’s antitrust rules and content regulations, including norms covering online hate speech and disinformation, can similarly be externalized through the Brussels Effect, and how artificial intelligence (AI) is likely to be the next frontier of the EU’s

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-driven model for inspiration in regulating their digital economies. Content Moderation The EU’s regulation of online content through its codes on hate speech and disinformation, discussed earlier in Chapter 3, is shaping the global policies of tech companies such as Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube. When it comes to hate

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where online content poses an “imminent and serious threat” to democratic, political, and policymaking processes, or public goods,117 whereas the EU Code bans disinformation, which “may cause public harm.”118 In explaining the departure from the EU standard, the ACCC noted that a lower threshold might be appropriate in

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the EU, “in which multiple countries have already experienced harms including social media interference, and campaigns of disinformation and malinformation from external countries seeking to affect domestic political processes.”119 The Australian Communication and Media Authority will oversee the implementation of the Code

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is also rethinking the US model’s traditionally inviolable commitment to free speech. Internet users are growing more concerned about harmful content online, including rife disinformation, terrorist propaganda, and foreign interference with elections. In recent years, the public has also become vehemently opposed to the misogyny and racism running rampant

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the European model are increasingly seen as necessary building blocks of a more equitable and human-centric digital economy. Each additional privacy scandal and online disinformation campaign further vindicates the European model while revealing the limits of the American model. Even the US itself is now growing aware of the

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the country’s own democratic institutions and wreaking havoc around the world. Many of the deeply disturbing examples described in this book—be it the disinformation-fueled US Capitol insurrection, the encouragement of illegal sex trafficking in the infamous Backpage case, or the hate speech–fueled genocide in Myanmar—have

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in internet platforms as the guardians and amplifiers of democracy. Now this illusion has been shattered. The digital public space is frequently compromised by rampant disinformation, which interferes with elections and destabilizes democracies. America had a rude awakening on January 6, 2021, when President Trump’s loyalists stormed the US

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handful of tech giants is hardly a reflection of economic freedom as conceived by early techno-libertarians. Similarly, recent scandals, including those revealing how online disinformation campaigns can undermine democratic elections, have shown that strong democracy does not necessarily flow from an unregulated digital marketplace. Consequently, a more regulated digital economy

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Behind China’s Twitter Campaign, a Murky Supporting Chorus, N.Y. Times (June 8, 2020), https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/08/technology/china-twitter-disinformation.html. 74.Zhao Lijian (@zlj517), Twitter (Mar. 12, 2020), https://twitter.com/zlj517/status/1238111898828066823?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1238111898828066823%7Ctwgr%5E

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Social Media Companies Censor Conservatives (2021), https://bhr.stern.nyu.edu/bias-report-release-page. 127.Yochai Benkler, Robert Fairs, & Hal Roberts, Network Propaganda: Manipulation, Disinformation, and Radicalization in American Politics 354 (2018). 128.Freedom House, Freedom on the Net (2021), https://freedomhouse.org/country/united-states/freedom-net/2021. 129

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/eu-referendum-analysis-2016/section-7-social-media/impact-of-social-media-on-the-outcome-of-the-eu-referendum/. 138.Digital, Culture, Media & Sport Committee, Disinformation and “Fake News”: Final Report, 2017–2019, HC 1791, § 6 (UK), https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201719/cmselect/cmcumeds/1791/1791.pdf. 139.Aurelien

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Plan, 350–51 AI Ethics Framework, 350–51 anti-censorship principles, 267–68 antitrust regulation, 343–44, 345 Clean Network, 321 Code of Practice on Disinformation and Misinformation, 341–42 content moderation, 341–42 digital trade agreements, 322 news industry regulation, 351–52, 383 nonregulation principle, 266–68 Privacy Act,

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299–300 Europe. see also specific countries by name 5G networks, 301 Apple’s revenue, 261 Chinese influence in, 301 digital single market, 129–30 disinformation campaigns, 280–81 internet freedom initiatives, 272–73 national tax regimes, 142–43 search engine market, 260–61 smart cities, 296–97 European Battery Alliance

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Haley, Nikki, 213–14 Halifax International Security Forum, 388–89 hard tech, 96–97 hardware companies, 73. see also specific companies by name harmful activity disinformation campaigns, 277–78, 280–81 fake news, 281–82 online content, 119–21, 141 protections against, 113–15 sanctions against, 134, 197–99 terrorist

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compliance with EU laws and regulations, 163, 324–25 content moderation, 341 data centers, 154 data privacy policy, 324, 330 data transfer battles, 222–23 Disinformation Code, 120 European headquarters, 142–43 global influence, 133–34, 259–60, 261–62 global revenue, 154, 261–62 government battles, 13–14, 222

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303 content controls, 180–81 cyberattacks, 134 data localization requirements, 330–31 demands on Meta, 338 digital authoritarianism, 135, 308–13 Digital Divide projects, 268 disinformation campaigns, 120–21 Federal Security Service, 312–13 hate speech law, 140–41 and international code of conduct for information security, 303 internet sovereignty, 309

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of the European Union, 110, 118 Trip Advisor, 358 Truex, Rody, 197 Trump, Donald America First policy, 213 complaints against EU antitrust policy, 245 disinformation propagation, 277–78 efforts to ban Chinese tech companies, 102–3, 166–68 efforts to discipline social media companies, 49–50 efforts to restrict entry

Messing With the Enemy: Surviving in a Social Media World of Hackers, Terrorists, Russians, and Fake News

by Clint Watts  · 28 May 2018  · 324pp  · 96,491 words

world then, and even now, believes that the U.S. government unleashed AIDS on the world as a biological weapon—thanks to the KGB’s disinformation campaign known as Operation Infektion. An active measures media campaign generally employs three simple ingredients to create damaging propaganda and provide the Kremlin with plausible

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by adding more scientific detail to the narrative. They employed a “useful idiot,” professor Jakob Segal, an agent known to the Soviets who authored a disinformation pamphlet entitled “AIDS: Its Nature and Origin.” Segal provided extensive, detailed facts regarding the AIDS virus before falsely theorizing that the U.S. government had

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to be alone messing with an enemy on social media. We’d been watching feeds for years that tipped us off to the Kremlin’s disinformation spreading on Twitter. If the public could see what we were seeing, it could avoid consuming or inadvertently promoting Russian propaganda. Journalists could research the

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root cause of terrorism bristled at the idea of backing any cleric. America’s messenger problem gets even more complicated when we’re fighting Russian disinformation. Cold War U.S. information operations countering the Soviet Union employed American culture and art. Rock music blared from Voice of America, and Western news

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by their lack of security clearances, less effective tools, and tight oversight. The GEC expanded its mission in late 2016. The Countering Foreign Propaganda and Disinformation Act, introduced by Senators Rob Portman and Chris Murphy, increased the GEC’s scope and funding, but as of this writing, the Trump administration’s

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to falsehoods related to U.S. foreign policy. The Department of Defense and the intelligence community must rapidly create systems for tracking Russian social media disinformation to anticipate and ultimately counter the Kremlin’s march. Finally, the West collectively must decide how to respond to Putin’s manipulation. Employing the Kremlin

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bubble, as well as when, how, and where to deliver it. Advertisers, political campaigns, and Russian disinformation peddlers would be handicapping themselves if they didn’t use this approach to push their products and ideas. Disinformation and misinformation have been easy to create and proliferate as the barriers to entry for these

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the new Facebook system works, and, to Facebook’s credit, at least it’s trying something. Social media companies can also slow the proliferation of disinformation and misinformation by ensuring the authenticity of accounts. Account anonymity may be of value at times, but social media companies must ensure that real people

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democracies can also learn from one another—especially from those countries closer to the Kremlin that have built up resilience to propaganda. Finland fought Soviet disinformation for years, and Russian resurgence in this space led the Finns to develop a coordinated plan and trained personnel to deflect propaganda. They’ve also

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their kids and migrate to a more fulfilling platform like Snapchat, which brings together real friends and has design features that mitigate the spread of disinformation in ways Facebook and Twitter cannot. We need experts in industry, government, and civil society to advance our nation. Everyone’s an expert in something

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was much better, and Russia’s attempts were unsuccessful. The social media companies were better by 2018 too. Facebook placed the greatest resources on countering disinformation, and their efforts bore some fruit. During the summer leading up to the election, Facebook connected a Russian Internet Research Agency Facebook account to a

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“Fellow Traveler,” President Trump acts as an unprecedented agent of influence for Russia in America. Mysteriously, on three separate occasions President Trump has repeated Russian disinformation on highly specific foreign policy issues relevant to the Kremlin.17 Shortly after his inauguration he parroted Kremlin claims of Polish aggression toward Belarus. He

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went to war in Afghanistan. In all three cases, President Trump appeared to reference not his intelligence community, established facts, or mainstream analysis but the disinformation of Russia. Where the president gets this information is unknown and absolutely concerning for America’s national security and its allies. Russia’s overt influence

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there was essentially no Russian manipulation on their platforms. Time, investigation, and research have shown again and again that social media platforms were rife with disinformation. Senator Mark Warner, the top Democrat on the Senate Select Intelligence Committee investigating Russian interference, described Twitter’s initial presentation in September 2017 as “inadequate

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,841 accounts affiliated with the Internet Research Agency and 770 accounts potentially originating in Iran.31 The release immediately became the focus of dozens of disinformation study groups springing up in the wake of the 2016 election. More interesting has been Twitter’s call for proposals in March 2018 to measure

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for being the world’s home for conspiracy theories, misinformation, and state-sponsored propaganda. In 2018, YouTube remained a prominent venue for RT to spread disinformation regarding the Syrian war and the GRU’s alleged poisoning in the United Kingdom of former Russian military intelligence officer Sergei Skripal.33 Google as

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news on sites such as Facebook.35 Hiring of the public relations firm sparked public outrage undoing much of the progress Facebook had made countering disinformation since 2016. Two years of public outrage and congressional hearings would lead one to believe that government regulation would have been instituted, but that would

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government attention and outrage have been so high without seeing any real progress toward solving the problem. Congress is unlikely to stem the tide against disinformation, and American elected officials have become the source of as much misinformation as authoritarians. Facebook’s public relations counteroffensive mirrors what I expected as I

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midterm elections of 2018 showed how Russia’s art would be quickly adopted by the most aggressive and best resourced. Russia didn’t push much disinformation to influence the 2018 elections, but even if they had, it would have been completely outpaced by the endless volumes of false information peddled by

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. The video had been sped up and the reporter’s comments had been removed.38 The rapid proliferation of social media disinformation was expected, but rapid proliferation of social media disinformation from the White House was not. If America can’t count on the commander in chief to do the right thing

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, we most certainly can’t expect everyone else to do much better. The best disinformation peddlers in the future will have three distinct technological advantages over those that came before them. Cambridge Analytica demonstrated how the aggregation of user data

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enormous space for the strongest manipulators to take hold of unwitting minds; Bannon would be one of those best positioned to gain from their demise. Disinformation tracking efforts continue to grow and expand. Amazing social media sleuthing by the likes of the online collective BellingCat have restored truth among Russia’s

…

disinformation storms. Bot tracking and troll outing has become a pastime for social media enthusiasts around the world, and exhaustive studies of the Internet Research Agency

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to the research in this book are J. M. Berger and Andrew Weisburd. J.M. is one of the best analysts of social media, terrorism, disinformation, dystopian fiction, and the television show Lost in the entire world. J.M.’s relentless quest for novel insights from deep data dives made much

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Dictators and the New Online Revolutionaries (New York: PublicAffairs, 2015), 215. CHAPTER 6: PUTIN’S PLAN 1. Thomas Boghardt, “Active Measures: The Russian Art of Disinformation,” AIRSHO (October 2006), 20–26. https://spy-museum.s3.amazonaws.com/files/back_active-measures.pdf. 2. “History of HIV and AIDS,” Avert.org (March

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9, 2018). https://www.avert.org/professionals/history-hiv-aids/overview. 3. Thomas Boghardt, “Operation INFEKTION: Soviet Bloc Intelligence and Its AIDS Disinformation Campaign,” Studies in Intelligence, vol. 53, No. 4. (December 2009) 1–24. https://www.cia.gov/library/center-for-the-study-of-intelligence/csi-publications

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.html. 32. https://blog.twitter.com/official/en_us/topics/company/2018/twitter-health-metrics-proposal-submission.html. 33. https://medium.com/dfrlab/youtubes-kremlin-disinformation-problem-d78472c1b72b. 34. https://www.facebook.com/facebookmedia/blog/working-to-stop-misinformation-and-false-news. 35. https://www.nytimes.com/2018/11/14/technology

The Seven Rules of Trust: A Blueprint for Building Things That Last

by Jimmy Wales  · 28 Oct 2025  · 216pp  · 60,419 words

“hellscape” as millions of people learned to shout in fury at others or the world in general. Social media fomented tribalism, extremism, outrage, hate, misinformation, disinformation, and plain old lies. Empathy, curiosity, and good-faith conversation became as rare as common courtesy. As for trust, there may be lots of blind

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procedure, you won’t overlook trust when dealing with immediate challenges. Here’s an illustration of how this could work: For good reason, misinformation and disinformation are major concerns today, and in many places around the world, proposed solutions involve government censorship of social media platforms. That makes some superficial sense

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. Get rid of misinformation and disinformation and you get rid of the problem. Simple, right? But ask the question “How could that affect trust?” Answer: Censorship would almost inevitably lead many

Stories Are Weapons: Psychological Warfare and the American Mind

by Annalee Newitz  · 3 Jun 2024  · 251pp  · 68,713 words

, President Donald Trump promised that we could cure the disease with light and deworming medication for horses. After police killed George Floyd, I watched as disinformation about the Black Lives Matter movement piled up on social media,1 where anonymous accounts falsely blamed protesters for violence.2 A conspiracy theory from

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suburbs. Peter Pomerantsev, author of This Is Not Propaganda, points out that military influence operations have bled over into civilian conflicts, creating a “flood of disinformation and deception, ‘fake news,’ [and] ‘information war.’ ”8 When we use psyops in our cultural conflicts, we tear down the wall between what’s appropriate

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philosopher and military general named Sun Tzu or Master Sun, The Art of War describes tactics like deception and distraction, which today might be called disinformation, propaganda, or special operations. More than anything else, The Art of War is about psychological strategies—some diplomatic, some sneaky—that a good leader should

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time. The nascent United States was the beneficiary of a new insight about psychological war, which was that confusion could act as a form of disinformation. It was an idea that stemmed from a growing awareness that European wars were far more chaotic and unpredictable than they had ever been. Carl

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American paradigm for psychological operations, which combined military action with media misrepresentations. The United States fought hundreds of Indigenous nations with guns as well as disinformation about Indigenous life in fiction, newspapers, and local histories. What the military didn’t expect was that Indigenous nations in the West would clap back

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the public sphere—the shared cultural realm where Americans swap ideas, tell stories, and build consensus through democratic elections—had been rotted by years of disinformation and violent manipulation. To start the reconstruction process, Linebarger suggested investing in public education, opening national borders, and supporting a robust free press. It’s

…

experts like Alex Stamos, former head of the Stanford Internet Observatory, who helped produce a national report on how to quell the tide of online disinformation about voting. He and his colleagues suggest using moderation systems that treat influence operations like email spam—filtering out the propaganda junk so that we

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out possible threat scenarios.15 The overlap between the sci-fi community and psyops continues today. Ruth Emrys Gordon is a researcher who studies online disinformation for the government. Under the name Ruthanna Emrys, she published A Half-Built Garden, which explores the future of social media after aliens make contact

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messing with the social media platform in a very different way. Fake accounts and suspicious ads were popping up all over the place, full of disinformation and sensationalized reports about the DNC email leak. WikiLeaks got in on the action too, tweeting a link to the DCLeaks page. But when Stamos

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of the IRA psyops methods: targeted data collection (stealing users’ personal data, in this case from the DNC), false amplifiers (creating fake accounts to spread disinformation and sow distrust and confusion), and content creation (seeding false and real stories on Facebook, or to journalists, and other parties, sometimes via fake online

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technologies.” There, at last, he could openly share what had happened during his tenure at Facebook and continue researching it. His colleague at the Observatory, disinformation expert Renée DiResta, studied the IRA’s amplification campaign and its relationship with the Russian government. She told the Washington Post that the IRA had

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’s parent company, is no longer blocking COVID misinformation,39 and in 2023 the company laid off members of a global team that countered election disinformation and harassment.40 All these developments have led to a public sphere where American political organizations can target Americans with psyops. Cambridge Analytica may be

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back in the 1940s, when he was researching how Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union affected people’s minds, making them “propaganda-dizzy.” Bombarded by disinformation, he wrote, a “propaganda-dizzy man . . . sees in everything its propaganda content and nothing else. . . . Nothing is innocent; nothing is pleasurable; everything is connected with

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this book. The reason I found it so compelling was that it was a two-stage psyop: first, the unknown operatives spread a wave of disinformation; next, they spread a second wave that was designed to inoculate people against any efforts to debunk the first wave of

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disinformation. It was incredibly intricate and complex, and here’s how it went down. Like many Americans, I had been getting most of my news about

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so meta, with the #DCSafe tweets calling attention to themselves as a psyop in order to reinforce disinformation from the first wave of #DCBlackout tweets. The DCBlackout/DCSafe operation was an example of what disinformation experts call “coordinated inauthentic behavior.” Though nobody has identified the perpetrators of this particular psyop, it was

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be stolen.” As a result, there were stochastic influence operations coming from all sides. Ordinary citizens, primed by political leaders to see conspiracies everywhere, spread disinformation as eagerly as paid propagandists. “Do you remember SharpieGate?” he asked excitedly. “When people said, ‘My pen is bleeding through the ballot and that will

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that the EIP team saw repeatedly. While it seemed as if everybody was suddenly talking about SharpieGate, the reality was that “a huge percentage of disinformation was spread by twenty accounts on Twitter,” Stamos said. The EIP team dubbed these accounts “superspreaders.”10 Their information-sharing pattern reliably created what Stamos

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platforms including Facebook, Twitter, Nextdoor, TikTok, and YouTube—then sending these tickets to trained EIP workers. Some tickets referred to large numbers of posts with disinformation, and others only one. From September 3 to November 1, the group logged 269 tickets. Things heated up in the days leading to the election

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that people are telling.” Unfortunately, courts have been making it more difficult for governments and social media platforms to work together on efforts to stop disinformation. Citizens need accurate information about how to vote. And that will happen only if the government works with social media to clear away the

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disinformation chaos in a systematic, open way. The best way to do that, the EIP found, was to work with a large staff of human beings

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who could analyze the disinformation. Though automated propaganda weather reports like the one created by Alizadeh and his team are helpful, Stamos emphasized that humans had to be the final

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arbiters of what was disinformation and what wasn’t. They understood the context of posts that would stump AI. Still, the rise of AI apps like ChatGPT made Stamos wonder

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today,” Ruth Emrys Gordon told me from her home office near Washington, DC. Like Linebarger, Gordon leads two lives: as a researcher, she analyzes online disinformation at the University of Maryland and government agencies; and as science fiction author Ruthanna Emrys, she writes about fantastical forms of war and social conflict

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also disallowing [questions like] ‘Is climate change something we should solve?’ or ‘Should queers exist?’ ” Both questions are part of psyops that rely on climate disinformation or the notion that LGBT people should be criminalized or worse. Gordon hoped that in a future public sphere, we “agree about who is a

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your loved ones, or in stories of a better world. Notes Preface: The Brain Fog of War 1. Corley, Cheryl, “Floyd’s Death Leads to Disinformation about Black Lives Matter Movement,” NPR, May 25, 2021. 2. Vertuno, Jim, “Texas Man to Be Sentenced for Murder in Shooting at Black Lives Matter

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DeSantis, Ron, 132, 138 Dianetics (Hubbbard), 31 Dick, Philip K., 31 digital psyops. See social media psyops DiResta, Renée, 87–88 disarmament. See psychological disarmament disinformation/misinformation AI and, 188 Black Lives Matter movement and, xi containment of, 186–87, 188 DCBlackout/DCSafe psyop, 177–80 legitimation crisis and, 94 public

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Reset

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The Lonely Century: How Isolation Imperils Our Future

by Noreena Hertz  · 13 May 2020  · 506pp  · 133,134 words

Time of the Magicians: Wittgenstein, Benjamin, Cassirer, Heidegger, and the Decade That Reinvented Philosophy

by Wolfram Eilenberger  · 14 Sep 2020

Britain at Bay: The Epic Story of the Second World War: 1938-1941

by Alan Allport  · 2 Sep 2020  · 1,520pp  · 221,543 words

Apollo's Arrow: The Profound and Enduring Impact of Coronavirus on the Way We Live

by Nicholas A. Christakis  · 27 Oct 2020  · 475pp  · 127,389 words

Genius: The Life and Science of Richard Feynman

by James Gleick  · 1 Jan 1992  · 795pp  · 215,529 words

The Tragedy of Great Power Politics

by John J. Mearsheimer  · 1 Jan 2001  · 637pp  · 199,158 words

The Big Nine: How the Tech Titans and Their Thinking Machines Could Warp Humanity

by Amy Webb  · 5 Mar 2019  · 340pp  · 97,723 words

The Behavioral Investor

by Daniel Crosby  · 15 Feb 2018  · 249pp  · 77,342 words

Insane Mode: How Elon Musk's Tesla Sparked an Electric Revolution to End the Age of Oil

by Hamish McKenzie  · 30 Sep 2017  · 307pp  · 90,634 words

Corporate Warriors: The Rise of the Privatized Military Industry

by Peter Warren Singer  · 1 Jan 2003  · 482pp  · 161,169 words

Black Code: Inside the Battle for Cyberspace

by Ronald J. Deibert  · 13 May 2013  · 317pp  · 98,745 words

Terms of Service: Social Media and the Price of Constant Connection

by Jacob Silverman  · 17 Mar 2015  · 527pp  · 147,690 words

The Chomsky Reader

by Noam Chomsky  · 11 Sep 1987

The E-Myth Revisited: Why Most Small Businesses Don't Work and What to Do About It

by Michael E. Gerber  · 3 Mar 1995  · 251pp  · 66,396 words

Never Let a Serious Crisis Go to Waste: How Neoliberalism Survived the Financial Meltdown

by Philip Mirowski  · 24 Jun 2013  · 662pp  · 180,546 words

Chomsky on Mis-Education

by Noam Chomsky  · 24 Mar 2000

The Washington Connection and Third World Fascism

by Noam Chomsky  · 24 Oct 2014

The Fugitive Game: Online With Kevin Mitnick

by Jonathan Littman  · 1 Jan 1996

Thank You for Being Late: An Optimist's Guide to Thriving in the Age of Accelerations

by Thomas L. Friedman  · 22 Nov 2016  · 602pp  · 177,874 words

On Nature and Language

by Noam Chomsky  · 16 Apr 2007

Future Crimes: Everything Is Connected, Everyone Is Vulnerable and What We Can Do About It

by Marc Goodman  · 24 Feb 2015  · 677pp  · 206,548 words

Death of the Liberal Class

by Chris Hedges  · 14 May 2010  · 422pp  · 89,770 words

Them And Us: Politics, Greed And Inequality - Why We Need A Fair Society

by Will Hutton  · 30 Sep 2010  · 543pp  · 147,357 words

The Age of Cryptocurrency: How Bitcoin and Digital Money Are Challenging the Global Economic Order

by Paul Vigna and Michael J. Casey  · 27 Jan 2015  · 457pp  · 128,838 words

The Great Game: On Secret Service in High Asia

by Peter Hopkirk  · 2 Jan 1991  · 580pp  · 194,144 words

How the World Works

by Noam Chomsky, Arthur Naiman and David Barsamian  · 13 Sep 2011  · 489pp  · 111,305 words

Top Secret America: The Rise of the New American Security State

by Dana Priest and William M. Arkin  · 5 Sep 2011  · 328pp  · 100,381 words

Hegemony or Survival: America's Quest for Global Dominance

by Noam Chomsky  · 1 Jan 2003  · 351pp  · 96,780 words

Data Mining: Concepts and Techniques: Concepts and Techniques

by Jiawei Han, Micheline Kamber and Jian Pei  · 21 Jun 2011

The End of Absence: Reclaiming What We've Lost in a World of Constant Connection

by Michael Harris  · 6 Aug 2014  · 259pp  · 73,193 words

Deadly Quiet City: True Stories From Wuhan

by Murong Xuecun  · 7 Mar 2023  · 236pp  · 73,008 words

For Profit: A History of Corporations

by William Magnuson  · 8 Nov 2022  · 356pp  · 116,083 words

The Intelligence War Against the IRA

by Thomas Leahy  · 26 Mar 2020  · 1,149pp  · 141,412 words

The Ones We've Been Waiting For: How a New Generation of Leaders Will Transform America

by Charlotte Alter  · 18 Feb 2020  · 504pp  · 129,087 words

The New Class War: Saving Democracy From the Metropolitan Elite

by Michael Lind  · 20 Feb 2020

Smart Mobs: The Next Social Revolution

by Howard Rheingold  · 24 Dec 2011

We Need New Stories: Challenging the Toxic Myths Behind Our Age of Discontent

by Nesrine Malik  · 4 Sep 2019

On the Grand Trunk Road: A Journey Into South Asia

by Steve Coll  · 29 Mar 2009  · 413pp  · 128,093 words

The Hundred Years' War on Palestine: A History of Settler Colonialism and Resistance, 1917–2017

by Rashid Khalidi  · 28 Jan 2020  · 413pp  · 120,506 words

The Pandemic Century: One Hundred Years of Panic, Hysteria, and Hubris

by Mark Honigsbaum  · 8 Apr 2019  · 529pp  · 150,263 words

The Year 1000: When Explorers Connected the World―and Globalization Began

by Valerie Hansen  · 13 Apr 2020

Snowden's Box: Trust in the Age of Surveillance

by Jessica Bruder and Dale Maharidge  · 29 Mar 2020  · 159pp  · 42,401 words

Fred Schwed's Where Are the Customers' Yachts?: A Modern-Day Interpretation of an Investment Classic

by Leo Gough  · 22 Aug 2010  · 117pp  · 31,221 words

The Rise of Carry: The Dangerous Consequences of Volatility Suppression and the New Financial Order of Decaying Growth and Recurring Crisis

by Tim Lee, Jamie Lee and Kevin Coldiron  · 13 Dec 2019  · 241pp  · 81,805 words

The Second World Wars: How the First Global Conflict Was Fought and Won

by Victor Davis Hanson  · 16 Oct 2017  · 908pp  · 262,808 words

Pure, White and Deadly: How Sugar Is Killing Us and What We Can Do to Stop It

by John Yudkin  · 1 Nov 2012  · 239pp  · 77,436 words

Rainbows End

by Vernor Vinge  · 1 May 2006

Fire and Fury: Inside the Trump White House

by Michael Wolff  · 5 Jan 2018  · 394pp  · 112,770 words

The Road Not Taken: Edward Lansdale and the American Tragedy in Vietnam

by Max Boot  · 9 Jan 2018  · 972pp  · 259,764 words

1947: Where Now Begins

by Elisabeth Åsbrink  · 31 Jul 2016  · 215pp  · 60,489 words

Surveillance Valley: The Rise of the Military-Digital Complex

by Yasha Levine  · 6 Feb 2018  · 474pp  · 130,575 words

Distrust That Particular Flavor

by William Gibson  · 3 Jan 2012  · 153pp  · 45,871 words

The Net Delusion: The Dark Side of Internet Freedom

by Evgeny Morozov  · 16 Nov 2010  · 538pp  · 141,822 words

Virus of the Mind

by Richard Brodie  · 4 Jun 2009  · 289pp  · 22,394 words

Cyclopedia

by William Fotheringham  · 22 Sep 2011  · 428pp  · 117,419 words

Were You Born on the Wrong Continent?

by Thomas Geoghegan  · 20 Sep 2011  · 364pp  · 104,697 words

QI: The Second Book of General Ignorance

by Lloyd, John and Mitchinson, John  · 7 Oct 2010  · 469pp  · 97,582 words

Diet for a New America

by John Robbins  · 566pp  · 151,193 words

Strange Rebels: 1979 and the Birth of the 21st Century

by Christian Caryl  · 30 Oct 2012  · 780pp  · 168,782 words

Clear and Present Danger

by Tom Clancy  · 2 Jan 1989  · 914pp  · 270,937 words

Debt of Honor

by Tom Clancy  · 2 Jan 1994

Executive Orders

by Tom Clancy  · 2 Jan 1996

Patriot Games

by Tom Clancy  · 2 Jan 1987

Red Rabbit

by Tom Clancy and Scott Brick  · 2 Jan 2002

The Sum of All Fears

by Tom Clancy  · 2 Jan 1989

Trend Commandments: Trading for Exceptional Returns

by Michael W. Covel  · 14 Jun 2011

The Battle for Jerusalem, June 5-7, 1967

by Abraham Rabinovich  · 1 Jan 1987

The Atlantic and Its Enemies: A History of the Cold War

by Norman Stone  · 15 Feb 2010  · 851pp  · 247,711 words

Iron Curtain: The Crushing of Eastern Europe, 1945-1956

by Anne Applebaum  · 30 Oct 2012  · 934pp  · 232,651 words

It's Our Turn to Eat

by Michela Wrong  · 9 Apr 2009  · 403pp  · 125,659 words

Falling Upwards: How We Took to the Air

by Richard Holmes  · 24 Apr 2013  · 432pp  · 128,944 words

Vultures' Picnic: In Pursuit of Petroleum Pigs, Power Pirates, and High-Finance Carnivores

by Greg Palast  · 14 Nov 2011  · 493pp  · 132,290 words

The Blue Sweater: Bridging the Gap Between Rich and Poor in an Interconnected World

by Jacqueline Novogratz  · 15 Feb 2009  · 391pp  · 117,984 words

The Reluctant Carer: Dispatches From the Edge of Life

by The Reluctant Carer  · 22 Jun 2022  · 233pp  · 69,745 words

Editing Humanity: The CRISPR Revolution and the New Era of Genome Editing

by Kevin Davies  · 5 Oct 2020  · 741pp  · 164,057 words

Accessory to War: The Unspoken Alliance Between Astrophysics and the Military

by Neil Degrasse Tyson and Avis Lang  · 10 Sep 2018  · 745pp  · 207,187 words

How to Prevent the Next Pandemic

by Bill Gates  · 2 May 2022  · 406pp  · 88,977 words

Whole Earth: The Many Lives of Stewart Brand

by John Markoff  · 22 Mar 2022  · 573pp  · 142,376 words

The Nature of Software Development: Keep It Simple, Make It Valuable, Build It Piece by Piece

by Ron Jeffries  · 14 Aug 2015  · 444pp  · 118,393 words

Adriatic: A Concert of Civilizations at the End of the Modern Age

by Robert D. Kaplan  · 11 Apr 2022  · 500pp  · 115,119 words