description: false or misleading information that is spread deliberately to deceive and manipulate
571 results
by Thomas Rid
is, and what it is not. First, and most important, active measures are not spontaneous lies by politicians, but the methodical output of large bureaucracies. Disinformation was, and in many ways continues to be, the domain of intelligence agencies—professionally run, continually improved, and usually employed against foreign adversaries. Second,
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all active measures contain an element of disinformation: content may be forged, sourcing doctored, the method of acquisition covert; influence agents and cutouts may pretend to be something they are not, and
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foreign intelligence.19 On January 11, 1923, a remarkable institutional innovation saw the light of day:20 Artuzov created an office for dezinformatsiya, or disinformation.21 The sheer volume of deceptive material that passed through these intelligence channels was large enough to trigger bureaucratic innovation in Russian foreign intelligence. The
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GPU reportedly coordinated with the Revolutionary Military Council, Russia’s highest military authority, to set up a special bureau to “prepare disinformation for Western military intelligence services.”22 The goal, according to a GPU participant, was “to deter military intervention by the Western powers.”23 The GPU
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was shot by the Germans in 1943. The actions of the Trust, more than any other event in the 1920s, would shape the future of disinformation. It was spectacularly successful. Polish intelligence later declared that—“without exaggeration”—Operation Trust had inflicted “incalculable damage” on the Russian émigrés, undercutting their political
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States who were lobbying hard against recognizing the Soviet Union. America’s highly visible, ideologically motivated opposition to Marxism was practically an open invitation for disinformation and forgery. With his statements against Amtorg, Woll was broadcasting the establishment’s readiness to be tricked. Then, on March 4, about six weeks
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the opening of the GDR Party Congress.23 The political warfare planners at Berlin Operations Base were careful to manage expectations at CIA headquarters. The disinformation campaign that Marbach and his team were designing and implementing was counterintuitive, neither wide nor narrow, designed neither for mass influence nor targeting of
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strange, threatening letters. Henriette Trémeaud, wife of the prefect of Strasbourg, circa 1957. She died in a terrorist attack that was designed to be a disinformation operation. (Photograph by Keystone-France / Gamma-Keystone via Getty Images) “French Oppressors!” one such leaflet was titled. The pamphlet was addressed to the authorities
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that the Hauptverwaltung Aufklärung (HVA), the foreign intelligence branch of the Ministry of State Security—the Stasi—had already conducted active measures before 1957. But disinformation and “psychological warfare,” the defector said, had been officially announced within the HVA as a “major operational responsibility,” just as the cigar box bomb
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weeks into his tenure. Department D pulled together various officers from different parts of the KGB’s vast First Chief Directorate to coordinate and direct disinformation operations. Shelepin’s most brilliant appointment was Ivan Ivanovich Agayants, a highly decorated career intelligence officer from Ganja (Gence) in Azerbaijan. Agayants was tall,
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that sought to promote “division in the West.” Langley analysts pointed out that they observed “rather elaborate progressions in prolonged campaigns.”15 These anti-Western disinformation campaigns were aggressive, fast-paced, and used innovative methods that evolved quickly and in unexpected, frightening ways. One such measure exploited a military exercise known
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for running espionage operations against the Christian Democrats in the Federal Republic. Heim, a Wehrmacht veteran, defected before the Stasi formed a specific unit for disinformation, but in his debriefings with West German security services, he was already able to detail what he called “intelligence work of corrosion,” or Zersetzungsarbeit.
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, researchers, and specialists, usually not revealing their identity and purpose to these useful outsiders, although some were trusted agents. Not all were Russian. The disinformation division would commission these outside consultants, for a fee, to carry out research on issues of political, economic, historical, or cultural interest to the KGB
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a detailed list of individual active measures, complete with specific objectives, targets, and assigned responsibilities, and are therefore an invaluable source for the historian of disinformation. Oral disinformation, as Ivanov outlined in his 1979 lecture, could be highly effective, even deadly, especially in developing countries. On November 20, 1979, a group of
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had a deeper meaning. “After many years of practice and theoretical generalizations, the comrades from Service ‘A’ have brought some clarity to the concept of disinformation,” Ivanov explained, specifically on the “working methods that are widely used are exposing, compromising, and influencing governments, organizations, and individuals.” He cautioned against getting “
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confidential ties, who will keep secret our involvement in these measures.” Ivanov explained that it was very important to understand the specific target of a disinformation operation. Diplomats were softer targets than intelligence officers, he said. “An intelligence officer will by default report data to the relevant agency, where serious
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assessment. Service A had its own cipher clerks and two cipher machines to handle secure, encrypted communications, both outgoing and incoming, on disinformation in the making. The disinformation planners were supported by the KGB’s encryption service, which handed key material directly to Ivanov’s personal staff. Technology didn’t just
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. New technologies created new forensic problems. Technology also created new targets. Not long after Ivanov’s presentation, his unit reportedly engaged in the first disinformation hack of a telecommunication system. In October 1981, a large Soviet nuclear-armed submarine ran aground near Sweden’s Karlskrona Naval Base, violating Swedish territorial
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that AIDS conspiracy theories continued to fester at the far-left fringes of American civil rights activism, still, so far, without meaningful input from Soviet disinformation operators.18 American intelligence analysts, meanwhile, were investigating the reverse question: whether AIDS was a Soviet biological weapon. The CIA was aware that the
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read and wrote, shared images and documents, socialized, consumed news, and spread rumors. The sprawling network, as became progressively clear, was practically optimized for disinformation, at least until the mid-2010s. Active measures operators two decades after Wagenbreth would frame his question differently: What would active measures be without the
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culture of leaking when Schneier wrote these lines. The two-year period after the Snowden disclosures, in fact, was a short, modern golden age of disinformation. That period was characterized by the confluence of several developments that were, ultimately, all temporary afterglow effects of 1990s internet utopianism: the prevailing view,
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agencies—both as a potential threat and as a potential cover for operations. CyberGuerrilla was a genuine Anonymous forum and preferred leak platform of Russian disinformation operators. (Internet Archive) “Anons,” as the activists called one another, ran social media accounts and blogs to foment unrest and advance the fight against
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military personnel. Screenshots of the newly published cyb3rc site also appeared on Newsweek’s social media feed. CyberCaliphate bore all the hallmarks of a coordinated disinformation campaign: these actions were launched simultaneously, with consistent branding and language, and across various fronts and hacked social media sites, both publicly and as
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forms of truth, of course, are exaggerations, ideals, clichés. This distinction is somewhat coarse and simplistic—nevertheless, it helps explain the logic of disinformation. The goal of disinformation is to engineer division by putting emotion over analysis, division over unity, conflict over consensus, the particular over the universal. For, after all,
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—balloons launched, protesters counted, forgeries printed, packages mailed, letters received, press stories clipped, or downloads and shares and likes and page views logged. Some disinformers of old had long understood this problem: “I don’t think it’s possible to measure exactly, realistically, the impact of an active measure,” Bittman
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in short, created a powerful illusion, an appealing mirage—the metrics created an opportunity for more, and more convincing, disinformation about disinformation. For willfully exaggerating the effects of disinformation means exaggerating the impact of disinformation. All this is bad news for future historians. Seminars, in-person discussions, and correspondence were always fleeting and rarely
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transitioned into the SVR. The sweeping official history of Russian foreign intelligence acknowledges that over the past century the designations of the same operational activity—disinformation—came and went, from “operational games” to “active measures” to the blander, more recent “support measures.”13 Then came the rise of the internet,
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leaked, compromising material of questionable provenance, and as publishers recycled unoriginal, repetitive content. The end effect was that a significant and large portion of the disinformation value-creation chain was outsourced to the victim society itself, to journalists, to activists, to freelance conspiracy theorists, and, to a lesser degree, to
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by an unprecedented confluence of incentives that lead many victims—politicians, journalists, technologists, intelligence analysts, adversary operators, and most researchers—to highlight the potentials of disinformation over its limitations. Perhaps the most vivid illustration of this trend is the fantastic story of the Shadow Brokers—the devastating NSA leak with its
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pp. 283–84. The other book was a Stasi memoir available only in German, Auftrag Irreführung, more on which below. 2. Lawrence (Ladislav) Bittman, former disinformation officer, state security, Prague, interview with Thomas Rid, March 25, 2017, Rockport, MA; audio at https://archive.org/details/bittman-ridt. See Richard Sandomir, “
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33, 2014. 6. Less aggressive because the CIA mainly supported existing organizations and publications through covert funding, not by designing and delivering divisive and deceptive disinformation; see Hugh Wilford, The Mighty Wurlitzer: How the CIA Played America (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008); see also Michael Warner’s review in
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, 1930, p. 4. 28. Spivak, A Man in His Time, p. 164. 29. “Three Offer Proof Whalen Red Papers Were Forged Here.” 4. American Disinformation 1. George Kennan, “The Inauguration of Political Warfare,” Draft, April, 30, 1948, NARA release, https://web.archive.org/web/20150123010608/http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document
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Максимович Примаков, Очерки истории российской внешней разведки, Том 5, 1945–1965 годы (Москва: Международные отношения, 1997), p. 13. 2. Ladislav Bittman, The KGB and Soviet Disinformation: An Insider’s View (Washington, DC: Pergamon-Brassey’s, 1985), p. 39. 3. CIA, “The Soviet and Communist Bloc Defamation Campaign,” CIA-RDP67B00446R000500070009-1,
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Times, June 28, 1978, p. BR4. 2. The sourcing on the Tupamaros’ motivation is not satisfactory, hence “reportedly.” See Fletcher Schoen and Christopher Lamb, “Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference,” Strategic Perspectives 11 (Washington, DC: National Defense University, 2012), p. 33. 3. Anna Mudry
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Its Secrets,” Associated Press, August 23, 2016. 48. WikiSaudiLeaks, July 20, 2015, https://web.archive.org/web/20150810005744/http://www.wikisaleaks.com/. 49. Thomas Rid, “Disinformation: A Primer in Russian Active Measures and Influence Campaigns,” Testimony, United States Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, Washington, DC, March 30, 2017. 50. The leak
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the reference by an obscure account, @LexingtonAl, archived at https://web.archive.org/web/20190923140434/https:/twitter.com/Mao_Ware/status/1097891011202875392. A Century of Disinformation 1. The full name is Bundesbehörde für die Unterlagen des Staatssicherheitsdienstes der ehemaligen Deutschen Demokratischen Republik. 2. Jens Gieseke, Die Stasi (Munich: Pantheon, 2011),
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; recognizing; Service A and; skill set for; Soviet budget for; Stasi’s history with; as support measures; the Trust’s success inspiring; see also disinformation Active Measures of Eastern Intelligence Services report activism; see also Anonymous; peacewar Adenauer, Konrad “Adventures of Mr. Hudson in Russia” Adzhubei, Alexei AEDEPOT Afghanistan AFL
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and; Schneier on; of Shadow Brokers; Snowden and; Ukraine and Russian-orchestrated; WikiLeaks and; see also Anonymous; hacking operations Dirección General de Inteligencia (DGI) disinformation: accurate information in; Artuzov and; Bittman on; Black Lives Matter movement and; data and; East and West divide on; election interference of 2016 and; emotion
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Mark Hauptverwaltung Aufklärung (HVA); Active Measures of Eastern Intelligence Services report and; Arbeitskreis and; archival records of; DENVER operation and; Devil and His Dart and; disinformation focus of; effectiveness of; Fleissmann and; Generals for Peace and; Headquarters Germany and; Helms’s accusations against; Kampfverband für Unabhängiges Deutschland and; Die Neue Nachhut
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All-German Affairs) Kalugin, Oleg Kämpfer, Der Kampfgruppe gegen Unmenschlichkeit (KgU); administrative harassment and; balloon distribution of; brochures of; CIA and; closure of; courage of; disinformation and; election interference of; Ford Foundation funding; forgery of; founding of; goals of; graffiti campaign of; hardware sabotage operations of; Hildebrandt’s removal from; operating
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Agency nuclear disarmament nuclear war threats; see also neutron bomb Nuclear Weapons Freeze Campaign nuclear winter: Alexandrov and; CIA on; KGB and; scenarios of; self-disinformation and; TTAPS project and Nuland, Victoria O Obama, Barack Office of Strategic Services OGPU (Joint State Political Directorate) Olympic Games Operation GRAVEYARD Operations Plan (OPLAN
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to; Johnson, R. L., leaking; nuclear war and; publication of; STORM operation and; target list of; Wendland’s suicide and Opperput, Edward #OpSaudi oral disinformation Organization Gehlen Orme, Stan Orwell, George Osborn, K. Barton O’Shaughnessy, Elim Ovchinnikov, Leonid P Paese Sera Pahl-Rugenstein Pakistan Panama Papers Pan-Pacific Worker
by Jacob Siegel · 24 Mar 2026 · 348pp · 103,246 words
the Internet has become a fetid swamp, overgrown with manipulative scams, malevolent propaganda, and parasitic bots. Misinformation, a term for unintentional falsehoods as distinguished from disinformation’s deliberate lies, is overflowing online, along with every other kind of information. Online echo chambers not only contribute to political polarization, they produce a
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the press and sculpting of public opinion, and the recruitment of intellectuals, academics, and journalists to a totalizing crusade. * * * What lies beneath the specter of disinformation is the struggle for control. “It has become increasingly clear that information is one element, and perhaps the most important, of state power,” wrote the
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the experience as rather more electrical than ethical. —Joan Didion, The White Album The concept of hybrid warfare, which foreshadowed the elite crusade against disinformation, was popularized in response to three events that took place over the course of 2014: the Euromaidan movement in Ukraine, which the United States backed
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to counter misinformation or deception campaigns with truthful information.” The project’s description specified that part of the funding would go to automating its counter-disinformation and propaganda work—tasks that would get dramatically easier as artificial intelligence advanced over the next decade. Leaving aside the political and legal questions raised
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processes.” The European Union, in partnership with NATO, opened its own “Centres of Excellence” for countering hybrid threats. The emergence of a continent-spanning counter-disinformation complex served multiple purposes, some clearly legitimate. Russian propaganda was neither benign nor a figment of the Western imagination. It is not an exaggeration to
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measure, the EU conflated populist movements like Brexit, supported by a majority in England including most English socialist parties, with the “extreme right” and Russian disinformation. The claim went beyond a political judgment to make Europeans who advocated for national independence potential targets for NATO intelligence operations. In the United States
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created an official government office for coordinating the resistance to Trump who, after all, stood accused of being the primary beneficiary and spreader of disinformation. Thus countering disinformation, while nominally concerned with foreign threats, marshalled the federal bureaucracies against the incoming administration. The government was not only divided but at war with
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the Center for Strategic Counterterrorism Communications that had been headed by Richard Stengel. Highlighting the continuities connecting counterterrorism, countering violent extremism, and the ascendant counter-disinformation establishment, the person picked to head the GEC was a former Navy SEAL with a counterterrorism background named Michael Lumpkin. Years later, in a State
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everything but presented with new urgency. Instead of searching for terrorist needles hiding in haystacks of data, national security officials now confronted continuous waves of disinformation hordes streaming through America’s screens and colonizing the minds of its citizens on social media. Old-fashioned concepts of privacy and congressional oversight impeded
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to flag or take down. Censorship became a routine and informal agreement between the various parties who had been brought together in the fight against disinformation. Fact-checkers, content moderators, nonprofit anti–hate speech representatives from groups like the Anti-Defamation League, counterterrorism veterans, trust and safety officials, countering violent
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extremism experts, social scientists, political operatives, FBI agents, millennial journalists, and CIA officers all rubbed shoulders on the counter-disinformation party bus housed inside the social media companies. This information war was more than just a policy mandate; it was a sociological phenomenon with its
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is precisely the gunshots and violence that distinguish wars from political debates and other contentious activities such as drinking and backgammon. But the war on disinformation, which became a war on incorrect ideas the moment its focus turned from foreign military operations to Americans’ political speech, eroded those essential distinctions.
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that set the stage for the next four years and transformed the American political system. First, it launched the Global Engagement Center’s war against disinformation, which absorbed the apparatus of the war on terror. Next, it released the deceptive and politically motivated intelligence community assessment that popularized the claim that
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. The claim that Russia hacked the 2016 vote allowed federal agencies to justify the new public-private censorship machinery as a necessary measure to fight disinformation and protect “election integrity.” People who expressed true and constitutionally protected opinions about the election (and later about issues ranging from the origins of
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COVID-19 to the US withdrawal from Afghanistan) would be labeled conspiracists, spreaders of deadly disinformation, and stooges of Vladimir Putin, and they would be systematically removed from the public square. By an extremely conservative estimate based on public reporting, tens
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mobilization used to fight past wars by “leveraging expertise from across government, tech and marketing sectors, academia, and NGOs.” As it evolved, the definition of disinformation rapidly expanded. “Real, total war has become information war,” Marshall McLuhan observed in 1967. “It is being fought by subtle electric informational media—under cold
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academics affiliated with Harvard’s Shorenstein Center on Media, Politics and Public Policy published an influential report titled “Information Disorder.” Conceptually, the paper showed the disinformation field evolving from its military and intelligence origins into a generalized theory of society. The very term disorder, with its medical and therapeutic connotations, suggested
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Twitter executive named Emily Horne. Twitter had a smoking gun showing that Hamilton 68 was guilty of exactly the charge it made against others: peddling disinformation that inflamed domestic political divisions and undermined democratic institutions. But that had to be weighed against other factors, Horne suggested, such as the need
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late-night talk show hosts, racial equity consultants, and private equity consultants. Never-Trump Republicans joined forces with the Democratic National Committee, which declared online disinformation “a whole-of-society problem that requires a whole-of-society response.” Inevitably, the field attracted opportunists and people looking to capitalize on the cause
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(England’s Prince Harry and his wife, Meghan Markle, would eventually join the Aspen Institute’s Commission on Information Disorder). Yet most anti-disinformation crusaders were not cynical opportunists or power-mad schemers. Following the social and career incentives of the knowledge class, they became earnest believers in their
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the Internet and worked to achieve nothing less than the eradication of harm and human error. * * * CISA’s mandate soon expanded from guarding against foreign disinformation to surveilling Americans’ speech for mis- and malinformation. The porousness of the labels and the inherently political nature of the field made its transition from
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of it. At a structural level, this was a crucial capacity-building stage for the nascent information state. The fact-checking, election-integrity, and counter-disinformation fields—all straddling the public-private divide—formed the new infrastructure of governance. * * * On the eve of the 2020 presidential race, The New York
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writer. That made her an ideally credentialed person to evangelize for the intelligentsia’s new article of faith, which held that civilization was imperiled by disinformation. The essay approvingly quoted a Yale philosophy professor: “Free speech threatens democracy as much as it also provides for its flourishing.” Only enlightened censorship
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national security official named Andrew Grotto published a paper with Stanford University’s Information Warfare Working Group titled “How to Report Responsibly on Hacks and Disinformation.” Buried in its bland policy prescriptions, the authors advocated a radical change to the ethos of journalism. The report called on journalists to “break
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under Biden. And the second was the decision to use the tools of counterinsurgency against American citizens. The pandemic dumped jet fuel into the counter-disinformation machine while extending its controls into the physical world. That brought the information state into people’s everyday lives. This was something different from Russiagate
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privately acknowledged at the outset of the pandemic in a February 2020 email. Despite the inconsistencies of the public health authorities, experts from the disinformation field proved flexible enough to enforce every new pronouncement as if they were both moral imperatives and matters of settled science. When Arkansas Senator Tom
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“extraordinary shadow effort.” Among the many accomplishments of the conspirators, Ball noted that they “successfully pressured social media companies to take a harder line against disinformation.” The outcome of the election proved something beyond the obvious point that many Americans were sick of the endless Trump drama. Biden’s victory demonstrated
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citizens accused of extremism. Beyond merely defeating specific groups committed to violence, the government’s terrorism strategy aimed to “counter the polarization often fueled by disinformation, misinformation, and dangerous conspiracy theories online.” Yet the national strategy defined terrorism and extremism so broadly that they encompassed everything from neo-Nazi groups to
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era ideological techniques. One called “attitudinal inoculation” proposed to build “psychological antibodies” in people deemed vulnerable to wrongthink in order to strengthen their defenses against disinformation. Even the Post Office got in on the action through a program called iCOP (the Internet Covert Operations Program) that collected Americans’ social media posts
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argue we’re in the business of critical infrastructure, and the most critical infrastructure is our cognitive infrastructure, so building that resilience to misinformation and disinformation, I think, is incredibly important.” * * * At the same time as Biden was accusing social media companies of killing people with their supposedly lax misinformation
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appeared to redouble their doubts. The same was true for efforts at deradicalizing Trump supporters. Perhaps it was not a coincidence that the crusaders against disinformation tended to come from fields like counterterrorism, journalism, academia, and epidemiology that shared records of failure in recent years. If information control failed to
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October 10, 2022, https://cimsec.org/navy-information-warfares-road-to-serfdom. “information intended for foreign,” Information Operations Roadmap, 26. “an official program that uses disinformation” Thom Shanker and Eric Schmitt, “Pentagon Weighs Use of Deception in a Broad Arena,” New York Times, December 13, 2004, https://www.nytimes.com/2004
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; and the allegation by a roster of former senior US intelligence officials that reporting on Hunter Biden’s laptops was likely tied to a Russian disinformation campaign. These claims were debunked in subsequent court proceedings (Cambridge Analytica), in reporting (trolls farms and the Steele dossier), by the release of internal
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-industrial. “one man,” Hayden wrote Hayden, Assault on Intelligence, 111. “What makes this information war” Jankowicz, How to Lose the Information War, 3. 12: DISINFORMATION DISORDER tens of millions of public posts In just one month, April 2020, Facebook alone reported placing warning labels on 50 million posts. While the
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along with co-chair Katie Couric and commissioners including Prince Harry and Meghan Markle. “notifying social media platforms” “DHS Needs a Unified Strategy to Counter Disinformation Campaigns,” Office of Inspector General, Department of Homeland Security, August 10, 2022, https://www.oig.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/assets/2022-08/OIG-
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22-58-Aug22.pdf. “metastasized into the nerve center” The Weaponization of CISA: How a “Cybersecurity” Agency Colluded with Big Tech and “Disinformation” Partners to Censor Americans, Committee on the Judiciary and the Select Subcommittee on the Weaponization of the Federal Government, US House of Representatives, 118th Congress
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https://www.niskanencenter.org/the-online-misinformation-epidemic-with-renee-diresta/. video that was discovered Mike Benz, “Renée DiResta ‘Worked for the CIA’ Before Stanford Disinformation Role, According to Video Remarks from Her Supervisor Alex Stamos,” Foundation for Freedom Online, March 9, 2023, https://foundationforfreedomonline.com/renee-diresta-worked-for-the
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-cia-before-stanford-disinformation-role-according-to-video-remarks-from-her-supervisor-alex-stamos/. “made unsubstantiated claims” The Censorship Industrial Complex: U.S. Government Support for Domestic Censorship and
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White House, January 20, 2025, https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/restoring-freedom-of-speech-and-ending-federal-censorship/. dismantled the enormous counter-disinformation machine Marco Rubio, “Protecting and Championing Free Speech at the State Department,” US Department of State press release, April 16, 2025, https://www.state.gov
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Dialectic of Sex, The (Firestone) Didion, Joan digital counterinsurgency digital diplomacy digital journalism digital swarms digital technology, history of DiResta, Renée disinformation, use of the term. See also counter-disinformation industry Disinformation Governance Board DNA Doctorow, Cory Dorgan, Byron Dorsey, Jack Doughty, Terry Dowd, Maureen drone warfare dual use Du Bois, W. E
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nihilism 1984 (Orwell) Nixon, Richard nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) Northrup Grumman Ntrepid nuclear arms race nuclear rationality Nunes, Devin Obama, Barack Countering Foreign Propaganda and Disinformation Act “Disinformation Is a Threat to Our Democracy” Google and immigration policy open government initiative propaganda and Russiagate and Wilson administration compared with Ocasio-Cortez, Alexandria Office
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Warfare 7: Total Information Awareness 8: The Silicon President 9: Whole of Society 10: Hybrid War, Hybrid Power PART III: REVOLT 11: Hacking Democracy 12: Disinformation Disorder 13: The Naked Emperor 14: Limits of Control NOTES ACKNOWLEDGMENTS INDEX ABOUT THE AUTHOR COPYRIGHT THE INFORMATION STATE: POLITICS IN THE AGE OF TOTAL
by Roger McNamee · 1 Jan 2019 · 382pp · 105,819 words
2018051479 (ebook) | ISBN 9780525561361 (ebook) | ISBN 9780525561354 (hardcover) | ISBN 9781984877895 (export) Subjects: LCSH: Facebook (Electronic resource)—Social aspects. | Online social networks—Political aspects—United States. | Disinformation—United States. | Propaganda—Technological innovations. | Zuckerberg, Mark, 1984– —Influence. | United States—Politics and government. Classification: LCC HM743.F33 (ebook) | LCC HM743.F33 M347 2019 (print
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. When content is coming from like-minded family, friends, or Groups, we tend to relax our vigilance, which is one of the reasons why disinformation spreads so effectively on Facebook. Giving users what they want sounds like a great idea, but it has at least one unfortunate by-product: filter
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not create preference bubbles, but it is the ideal incubator for them. The algorithms ensure that users who like one piece of disinformation will be fed more disinformation. Fed enough disinformation, users will eventually wind up first in a filter bubble and then in a preference bubble. If you are a bad actor
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them. Research suggests that people who accept one conspiracy theory have a high likelihood of accepting a second one. The same is true of inflammatory disinformation. None of this was known to me when I joined forces with Tristan. In combination with the events I had observed in 2016, Tristan’
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many billion people have the critics connected?—much less to reconsider the way they do business. As a result, when confronted with evidence that disinformation and fake news spread over Facebook influenced the Brexit referendum in the United Kingdom and a presidential election in the United States, Facebook took steps
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is that family, friends, and Groups are the foundational elements of filter and preference bubbles. Whether by design or by accident, they share the very disinformation and fake news that Facebook would like to suppress. * * * — AS TRISTAN DESCRIBES IT, and Fogg teaches it, there are ten tools that platforms use
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each reflecting the unique architecture and culture of the platform. The interplay of platforms also favors bad actors. They can incubate pranks, conspiracy theories, and disinformation in fringe sites like 4chan, 8chan, and Reddit, which are home to some of the most extreme voices on the internet, jump to Twitter to
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were committed to polarizing Americans over social media. What else had the Russians done? What if Russia had run an entire campaign of discord and disinformation over social media? What would the goals have been of a Russian social media campaign? We hypothesized that the campaign must have started no
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seemed likely to us that the Russian interference would have been most effective during the Republican primary. The Russians had been inflaming Groups and spreading disinformation about polarizing topics for more than a year when the candidates began running for president. All but one of the seventeen candidates ran on
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There are millions of Groups on Facebook, for just about every organization, personality, politician, brand, sport, philosophy, and idea. The ones built around extreme ideas—disinformation, fake news, conspiracy theories, hate speech—become filter bubbles, reinforcing the shared value, intensifying emotional attachments to it. Thanks to Groups and filter bubbles, inflammatory
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on how conspiracy theories spread over the internet. In her day job, as director of research at New Knowledge, Renée helps companies protect themselves from disinformation, character assassination, and smear attacks, the kind of tactics the Russians used in 2016. New Knowledge also created Hamilton 68, the public dashboard that
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tracks Russian disinformation on Twitter. Sponsored by the German Marshall Fund and introduced on August 2, 2017, Hamilton 68 enables anyone to track what pro-Kremlin Twitter accounts
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the Capitol. The conversation turned to our hypotheses and what they implied for future elections. Renée characterized techniques the Russians may have used to spread disinformation on social media. The Russians’ job was made easier by the thriving communities of libertarians and contrarians on the internet. They almost certainly focused on
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stories in play at any time, a handful of which attract enough support to go viral. For the Russians, any time a piece of disinformation gained traction, they would seed one or more websites with a document that appeared to be a legitimate news story about the topic. Then they
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share it. Recipients assume the story has been vetted by members of a shared political framework, so they share it, too. In this way, disinformation and conspiracy theories can gain traction quickly. The Russians used this technique to interfere in the 2016 election. They also organized events. A particularly well
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vote for Clinton in 2016 may reflect to some degree the effectiveness of the Russian interference. How many of those stayed away because of Russian disinformation about Clinton’s email server, the Clinton Foundation, Pizzagate, and other issues? CNN reported that the Russians ran a number of Facebook Groups targeting
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Media companies must work with them on their terms. Yet the internet monopolies do not acknowledge responsibility for the content on their site, which allows disinformation to flourish. Active users lose the ability to separate fact from fiction, making them vulnerable to manipulation. Soros emphasized the potential threat to democracy of
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Facebook’s decision in May 2016 to replace human curators with algorithms proved to be a disaster. Far-right voices gamed the algorithm effectively, and disinformation dominated Trending Stories, just in time to amplify the Clinton email server story. Whether or not the changes to News Feed were another attempt to
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Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter by name and underscored the ease with which the Russians had exploited the architecture and algorithms of social platforms to spread disinformation and suppress votes. The story landed like a bombshell. As a bonus, the world got a peek into Facebook’s culture, thanks to a
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user data in that country. Even when news reports dealt with another tech platform—as was the case when journalists revealed that Russian bots promoted disinformation on Twitter in the wake of the school shooting in Parkland, Florida—Facebook’s reputation took a hit. Finally, a virtual-reality shooting game
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from social media. Science magazine published a study conducted by professors at MIT of every controversial story in English on Twitter. It revealed that disinformation and fake news are shared 70 percent more often than factual stories and spread roughly six times faster. The study noted that bots share facts
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and disinformation roughly equally, suggesting that it is humans who prefer to share falsehoods. No one claimed that the problem might be confined to Twitter. The
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side of social networks may be systemic, driven by design choices that favor some of the worst aspects of human behavior. As if on cue, disinformation spread by Infowars about bombing suspects in Austin, Texas, reached the top of the charts on YouTube. YouTube responded to this failure in moderation
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by trying to pass the buck to Wikipedia, which it claimed would debunk disinformation. When I checked with Katherine Maher, the executive director of Wikipedia, that day, I learned that YouTube had made the announcement without first speaking
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, they had little, if any, exposure to journalism and no preparation for social media. Their citizens did not have filters for the kind of disinformation shared on internet platforms. An idea that sounded worthy to people in the US, Free Basics has been more dangerous than I suspect its creators
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well as a new initiative to anticipate interference rather than waiting for users to report it. While the announcement included a new program to target disinformation, the change to News Feed in January that reduced the weight of journalistic sources almost certainly made at least one aspect of preventing interference—
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child pornography, Facebook has avoided judging the content on its site. This policy had the effect of enabling high-engagement content like conspiracy theories and disinformation to flourish, with significant benefits to profitability. A hypothesis emerged that Apple’s announcement—which had preceded the other two by a matter of hours
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Dorsey, at a Congressional hearing. One might reasonably conclude that the internet platforms do not want to damage their business models by banning conspiracy theories, disinformation, and hate speech, unless it becomes politically impossible not to. Later in August, The New York Times reported that Facebook deleted more than 652 fake
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advantage of that trust to surveil our every action online, to monetize personal data. In the process they have fostered hate speech, conspiracy theories, and disinformation, and enabled interference in elections. They have artificially inflated their profits by shirking civic responsibility. The platforms have damaged public health, undermined democracy, violated user
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speech, in part because of constraints imposed by other corporate priorities. We have asked the platforms politely to fix their problems with hate speech and disinformation. Now is the time for stronger measures. I will go into this in depth in chapter 13. Eighth, the culture, business model, and practices
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who to trust, or acting in their own interest. Bad actors have had a field day exploiting Google and Facebook, leveraging user trust to spread disinformation and hate speech, to suppress voting, and to polarize citizens in many countries. They will continue to do so until we, in our role
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users and their friends but then magnified by algorithms to promote engagement. In the same vein, Facebook’s algorithms promote extreme messages over neutral ones, disinformation over information, conspiracy theories over facts. Every user has a unique News Feed and potentially a unique set of “facts.” Like-minded people can
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mistakes. And then there is the impact of Truman Shows and filter bubbles, the primary consequence of which seems to be polarization. As amplifiers of disinformation and hate speech, Facebook, Google, and Twitter have effectively abridged the rights of the peaceful to benefit the angry. The persecution of the Rohingya
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security consultant for the FBI, framed it this way in an email to me: “Many will project the past onto the future, expecting Russian disinformation to again seek to influence US elections. The Kremlin, rather than being the dominant social media manipulator globally, will be one of many seeking to
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data to crush competitors. Google’s most glaring problems are in YouTube, which offers a triple-header of harm: the Kids channel, the promotion of disinformation, and the recruiting/training of extremists. For whatever reason, Google has not been able to fix any of these problems. Were it not for
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to discourage new filter bubbles, what could it do about the ones that already exist? What can Facebook do about the fact that humans prefer disinformation to information? What can it do about the sorry state of civics education? It cannot solve all these problems, but it can reduce their
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. Technology will continue to evolve, as will the tactics used by bad actors to exploit it. In particular, I worry about the spread of disinformation videos, including deep fakes. I worry about voter suppression of millennials over Instagram. The concern is magnified by the widespread misperception among users that Instagram
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our democratic processes instead of undermining them. Revealing the sponsors for political ads was an important first step, and Facebook took it. Facebook then removed disinformation pages that appear to have been sponsored by Russia and Iran. It hired security experts. But so far Facebook has resisted fundamental change. The
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company must do heavy lifting at the algorithm level to ensure that disinformation and fake news do not dominate the information sphere as they did in 2016. It owes the world its best effort to prioritize facts over
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dividends in the future. I would spin off YouTube to shareholders, as that would create a more powerful incentive to reduce the threat from disinformation and extremism. Google does not seem to understand that the primary reason its users and policy makers are not up in arms is because Facebook
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safe. Smartphones and internet platforms are designed to grab your attention and hold it. Facebook, YouTube, and other platforms are filled with conspiracy theories, disinformation, and fake news disguised as fact. Facebook and YouTube profit from outrage, and their algorithms are good at promoting it. Even if the outrage triggers
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will test buyers’ trust in Facebook. In the two months before the midterms, Facebook ramped up its efforts to limit the impact of foreign interference, disinformation, and other forms of subterfuge. The company opened a “war room” to demonstrate its commitment and introduced tools to protect political campaigns and their
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countries, 179–80, 233 Diamond, Larry, 243 Diana, Elisabeth, 231–32 Digital Equipment, 46, 152 DiResta, Renée, 92–93, 121–23, 127, 128, 146, 242 disinformation and fake news, 94–96, 117, 123, 173, 229, 233, 234, 237, 253, 257–58, 260, 274 on Facebook, 89, 94–96, 119, 159,
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service, 207, 218 deactivating account, 99 decision making and organization of, 144–45, 154, 155, 160 democracy threatened by, 242–45, 258, 278, 280, 281 disinformation on, 89, 94–96, 119, 159, 165, 166, 208–9, 228, 243, 245, 258, 270, 281 early days of, 16–17 earnings in 2018,
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Zuckerberg’s plan for addressing problems with, 158–59 Facemash, 53, 60 fact-checking, 103, 178, 179 Fair Housing Act, 11, 245 fake news, see disinformation and fake news FarmVille, 184, 195, 196 Fast Company, 53 FBI, 209, 252 fear of missing out (FOMO), 98, 99, 253, 269 Federal Communications
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95, 102, 106, 110, 125, 183–84, 195, 233–35, 238–39, 243–45, 253, 256, 270, 278, 282, 283 Congress and, 122, 127–33 disinformation on, 177 fake accounts on, 265 Goldman’s tweets, 169–73 Jones and Infowars and, 228–29 Russia and, 121–24, 131, 169, 174 words
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128, 156, 214, 223, 232, 235, 238–39, 242, 244, 260, 274, 279, 281 advertising and, 103, 283–84 algorithms of, 92–93, 139, 274 disinformation on, 177–78 Google and, 104, 139, 253, 261 Jones and Infowars and, 228–29 Zittrain, Jonathan, 226 Zuckerberg, Mark, 3, 16, 53–79, 141
by Eliot Higgins · 2 Mar 2021 · 277pp · 70,506 words
.4 At Bellingcat, we watched, awaiting a point of entry. Scattered around the globe, we are an online collective, investigating war crimes and picking apart disinformation, basing our findings on clues that are openly available on the internet – in social-media postings, in leaked databases, in free satellite maps. Paradoxically, in
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this age of online disinformation, facts are easier to come by than ever. A core team of eighteen staffers works with scores of volunteers, producing reports seen by hundreds of
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the downing of Flight MH17. We located ISIS supporters in Europe. We identified neo-Nazis rampaging through Charlottesville, Virginia. We helped quash the floods of disinformation spreading alongside Covid-19. And we exposed a Kremlin ‘kill team’. This discipline is so new that it lacks a single name. Most common is
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with deep suspicion, each political tribe inside its own information bubble. There is the temptation to consider oneself – readers of books like this, opponents of disinformation – as a different grade of human from those who fall for deception and conspiracy theories. Yet much of what each of us believes is just
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coming contest: the Information Wars. Repressive states, which had long faced bad press abroad, could now bypass independent journalists, injecting propaganda directly into foreign countries. Disinformation became a key lever of foreign policy. RT, established in 2005, has been among the most energetic purveyors. In its early incarnation, the Kremlin-funded
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a bizarre defence, as if casting suspicion on a person who never touched the murder weapon but had touched a weapon that was different. But disinformation need not be rational. It is enough for the propagandist to accuse, then watch doubt seep into the discussion. In another peculiar incident, I received
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, contradictory narratives about an event are useful, providing something concrete to either verify or debunk. As for the Kremlin, it had a long history with disinformation. Even the Russian word ‘dezinformatsiya’ was meant to deceive, coined by Stalin to sound like a French term, implying that capitalist countries had created this
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easier. The West – still basking in post-Cold War primacy, preoccupied by terrorism and diverted by thrilling new technology – was unprepared. The Kremlin employs what disinformation expert Ben Nimmo has dubbed the 4D Approach: Dismiss, Distort, Distract, Dismay. First, Russian officials aggressively dismiss uncomfortable facts, perhaps insulting the sources themselves, deeming
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in the mid-1990s, when espionage officials faced a question: try to dominate cyberspace, or to dominate the information sphere generally, including diplomacy, public affairs, disinformation, and more? ‘We had a sharp debate, and we finally decided that we’re probably in the cyber-dominance business,’ he recalled. ‘Now the important
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went down, the Internet Research Agency – a notorious ‘troll factory’ based in St Petersburg, where desk workers are paid to spew out vast amounts of disinformation online – went to work. During those first three days, its Twitter accounts posted 111,486 times, a pace that it has never matched before or
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that the culprits had been Ukrainian and had shot down a passenger plane to stir hatred against Russian-backed separatists. Additionally, the paid trolls posted disinformation on LiveJournal blogs, then shared this via Twitter, a classic recycling technique where one lie claims corroboration from another source that was itself planted. Catherine
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a Ukrainian-controlled town. Next, identical fake posts turned up on Western social media, then Russian state TV and separatist websites. Last stop in the disinformation chain was the Russian Defence Ministry briefing of 21 July 2014. ‘This was a deliberate attempt to simulate “crowd-sourcing” of geolocation efforts,’26 she
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own. When Timmi watched news reports of MH17, he thought of all the children on board. He also became incensed at the Russian response – Moscow disinformation methods had not changed, he saw. So he worked up that morphing video, using advanced photo-editing software to flatten the Paris Match video, calculating
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believed to show the suspect missile launcher. Time and again, it matched. As we built up our evidence, the denialists were busy, too, with abundant disinformation from Kremlin sources. A state-funded TV channel, Russia-1, which enjoys a vast national audience, broadcast a special report on MH17. The presenter was
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by people who, identified via Facebook, worked for the Russian Foreign Ministry. What we were witnessing – both at Bellingcat and in society – went beyond Russian disinformation, though. The effort to distort facts in the digital age implicated swarms of passionate amateurs, opportunistic grifters and violent extremists, too. The resulting ‘post-truth
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organs. Accusations against the Syria Civil Defence, better known as the White Helmets, sounded absurd. But scrutiny showed that something sinister was afoot: a leaderless disinformation campaign, with claims leaping from conspiracy theorists to state propagandists to alternative-media outlets and back – an ecosystem I call the Counterfactual Community. The White
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absurd it was to imagine this mess of competing groups all conspiring together.22 Professor Kate Starbird of the University of Washington, who studies how disinformation spreads on social media, conducted an insightful study on content about the White Helmets. In a previous study of conspiracy theories regarding mass shootings, she
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, lying becomes a fool’s mission. In the early days of Bellingcat I met with executives from Google and Facebook about fact-finding and the disinformation spreading on their platforms. Google wanted to help our work and created a tool to add metadata to clips on YouTube, which it owns. But
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arms used in Saudi airstrikes in Yemen? What a moderator must evaluate could be part of a disinformation campaign or part of a genuine public debate. It could be a genuine debate based on disinformation. The depth of this problem feeds into internet miserabilism, the dread that our tech future is an
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to the identification of at least ten children and the prosecution of two offenders.84 In more countries than ever, citizens are mobilising to fight disinformation and push back against the Counterfactual Community. The Baltic states – Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania – have been especially active. These three nations, sandwiched between Russia and the
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Russians to justify military action, notably against Ukraine, so the Baltic states are tense about their powerful neighbour. They are also subjected to much Russian disinformation, via Kremlin-funded news operations and on social media. In response to Russian trolls, they came up with ‘the elves’, volunteers who combat falsehoods online
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. After the Russian occupation of Crimea in 2014, the Finnish government stepped up its defences against false news reports and online manipulation, establishing courses on disinformation for members of the public. In the first few years, thousands attended.87 Sweden, too, launched campaigns to tackle
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has worked on a new government agency for the psychological defence of the country.88 We all need to stay alert to disinformation techniques. If you imagine that digital natives, those who grew up with the internet, are equipped to handle this environment, you are wrong. A Stanford
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at spotting fake news.90 In Denmark, ‘Trolls in Your Feed’ is a publication for high-school kids, part of a push there against Russian disinformation.91 Classes, including cautionary study of false news reports, are working their way into school curricula in parts of the United States.92 In parallel
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to elections, leading projects from Brazil to the United States to Nigeria94 and beyond. Still, fact-checking projects are minuscule compared with the reach of disinformation. An intriguing essay, published by the British fact-checking organisation Full Fact, contended that a first generation of online fact-checkers followed a ‘publish and
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pandemic in March 2020, Bellingcat produced a range of material to involve citizens in online sleuthing on the subject, including a guide to debunking coronavirus disinformation; an article on scammers exploiting the disease on Facebook and YouTube; and a video segment on applying open-source tools to studying a world gone
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have marked the story of Bellingcat: a chemical-weapons crime; an authoritarian government apparently lying to the world and expecting impunity; a campaign of online disinformation; the Counterfactual Community piling on; Western authorities struggling to solve the case; and citizen investigators stepping in, united by a conviction that facts still matter
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their clues in public. We were ready to pick up the case. PUSHING THE BOUNDARIES OF OPEN SOURCE After the Skripal assassination attempt, the Kremlin disinformation apparatus kicked into action, with RT and Sputnik pumping out 735 articles in just four weeks, including a staggering 138 contradictory narratives with a range
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to jump on the tried-and-true bandwagon: blame RT for journalistic audacity to demand facts and ask questions.’11 The Counterfactual Community amplified Kremlin disinformation, both parroting Russian talking points and supplying additional baseless claims. We just got down to work, especially after the British police released those images of
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birthdate. Four matches came back. To see the dossiers themselves meant paying yet again, which Aric called ‘the nuclear option’. We hesitated. But the Kremlin disinformation machine provoked us – namely, that RT interview of the two supposed sports-nutrition salesmen, claiming rather stiltedly that they had visited Salisbury Cathedral to admire
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discredit a conclusive open-source investigation than to claim that nothing is to be believed? I am certain this tactic will soon become routine in disinformation campaigns. I already see tweets dismissing videos from Syria, saying, But how do you know this isn’t a deepfake? The uninformed give this technology
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organisation WITNESS, contends that we still have the chance to do better against this threat than we did in society’s recent online collision with disinformation. First, we must grasp what kinds of trickery are possible.33 You can already remove a person or an object from a video. You can
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or audio samples that an algorithm needs to convincingly mimic something) keeps dropping. Fourth, we must beware that synthetic media will spread through the same disinformation routes that we are battling already, from microtargeting on social media, to mass-spamming, to dissemination through deceitful alternative-media outlets. Part of the response
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the world to see. The blank zones are shrinking. WHERE WE GO FROM HERE The past, present and future of open-source investigation is collaboration. Disinformation operatives have greater tools than ever, and the aggressively misinformed find huge audiences online. Against this, we must act in numbers, and cooperatively, not with
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been soldiers, and put seven from the video on trial. The BBC investigation won a Peabody Award. Elsewhere in the news world, verification teams and disinformation squads are increasingly common. The Wall Street Journal established a ‘deepfake’ committee of staffers from across the newsroom to help reporters judge whether content is
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-source investigation. We will break major stories. We will present evidence and insist on the primacy of fact. We will act as a firewall against disinformation. And we will encourage as many people to join us as possible. I started off doing a blog in my spare time. Now we are
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/372812134230806528 21 www.bellingcat.com/news/mena/2018/04/13/doumafakenews/ 22 www.bellingcat.com/news/mena/2018/12/18/chemical-weapons-and-absurdity-the-disinformation-campaign-against-the-white-helmets/ 23 faculty.washington.edu/kstarbi/Alt_Narratives_ICWSM17-CameraReady.pdf 24 www.nybooks.com/daily/2018/10/16/why-assad
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-pro-russian-trolls 87 www.bbc.co.uk/news/av/world-europe-48401922/how-finland-fights-the-fake-news-trolls 88 disinfoportal.org/governments-countering-disinformation-the-case-of-sweden/ 89 stacks.stanford.edu/file/druid:fv751yt5934/SHEG%20Evaluating%20Information%20Online.pdfamp.usatoday.com/amp/2769781002?__twitter_impression=true 90 www
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, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here and chemical attacks here, here, here, here, here, here and disinformation here, here Assange, Julian here Associated Press here, here, here, here Atlantic Council Digital Forensic Research Lab here, here Australian Financial Review here Averyanov, Andrey
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here Deepfake Detection Challenge here ‘deepfakes’ here, here Democratic National Convention here Denmark here Detroit street gangs here ‘digilantism’ here DigitalGlobe here, here Discord here disinformation here, here, here, here resistance to here and Skripal poisoning here and social media here and Syrian conflict here, here, here see also Counterfactual Community
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arms-smuggling here, here, here, here barrel bombs here, here ‘Caesar’ pictures here chemical attacks here, here, here, here, here, here, here cluster munitions here disinformation here, here, here documentation here, here, here, here, here, here, here pipe bombs here Syria Civil Defence (White Helmets) here, here, here Syrian Air Force
by Anu Bradford · 25 Sep 2023 · 898pp · 236,779 words
, it has also been a channel for exposing vast segments of society to different forms of harmful content. Internet sites often serve as platforms for disinformation, bullying, hatred, and repulsive content, undermining the safety and dignity of individuals while dividing societies and destabilizing democracies. Algorithms designed to tailor online content
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other critics of the market-driven regulatory model can also point out how Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, and other platforms have repeatedly failed to remove dangerous disinformation on topics ranging from the COVID-19 pandemic to democratic elections. And they can replay the images of the January 6, 2021, insurrection at
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the US Capitol, which originated in a rampant social media–fueled disinformation campaign about a stolen election.31 Consequently, when looking strictly at innovation and economic growth, the American market-driven model can be praised for its
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companies are navigating the Russian invasion of Ukraine, facing conflicting demands from Ukraine, Russia, the EU, and the US on how to handle the disinformation and propaganda on their platforms that are shaping the narrative about the war.63 US tech companies operating in China face a particularly difficult balancing
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incident where Frances Haugen, a former Facebook product manager, leaked documents to Congress that raised questions about the company’s handling of hate speech and disinformation.137 These tech companies have advanced in their defense various narratives when lobbying Congress. For example, in 2022, they argued that more robust antitrust
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of an unregulated marketplace. It is also increasingly doubtful whether the market-driven model is delivering on its promise to enhance democracy as hatred and disinformation are often replacing the civic debates that were supposed to thrive online. Instead of nurturing inclusive democracy, online engagement has often increased societal polarization.
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engagement means more advertising revenue, giving the platforms the incentive to amplify it. The digital public space is also increasingly compromised by rampant disinformation, in particular as disinformation gets disseminated more than truth online. A 2018 study examining news stories that were shared in Twitter from 2006 to 2017 reveals how
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electoral process. There is no more vivid illustration of this than the January 6 insurrection at the US Capitol following a rampant social media–fueled disinformation campaign about a stolen election. The unregulated digital economy is also rife with privacy scandals. This is exactly what happened in the infamous Cambridge
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cyber operations. For example, the US government does not control social media and news outlets, making it easier for adversaries to infiltrate those outlets with disinformation operations. Such operations can be deployed to manipulate elections or otherwise undermine democratic institutions—as happened, for example, in 2016 when Russian hackers stole emails
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of the European regulatory model. The EU has also developed regulatory instruments to preserve and strengthen democracy in the digital age, including by curtailing online disinformation and promoting a free and pluralistic media. The EU has further woven a commitment to fairness and redistribution into its regulatory model, as exemplified
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freedom of expression is under threat when the platforms are permitted to moderate content. Yet the absence of such moderation practices would allow hate speech, disinformation, terrorist propaganda, and other harmful content to run rampant online. The line-drawing between permissible and impermissible speech is therefore complicated, and the key
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a myriad of ways for technology to undermine democracy. Online communication channels have not only cultivated civic engagement; they have also facilitated the spread of disinformation, undermining public debate and the legitimacy of democratic elections.76 Apart from producing freedom and enhancing democracy, online platforms have also sowed discord and deepened
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its belief in the role of regulation to preserve democratic processes, the EU has adopted a number of regulatory instruments, including measures aimed at countering disinformation and strengthening free and pluralistic media, both of which the EU sees as crucial for sustaining democratic discourse. Through these efforts, the EU is
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elevating the preservation and strengthening of democracy as a central tenet of its rights-driven regulatory model. Fighting Disinformation and Other Harmful Content Online The European rights-driven regulatory agenda is anchored in the conviction that protecting citizens’ ability to express themselves freely online
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is steadfast in its commitment to limit the dissemination of such information online. However, crafting a rights-preserving regulatory approach toward the removal of disinformation is complicated given the EU’s equally steadfast commitment to the freedom of expression online. The EU recognizes that freedom of expression is a fundamental
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information sources and educating them to more critically evaluate the information they encounter online. As part of its regulatory efforts, the Commission developed a nonbinding Disinformation Code, which, in its updated 2022 version, has been signed by leading platforms including Google, Meta, Microsoft, TikTok, and Twitter.83 These companies voluntarily
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decisions.”98 The plan also holds that “by providing the public with reliable information, independent media play an important role in the fight against disinformation and the manipulation of democratic debate.”99 This view provides a policy rationale for the EU to leverage regulation with the goal of enhancing the
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EU has been too lenient in tolerating harmful content online. While such regulation has led tech companies to take down considerable amounts of hate speech, disinformation, and terrorist content in the name of dignity, safety, and democracy, this kind of speech remains rampant online. Major platforms such as Facebook, YouTube,
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with content that is harmful, dangerous, and often illegal. Few can dispute that these platforms have become go-to destinations for the spread of disinformation and the manipulation of public opinion on critical issues ranging from global pandemics to vaccines, and from migration to democratic elections. The role of social
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content moderation. Europeans remain concerned about the ways US tech companies are shaping the European public discourse, often for worse, by allowing hate speech and disinformation to run rampant on their platforms. As a result, the EU has adopted regulations aimed at restricting illegal and harmful content online. In response,
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social media.126 Instead of censoring conservative views, the right-wing media in the US often features conservative propaganda, cultivates conspiracy theories, and disseminates disinformation in the news media.127 This suggests that US news outlets have engaged in the kind of propaganda that the US government’s internet freedom
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agenda for years sought to tackle abroad. The online disinformation surrounding the stolen 2020 presidential election—propagated most prominently by President Trump himself—provides perhaps the starkest evidence of how the US government has leveraged
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his 2021 remarks, Secretary of State Anthony Blinken stressed how the US was working to ensure that “the technology works for democracy, fighting back against disinformation, standing up for internet freedom, reducing the misuse of surveillance technology.”129 In April 2022, President Biden announced the establishment of the Bureau of
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the Tanzanian human rights organization Fichua Tanzania and its founder.160 However, these deactivations catch only a fraction of the accounts that are deployed for disinformation or government propaganda. For example, Twitter reportedly deactivated only 11 percent of over 3,500 total accounts spreading pro-government propaganda worldwide.161 US platforms
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cultural power, sparking significant concern among political leaders as these platforms continued to abuse their market power, infringe on user privacy, and circulate hate speech, disinformation, and other harmful content. In response, a countermovement to rein in these companies emerged, and foreign governments began to engage in efforts to repeal the
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not simply produce freedom as the early American techno-optimist view had predicted—they also cultivated an online public square littered with hatred, violence, and disinformation. Societal harms associated with free speech online, as illustrated by many of the examples cited earlier in this chapter, cast doubt on the idea
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has been, or is becoming, pertinent. The discussion reveals how the EU’s antitrust rules and content regulations, including norms covering online hate speech and disinformation, can similarly be externalized through the Brussels Effect, and how artificial intelligence (AI) is likely to be the next frontier of the EU’s
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-driven model for inspiration in regulating their digital economies. Content Moderation The EU’s regulation of online content through its codes on hate speech and disinformation, discussed earlier in Chapter 3, is shaping the global policies of tech companies such as Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube. When it comes to hate
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where online content poses an “imminent and serious threat” to democratic, political, and policymaking processes, or public goods,117 whereas the EU Code bans disinformation, which “may cause public harm.”118 In explaining the departure from the EU standard, the ACCC noted that a lower threshold might be appropriate in
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the EU, “in which multiple countries have already experienced harms including social media interference, and campaigns of disinformation and malinformation from external countries seeking to affect domestic political processes.”119 The Australian Communication and Media Authority will oversee the implementation of the Code
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is also rethinking the US model’s traditionally inviolable commitment to free speech. Internet users are growing more concerned about harmful content online, including rife disinformation, terrorist propaganda, and foreign interference with elections. In recent years, the public has also become vehemently opposed to the misogyny and racism running rampant
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the European model are increasingly seen as necessary building blocks of a more equitable and human-centric digital economy. Each additional privacy scandal and online disinformation campaign further vindicates the European model while revealing the limits of the American model. Even the US itself is now growing aware of the
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the country’s own democratic institutions and wreaking havoc around the world. Many of the deeply disturbing examples described in this book—be it the disinformation-fueled US Capitol insurrection, the encouragement of illegal sex trafficking in the infamous Backpage case, or the hate speech–fueled genocide in Myanmar—have
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in internet platforms as the guardians and amplifiers of democracy. Now this illusion has been shattered. The digital public space is frequently compromised by rampant disinformation, which interferes with elections and destabilizes democracies. America had a rude awakening on January 6, 2021, when President Trump’s loyalists stormed the US
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handful of tech giants is hardly a reflection of economic freedom as conceived by early techno-libertarians. Similarly, recent scandals, including those revealing how online disinformation campaigns can undermine democratic elections, have shown that strong democracy does not necessarily flow from an unregulated digital marketplace. Consequently, a more regulated digital economy
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Behind China’s Twitter Campaign, a Murky Supporting Chorus, N.Y. Times (June 8, 2020), https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/08/technology/china-twitter-disinformation.html. 74.Zhao Lijian (@zlj517), Twitter (Mar. 12, 2020), https://twitter.com/zlj517/status/1238111898828066823?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1238111898828066823%7Ctwgr%5E
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Social Media Companies Censor Conservatives (2021), https://bhr.stern.nyu.edu/bias-report-release-page. 127.Yochai Benkler, Robert Fairs, & Hal Roberts, Network Propaganda: Manipulation, Disinformation, and Radicalization in American Politics 354 (2018). 128.Freedom House, Freedom on the Net (2021), https://freedomhouse.org/country/united-states/freedom-net/2021. 129
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/eu-referendum-analysis-2016/section-7-social-media/impact-of-social-media-on-the-outcome-of-the-eu-referendum/. 138.Digital, Culture, Media & Sport Committee, Disinformation and “Fake News”: Final Report, 2017–2019, HC 1791, § 6 (UK), https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201719/cmselect/cmcumeds/1791/1791.pdf. 139.Aurelien
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Plan, 350–51 AI Ethics Framework, 350–51 anti-censorship principles, 267–68 antitrust regulation, 343–44, 345 Clean Network, 321 Code of Practice on Disinformation and Misinformation, 341–42 content moderation, 341–42 digital trade agreements, 322 news industry regulation, 351–52, 383 nonregulation principle, 266–68 Privacy Act,
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299–300 Europe. see also specific countries by name 5G networks, 301 Apple’s revenue, 261 Chinese influence in, 301 digital single market, 129–30 disinformation campaigns, 280–81 internet freedom initiatives, 272–73 national tax regimes, 142–43 search engine market, 260–61 smart cities, 296–97 European Battery Alliance
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Haley, Nikki, 213–14 Halifax International Security Forum, 388–89 hard tech, 96–97 hardware companies, 73. see also specific companies by name harmful activity disinformation campaigns, 277–78, 280–81 fake news, 281–82 online content, 119–21, 141 protections against, 113–15 sanctions against, 134, 197–99 terrorist
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compliance with EU laws and regulations, 163, 324–25 content moderation, 341 data centers, 154 data privacy policy, 324, 330 data transfer battles, 222–23 Disinformation Code, 120 European headquarters, 142–43 global influence, 133–34, 259–60, 261–62 global revenue, 154, 261–62 government battles, 13–14, 222
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303 content controls, 180–81 cyberattacks, 134 data localization requirements, 330–31 demands on Meta, 338 digital authoritarianism, 135, 308–13 Digital Divide projects, 268 disinformation campaigns, 120–21 Federal Security Service, 312–13 hate speech law, 140–41 and international code of conduct for information security, 303 internet sovereignty, 309
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of the European Union, 110, 118 Trip Advisor, 358 Truex, Rody, 197 Trump, Donald America First policy, 213 complaints against EU antitrust policy, 245 disinformation propagation, 277–78 efforts to ban Chinese tech companies, 102–3, 166–68 efforts to discipline social media companies, 49–50 efforts to restrict entry
by Ronald J. Deibert · 14 Aug 2020
. The “gee whiz” factor has given way to a kind of dreadful ennui. Your daily news feeds fill with stories about data breaches, privacy infringements, disinformation, spying, and manipulation of political events. Social media executives have been dragged before congressional and parliamentary hearings to face the glare of the cameras and
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designed to handle sensitive communications. In spite of efforts by social media platforms to remove misleading information and point their users to credible health sources, disinformation was everywhere, sometimes consumed with terrible effects. People perished drinking poisonous cocktails shared over social media (and endorsed by Donald Trump himself) in a desperate
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institutions over others (both positively and negatively). Seen through this lens, social media do not generate practices, ideas, and institutions de novo. The spread of disinformation in the public realm is not something Facebook or Twitter alone is responsible for. The practice of deliberately spreading false information is as old as
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humanity itself.20 However, social media’s algorithms create conditions ripe for its propagation today, and as a consequence, disinformation practices are proliferating, becoming more elaborate, backed up with more resources, and thus potentially have more damaging effects than would be the case in the
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around any major news event, the circulation of information about the coronavirus on social media was flooded with conspiracy theories, misinformation (false or inaccurate information), disinformation (deliberately propagated false information), racist memes, chat censorship and surveillance, and even viruses of another kind.82 Official news, alerts, and health tips from groups
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than thirty incidents of arson and vandalism as anti-5G activists set fire to base stations and cell towers and harassed telecommunications technicians.87 Alarmingly, disinformation spread through social media contributed directly to mob violence and armed clashes with police in Ukraine.88 An email designed to appear as though it
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official government-related health information.92 Gradually, each of the platforms introduced measures to point users to credible health information, flag unverified information, and remove disinformation — but in an uncoordinated fashion and with questionable results.93 The platforms’ intrinsic bias towards speed and volume of posts made the measures inherently ineffective
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caused massive devastation to property and wildlife, and even loss of life. But the crisis also provided an opportunity for climate change denialists to propagate disinformation, and for misinformed speculation to swarm and compete for people’s precious attention.97 Conspiracy theories circulated across social media, claiming bushfires were deliberately lit
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it comes to capitalizing on the System 1 effects of social media. As a consequence, we are seeing an explosion of social media–enabled PR, disinformation, “psy-ops,” and “influence” operations — some open, commercial, and seemingly above board, but many others inhabiting a subterranean underworld of illicit acts, “dark money,” and
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were executed as part of clandestine regime change and other military and intelligence programs throughout the Third World. As happens today, commercial and nation-state disinformation campaigns periodically overlapped. In the 1940s, the United Fruit Company hired Edward Bernays, who later used his public relations expertise to help foment a coup
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in Guatemala after the election of a president who was unfavourable to the company. Bernays helped mount a multi-pronged disinformation campaign designed to discredit the democratically elected president, Jacobo Árbenz, as a communist puppet and to motivate U.S. lawmakers and thought leaders to support
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of a few whistleblowers. But countless other companies like it roll on, following variations on the same successful model. BuzzFeed News, which has studied online disinformation campaigns extensively, discovered that “since 2011, at least 27 online information operations have been partially or wholly attributed to PR or marketing firms.169 Of
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censorship technologies) tried to prevent their citizens from accessing undesirable content. Now, thanks to social media, an environment of information abundance, and the opportunities for disinformation, these regimes are following a strategy that author and journalist Peter Pomerantsev, in his book This Is Not Propaganda, calls “censorship through noise.”171 If
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you can’t beat them, join in and flood them. Of course any discussion of disinformation is not complete without mention of Russia. In Russian, “dezinformatsiya” refers to the manipulation of information in the service of propagation of falsehoods. It has
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staying within the bounds of decency or the rule of law (and not necessarily in the sense of being tidier or more effective either). Russian disinformation is undertaken by organized criminal groups acting as proxies alongside independently operating, overlapping, and sometimes competing spy agencies and security services, all of which work
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. But they enjoy it nonetheless, spending as much as ten hours per day online. Meanwhile, dozens of sketchy PR companies have sprouted up, openly advertising disinformation services barely disguised as benign-sounding “identity management” or “issue framing.” Political campaigns routinely make use of these consulting services, which in turn pay college
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any topic she desired trend on Twitter in the Philippines. Her loyalists are paid in cash, cellphones, and other gifts. The rabid social media–fuelled disinformation wars are degrading the political environment in the Philippines, but since virtually everyone in a position of power has bought into it, there is little
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for celebrities. Trolls for liberal opposition politicians and the government. Trolls trolling trolls.” The Post report, which profiled numerous companies that paid trolls to spread disinformation, also warned that what was happening in the Philippines would likely find its way abroad. “The same young, educated, English-speaking workforce that made the
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North Africa — the same dynamics are playing themselves out, with a spice of local flavour and entrepreneurial variation. In Indonesia, low-level military personnel coordinate disinformation campaigns that include dozens of websites and social media accounts whose operators are paid a fee by the military, and whose posts routinely heap praise
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tell whether they originate in Taiwan or in China, and whether they are the work of private provocateurs or of state agents.” In India, racist disinformation on WhatsApp groups and other social media platforms has incited mass outbreaks of ethnic violence and public lynchings, including the horrific “Delhi Riots” of February
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payrolls.182 They have built entire organizations, think tanks, and other front organizations to generate scientific-looking but implausible reports, which are then seeded into disinformation campaigns and targeted advertisements meant to disorient and distract audiences from the real science of climate change.183 The consequences for global public safety are
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to say the companies are sitting idle. They are feeling the pressure to react, and have taken several noteworthy steps to combat the plague of disinformation, including shutting down inauthentic accounts by the thousands, hiring more personnel to screen posts and investigate malpractice on their platforms, “down-ranking” clearly false information
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before it gets better, as malicious actors are now using altered images and videos, called “deep fakes,” as well as large WhatsApp groups, to spread disinformation virally.196 These techniques are far more difficult for the platforms to combat and will almost certainly become a staple of discrediting and blackmail campaigns
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. Under the reign of prime minister Narendra Modi and his Hindu nationalist right-wing party, the BJP, the country has rapidly descended into authoritarianism.282 Disinformation and misinformation run rampant through social media, sparking frequent outbreaks of mob violence and ethnic animosity — the most recent of which was horrific sectarian violence
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end-to-end encrypted, making it more difficult for the platform to moderate content, are especially prone to these spikes of panic- or violence-inducing disinformation. Like those in many other countries, Indian authorities have rolled out technologically enhanced surveillance and other information controls. Upon arrival at the airport, I (along
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or for worse. Detachment and retreat also ignore or at least slight the many positive uses of digital technologies, social media included. In spite of disinformation and overreaching surveillance, social media have proven highly useful for many problems. They have helped families, communities, and co-workers connect during the COVID crisis
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’s no practical reason why not. Consider WhatsApp, whose platform’s “group chat” function was widely associated with inflaming ethnic animosity, inciting violence, and spreading disinformation around the world. Since its messages are end-to-end encrypted, which limits the platform’s ability to screen actual content, WhatsApp took steps to
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, they all eventually decided to carry highly visible pointers to credible scientific content about the crisis at the top of their feeds, and actively removed disinformation when discovered (they even issued a rare joint statement in March 2020 saying they would elevate “authoritative content”).443 But as you might expect when
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scramble to get inside our heads. Knopf. Chapter Two: Toxic Addiction Machines Commonplace around any major news event: For a discussion of the meanings of disinformation, misinformation, propaganda, etc., see Jack, C. (2017). Lexicon of lies: Terms for problematic information. Data & Society Research Institute. Retrieved from https://datasociety.net/library/lexicon
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-of-lies/; Derakhshan, H., & Wardle, C. (2017). Information disorder: definitions. AA. VV., Understanding and addressing the disinformation ecosystem, 5-12. The WHO went so far as to label COVID-19 an “infodemic”: World Health Organization. (2020, February 2). Novel coronavirus (2019-nCoV
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, N. Middle East Twitter bots and the covid-19 infodemic. Retrieved from http://workshop-proceedings.icwsm.org/pdf/2020_17.pdf Russian propaganda outlets spread disinformation: Breland, A. (2020, February 3). Russian media outlets are blaming the coronavirus on the United States. Retrieved from https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2020/02
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/russian-disinformation-coronavirus/ Widely accepted throughout Chinese society: Gilbert, D. (2020, April 6). The Chinese government has convinced its citizens that the U.S. Army brought coronavirus
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YouTube radicalized Brazil. Retrieved from https://www.nytimes.com/2019/08/11/world/americas/youtube-brazil.html An opportunity for climate change denialists to propagate disinformation: Ryan, H., & Wilson, C. (2020, January 22). As Australia burned, climate change denialism got a boost on Facebook. Retrieved from https://www.buzzfeed.com/hannahryan
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. (2019). This is not propaganda: Adventures in the war against reality. Hachette UK. “Professional, organized lying”: Rid, T. (2020). Active measures: The secret history of disinformation and political warfare. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. Rid combines his detailed historical analysis with some interesting observations about how democracies are particularly susceptible to active
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measures. “Disinformation operations, in essence, erode the very foundation of open societies—not only for the victim but also for the perpetrator. When vast, secretive bureaucracies engage
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of public administration at home. A society’s approach to active measures is a litmus test for its republican institutions. For liberal democracies in particular, disinformation represents a double threat: being at the receiving end of active measures will undermine democratic institutions—and giving in to the temptation to design and
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deploy them will have the same result. It is impossible to excel at disinformation and at democracy at the same time.” (p. 11) “Third-generation” techniques: Deibert, R., & Rohozinski, R. (2010). Control and subversion in Russian cyberspace. In R
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), 243–250; Freelon, D., Bossetta, M., Wells, C., Lukito, J., Xia, Y., & Adams, K. (2020). Black trolls matter: Racial and ideological asymmetries in social media disinformation. Social Science Computer Review. https://doi.org/10.1177/0894439320914853 Take the Philippines, which is a good case study: Alba, D. (2019, March 19). Facebook
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the Philippines. Retrieved from https://www.buzzfeednews.com/article/daveyalba/facebook-removes-inauthentic-engagement-philippines-nic; Ong, J. C., & Cabanes, J. (2018). Architects of networked disinformation: Behind the scenes of troll accounts and fake news production in the Philippines. Newton Tech4Dev Network. https://doi.org/10.7275/2cq4-5396 The Philippines
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-may-be-coming-to-a-website-near-you/2019/07/25/c5d42ee2-5c53-11e9-98d4-844088d135f2_story.html In Indonesia, low-level military personnel coordinate disinformation campaigns: Allard, T., & Stubbs, J. (2020, January 7). Indonesian army wields internet ‘news’ as a weapon in Papua. Retrieved from https://www.reuters.com/article
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. (2016, August 29). A powerful Russian weapon: The spread of false stories. Retrieved from https://www.nytimes.com/2016/08/29/world/europe/russia-sweden-disinformation.html “A plurality of unreality … encourages the listener to doubt everything”: Zuckerman, E. (2019). QAnon and the emergence of the unreal. Journal of Design and
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attacks on democracy. Berkman Klein Center Research Publication 2018-7. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3273111. Social media remain polluted by misinformation and disinformation: Lewis, P. (2018). “Fiction is outperforming reality”: How YouTube’s algorithm distorts truth. Retrieved from https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2018/feb/02/how-youtubes
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, 170 Human Rights Watch, 165 Hungary, 193 ibm X-Force, 84 imsi catchers (cell site simulators), 190–191 India, 202–210 China and, 203–204 disinformation in, 127, 202–203 e-waste in, 242–246 pollution in, 206–208 Indonesia, 127, 225 information overload, 106–109, 129 InfoWars, 88–89 Innis
by Amy B. Zegart · 6 Nov 2021
through Gmail phishing schemes and Microsoft coding vulnerabilities, terrorists are livestreaming attacks, and malign actors have turned social media platforms like Twitter and Facebook into disinformation superhighways that undermine democracy from within.51 American intelligence agencies have to find better ways to access relevant threat information held by these and other
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than a million YouTube subscribers.60 Meanwhile, intelligence itself became politicized, with Director of National Intelligence John Ratcliffe selectively using secrets and publicizing suspected Russian disinformation to support President Trump’s campaign. In the pages that follow, I hope to give readers a better understanding of intelligence as well as the
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CEO Mark Zuckerberg testified before a joint hearing of the Senate’s Commerce and Judiciary Committees in April 2018 to discuss privacy issues and Russian disinformation, it was a jaw-dropping moment revealing just how little senators knew about the products and companies that are transforming global politics, commerce, and civil
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is far more elusive in cyberspace than anywhere else. The 2016 presidential election revealed something else: cyber warfare could hack minds, not just machines, spreading disinformation to degrade societies from within. “The immediate threat is more corrosive than explosive,” noted former Undersecretary of Defense for Policy Michèle Flournoy and Defense Department
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obscure Indian newspaper that the AIDS virus had been created by the U.S. military. It took years to gain international attention.108 Now, Russian disinformation is designed to flood the zone, reaching millions within hours across every format (text, video, audio, photos) and information channel imaginable—social media, Internet websites
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more than fifty thousand automated accounts or bots to Tweet election-related content during the 2016 presidential campaign. Twitter and Facebook are the best-known disinformation superhighways, but there are many others. Russian officers have infiltrated everything from 4chan to Pinterest.110 Overt state-funded media outlets are used to amplify
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not alone anymore. China’s operations grew more sophisticated during the COVID-19 pandemic, which began in Wuhan in late 2019. Within months, China’s disinformation campaigns to shift blame for the virus had grown so widespread, the European Union called it an “infodemic.”115 At the same time, the U
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.S. National Counterintelligence and Security Center warned that foreign countries—led by Russia, but now also including China and Iran—were using online disinformation to “sway U.S. voters’ preferences and perspectives, to shift U.S. policies, to increase discord, and to undermine confidence in our democratic process” before
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Sowed Virus Panic in U.S., Officials Say,” New York Times, April 23, 2020, https://www.nytimes.com/2020/04/22/us/politics/coronavirus-china-disinformation.html (accessed June 16, 2020). “When did patient zero begin in US?” wrote Zhao Lijian, a Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesman, on Twitter in English
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’s Underground Great Wall.” 84. Sandalow, “Remote Sensing and Foreign Policy.” 85. Zegart and Morell, “Spies, lies, and algorithms.” 86. Mike Isaac, “Facebook Finds New Disinformation Campaigns and Braces for 2020 Torrent,” New York Times, October 21, 2019, https://www.nytimes.com/2019/10/21/technology/facebook
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-disinformation-russia-iran.html. 87. Jessica Brandt and Torrey Taussig, “The Kremlin’s Disinformation Playbook Goes to Beijing,” Brookings, https://www.brookings.edu/blog/order-from-chaos/2020/05/19/the-kremlins
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-disinformation-playbook-goes-to-beijing/ (accessed September 26, 2020); Mark Scott, Laura Kayali, and Laurens Cerulus, “Brussels Accuses China of Peddling Disinformation,” Politico, June 10, 2020, https://www.politico.com/news/2020/06/10/brussels-accuses-china
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-of-peddling-disinformation-311303 (accessed September 26, 2020). 88. Gwynne Roberts, “Was This Saddam’s Bomb?” Sunday Times, February
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18, 2018, https://www.nytimes.com/2018/02/18/world/europe/russia-troll-factory.html. 10. Terms such as influence operations, information warfare, active measures, disinformation, and deception are often used interchangeably in both academic and popular discourse. The core idea is the intentional spread of false information to deceive. Senate
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million. CNN and ABC News surpassed RT, with 6 million and 5.3 million subscribers, respectively. As a RAND report noted, Russia has created a “disinformation chain” that reaches deep within targeted societies and consists of four key, often overlapping, links: (1) leadership from the Kremlin; (2) organs and proxies such
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10, 2020, https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2020-06-10/eu-points-finger-at-china-russia-for-covid-19-disinformation. See also “EEAS Special Report Update: Short Assessment of Narratives and Disinformation Around the COVID-19 Pandemic,” EUvsDiSiNFO, May 20, 2020, https://euvsdisinfo.eu/eeas-special-report-update-short-assessment-of
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-narratives-and-disinformation-around-the-covid19-pandemic-updated-23-april-18-may/; Kathy Gilsinian, “How China is planning to win back the world,” Atlantic, May 28, 2020, https://
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www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2020/05/china-disinformation-propaganda-united-states-xi-jinping/612085/. 116. “Statement by NCSC Director William Evanina: 100 Days Until Election 2020,” press release, Office of the Director of
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by CIA; drone strikes by CIA Chambliss, Saxby, 195, 220 Child, Julia, 62 China: and AI, 2, 141; censorship in, 85, 275–76; COVID-19 disinformation campaign, 243, 266; cyberattacks, 4, 261–62; destruction of U.S. spy network in, 166–68; domestic spying by, 83; establishment of Communist government in
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, 112; and great power competition, 75, 177; intelligence cooperation with Russia, 166; Internet disinformation campaigns, 243; Internet influence campaigns, 266–67; Julia Child in, 62, 62f; monitoring of, 79, 80, 112; Nixon and, 157; and nuclear weapons, 227, 228
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, 163, 189, 190, 202 Cold War: CIA covert action during, 174, 176, 180, 186; end of, and IC’s failure to adapt, 205–6; Soviet disinformation campaigns in, 266; and U.S. intelligence, 48 computer modeling, uses of, 236 computer systems, cyberattacks’ damage to trust in, 269–70 confirmation bias, 103
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–3; usefulness of, 179–81; in Vietnam, 63; in Yemen, 31, 169–71, 175, 176–77. See also drone strikes by CIA COVID-19: Chinese disinformation campaign on, 243, 266; and Chinese espionage, 147; and increased use of technology, 3 crowdsourcing, uses of, 236 Cuba: covert action by CIA in, 63
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of central intelligence, 65 Director of National Intelligence (DNI): creation of, 70–71; functions of, 72–73; Office of, 47, 49; weakness of, 71–72 disinformation campaigns online, 8, 265–69, 365n10, 373n113. See also deepfake audio and video; Russian interference in 2016 election DNI. See Director of National Intelligence domestic
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1948, 111 election of 2016, 111. See also Russian interference in 2016 election election of 2020: disputed results of, 39; interference in, 11–12; online disinformation campaigns in, 266–67 employees of IC: on best and worst moments, 97–98; bond among, 156–60, 317n86; daily life of, 93–95; ethical
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dilemmas, 95–97 Evanina, William, 12 Facebook: al Qaeda propaganda on, 170; and Americans’ ignorance about news, 21–22, 170; and big data, 8; and disinformation, 8; doctored videos on, 243–44, 267–68; failure to prevent misuse, 275; foreign influence campaigns on, 243, 251–53; influence on U.S. policy
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Community, U.S. India: conflict with Pakistan, 227; and Korean War intelligence, 110; nuclear test (1998), U.S. failure to anticipate, 125, 228; and Russian disinformation, 266 information warfare: China and, 266–67; definition and terms for, 365n10; efforts to counter, 274; foreign influence campaigns on social media, 243, 251–53
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. policy, 75; quantum computing research, 223; and vulnerabilities, 8, 271, 272 Military Intelligence Division (MID; G2), creation of, 57 mirror imaging, 124–26 misinformation. See disinformation campaigns online Mohammad, Khalid Sheikh, 100–101 Morell, Michael, 27, 67, 91, 93, 94, 105, 194, 199 Moynihan, Daniel Patrick, 29–30, 67 Mueller, Robert
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of, 267; media’s failure to cover, 11; as one of biggest surprise attack in U.S. history, 12; ongoing investigation of, 269; spreading of disinformation, 259, 266–67; through social media, 251–54, 252f, 257, 266; Trump and, 38; U.S. failure to respond to, 12, 274 satellite imagery: history
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, 120, 130 Silicon Valley–Washington divide, 9–10, 11, 221–23, 275–76 Snowden, Edward, 9, 20–21, 165, 211, 222 social media: foreign government disinformation campaigns on, 243; information warfare on, 4, 8; manipulation of information by, 3, 10; refusal to cooperate with government security efforts, 275; and Russian interference
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, 40 Twitter: access to, 5; CIA public relations on, 197; CIA’s first Tweet on, 1–2; and civilian monitoring of nuclear programs, 226; and disinformation, 8; and hackers, 260–61; influence on U.S. policy, 75; and interference in 2016 election, 266; and killing of bin Laden, 5–6; and
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, 20 Yemen: al Qaeda in, 170; covert action in, 31, 169–71, 175, 176–77 Yoo, John, 41 YouTube: al Qaeda propaganda on, 170; Russian disinformation on, 12, 252; volume of traffic on, 266; warning about election interference on, 12 Yugoslavia, Soviet invasion of, 127–28 Zero Dark Thirty (film), 27
by Jacob Helberg · 11 Oct 2021 · 521pp · 118,183 words
the issue had to do with the epidemic of so-called fake news during the 2016 election. Although the press had reported on incidents of disinformation spreading online during the election, for much of 2017 most technologists in Silicon Valley still believed that assuming technology platforms influenced the electoral outcome in
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later calculate that Russian propaganda was disseminated to users 454.7 million times.186 Ultimately, Facebook estimated that 126 million users were exposed to Russian disinformation and fake news throughout the 2016 election.187 It’s incredibly difficult—if not impossible—to measure the precise impact Putin’s interference had on
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On Day 5, his psychiatrist came for a visit. The following morning, Shteyngart decided to start drinking after breakfast. As a satirical novelist, Shteyngart’s disinformation diary is intentionally over the top. But it captures a fundamental truth. “What a powerful weapon Putin’s television is,” Shteyngart muses. “How skillfully it
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way on veracity. It didn’t aim to address all other types of domestically circulated inaccurate information about politics. If the Russian government aimed its disinformation at Ukraine, that could get its operatives removed from curated features that Google designates as “News.” A number of Googlers jokingly dubbed it “Jacobcare.”
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government. Not everyone in Silicon Valley saw things the same way. Some questioned whether Google should be intervening at all. Others continued to doubt whether disinformation and foreign interference were much of a problem. There were substantive concerns, of course. In the wake of Twitter banning President Trump’s account, calls
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fight. Let’s start with information laundering. “Just as ill-gotten money needs to be moved from an illegitimate source into an established financial institution, disinformation is most powerful when a façade of legitimacy is created,” note Kirill Meleshevich and Bret Schafer, of the German Marshall Fund’s Alliance for Securing
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of the coronavirus. As one former Russian troll described his job, “You have to write that white is black and black is white.”86 The disinformation can be completely fabricated, or, as with the 2016 election, it may originate with hacked or compromising information. Sophisticated algorithms are sometimes used to
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into smaller amounts and deposited separately—a practice known as “smurfing.”93 Similarly, these shell accounts engage in “informational smurfing” to make the source of disinformation harder to trace. Many of the online voices amplifying false narratives are also engaged in layering, in which intermediaries are used to obscure the original
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source of disinformation and spread propaganda far and wide. An intermediary can be an organization that purports to leak secrets for the public benefit, like WikiLeaks. Or intermediaries
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can be unsuspecting users, serving as “useful idiots” parroting Kremlin propaganda. Either way, the additional layers complicate law enforcement and counterintelligence investigations, putting the disinformation further from its sketchy origins and closer to credible sources like your friends and favorite news sources. Finally, information laundering culminates in the integration of
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of the Internet to the nightly news, legitimizing insidious narratives crafted to divide Americans and discredit democracy. It’s frightening to watch. Poisoned Another evolving disinformation tactic that I spent a significant amount of time battling is firehosing. Basically, malicious foreign governments spray so much information onto the Internet—as if
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analysts get smarter and natural language processing algorithms improve, malign actors are increasingly spreading their falsehoods via screenshots. Images are less searchable than text, making disinformation harder to detect and trace back to its source.137 Trolls are also working harder to appear authentic, dropping many of the traits that made
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trolls” may be an Internet axiom—but feed them or not, the trolls are growing up anyway. Russian propagandists are also finding new channels for disinformation. In a Russian effort called “Ghostwriter,” hackers breached legitimate news sites, planted fake stories (often attempting to undermine NATO), and then blasted them out
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to “down-vote” negative stories about China in general and Huawei in particular.152 In June 2020, Twitter took down 150,000 accounts amplifying Chinese disinformation, including tweets touting Beijing’s response to COVID-19.153 Other tweets falsely warned of a nationwide American lockdown,154 while a doctored Facebook video
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, taking the headlines of the day and adding a pro-Iranian spin.157 Countries from Turkey to Venezuela to Sudan are engaging in state-sponsored disinformation or “patriotic” trolling against internal and external critics.158 In India, President Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party has established an IT cell that
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responded well, and that the U.S. economy was collapsing. The report was not released publicly, but according to Politico, it argued “that propaganda and disinformation narratives from those country’s [sic] governments have converged as coronavirus has spread.” A few months later, representatives from the Chinese and Russian foreign ministries
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the United States government has learned some important lessons from the previous presidential contest. Under Krebs, CISA launched a Rumor Control website to bat down disinformation circulating online.171 When voters in Florida and Alaska began receiving threatening emails, the FBI director and the director of National Intelligence held a primetime
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on by Trump—indulged in unwarranted conspiracy theories claiming that Trump had in fact won. Mainstream platforms like Twitter and Facebook accelerated their crackdown on disinformation, but Parler—a social media platform that pitches itself as a freewheeling and unrestricted alternative to such sites—shot to the top of the Apple
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officially projected the winner, more than three-quarters of Trump voters attributed his win to voter fraud.184 The shift from combating foreign to domestic disinformation poses real challenges, since it also implies a shift from targeting conduct (which is objective) to targeting content (which is more subjective). Back when
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Google suspended Parler from their app stores, and Amazon kicked them off their popular cloud hosting service. Deciding where to draw the line on disinformation is a difficult and unenviable task—especially for unelected engineers in Silicon Valley. We still haven’t fully defined how to view social media platforms
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caught between a desire to condemn domestic Chinese repression and their dependence on Chinese trade. Even Americans begin to feel the influence of AI-generated disinformation. Social media is flooded with contradictory and misleading accounts of what is really happening in China. Swarms of Russian government bots spread still greater confusion
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—indistinguishable from established publications—to insidiously circulate stories based on forged synthetic content, sowing doubt about critical events or issues. We’ve already seen how disinformation upended our election in 2016, in part based on actual hacked content. Now imagine what might happen if fake audio “leaked” of a presidential
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exactly like whatever they need to in order to persuade their targets. Advances in AI will make it increasingly possible to hyper-personalize and direct disinformation, exacerbating our echo chambers and further undermining social cohesion. We’ve already seen how much can be gleaned about someone from just a handful
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-ever corporate boycott of a social media company, with brands ranging from Adidas to Verizon registering their disapproval of the platform’s role in spreading disinformation.33 Some lawmakers called for breaking up Silicon Valley’s tech giants. Republicans, convinced that tech was secretly censoring and “shadow banning” conservative voices,
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committee chair may not understand every aspect of some newfangled technology, but those same chairs may be acutely conscious of the history behind Moscow’s disinformation campaigns or the risks of allowing concentrated economic power to grow unchecked. Age aside, few lawmakers are well equipped to understand the ins and outs
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confusing terms of the deal.117 “This unique technology eliminates the risk of foreign governments spying on American users or trying to influence them with disinformation,” a draft Walmart press release stated. Then, as if the writer had mashed the keyboard over the frustration and complications of technological transactions during
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effect of the initial assault. To its credit, NATO has established several “Centres of Excellence” and a Cyberspace Operations Centre to strengthen cybersecurity and combat disinformation. These efforts should be further expanded and better funded. Making meaningful progress will inevitably require a robust parallel engagement on these efforts with the leadership
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foreign interference from outside the allied bloc. An American intelligence agency (perhaps alerted by a tech company) might determine that Russian intelligence operatives are spreading disinformation to influence an American election, with all of their posts across Twitter, Facebook, and Reddit coming from the same few IP addresses in St. Petersburg
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a label that says “Russia state-affiliated media.” The Global Times is rightly tagged as “China state-affiliated media.” Platforms have moved, fitfully, toward labeling disinformation about critical subjects—like voting or the coronavirus pandemic—and directing users to accurate information. Google searches likewise bring up “Knowledge” panels offering high-level
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d learned with another 90,000 people, spreading digital literacy among their family, friends, coworkers, and neighbors.100 Other countries have tried education to combat disinformation. Perhaps the most successful example is Finland, which has long been targeted by propaganda from its Russian neighbor. Ever since 2014, Finnish students have received
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a remarkably thorough education in detecting and debunking disinformation. Math students learn how statistics can be manipulated. Art classes teach how images are used to deceive. History courses study the propaganda of the past
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and incomplete. As part of prioritizing the defense of digital democracy, we need strong statewide standards across the nation to promote digital literacy and combat disinformation. These standards could be modeled on Finland’s comprehensive and integrated curriculum. A number of universities have likewise offered classes, such as the University of
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Or is it an anonymous Twitter account started a week earlier? Check the source’s source. Sometimes even friends or verified accounts can credulously share disinformation. Take the time to see where they got their information before sharing it yourself. Compare with other sources. Cross-checking information is one of the
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possible, rely on sources that uphold rigorous standards of accuracy. Check your own biases. Human beings seek out information that confirms what they already believe. Disinformation plays on that tendency. Before you share a seemingly outrageous article or tweet, take a beat and add a dose of skepticism. Don’ts Don
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for determining the veracity of the information. Don’t trust something just because you see it repeated everywhere. Trolls and bots intentionally try to amplify disinformation as much as possible. “Trending” doesn’t necessarily mean truthful. Don’t believe your own eyes. With deepfakes and their low-budget cousins, “cheapfakes,”
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agenda—is the same decentralized framework that empowered a handful of college dropouts to build an Internet empire. The open and pluralistic society that allows disinformation to take root is also what allows us to push our government to take the authoritarian threat more seriously. Welcoming strangers to our shores brings
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also the cochair of the Brookings Institution China Strategy Initiative. From 2016 to 2020, he led Google’s internal global product policy efforts to combat disinformation and foreign interference, including policy and enforcement processes against state-backed foreign interference, misinformation, and actors undermining election integrity. Helberg studied international affairs at
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2 Adrian Chen, “The Agency,” New York Times, June 2, 2015, https://www.nytimes.com/2015/06/07/magazine/the-agency.html. 3 “Security and disinformation in the U.S. 2016 election: What we found,” Google, October 30, 2017, https://storage.googleapis.com/gweb-uniblog-publish-prod/documents/google_US2016election_findings
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2020, https://www.newsweek.com/chinese-state-media-pushes-conspiracy-theory-coronavirus-escaped-maryland-military-base-1503345. 61 Rid, Active Measures, 313. 62 Thomas Rid, “Disinformation: A Primer in Russian Active Measures and Influence Campaigns,” Senate Committee on Intelligence, March 30, 2017, https://www.intelligence.senate.gov/sites/default/files/documents
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Conspiracy Made in America May Have Been Spread by Russia,” New York Times, June 15, 2020, https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/15/technology/coronavirus-disinformation-russia-iowa-caucus.html. 143 Joseph Menn, “Russian-backed organizations amplifying QAnon conspiracy theories, researchers say,” Reuters, August 24, 2020, https://www.reuters.com/
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Alleged Chinese Trolls,” BuzzFeed News, March 14, 2019, https://www.buzzfeednews.com/article/craigsilverman/reddit-coordinated-chinese-propaganda-trolls. 153 Kate Conger, “Twitter Removes Chinese Disinformation Campaign,” New York Times, June 11, 2020, https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/11/technology/twitter-chinese-misinformation.html?action=click&module=Alert&pgtype=Homepage
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. 154 Conger, “Twitter Removes Chinese Disinformation Campaign.” 155 Jeff Horwitz, “ ‘Live’ Facebook Protest Videos Drew Millions of Views, but Some Footage Was Years Old,” Wall Street Journal, June 2, 2020,
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sponsored_trolling_report.pdf. 159 Ibid. 160 Ibid. 161 Ibid. 162 “Chinese and Russian Foreign Ministry Spokespersons Held Consultations and Agreed to Cooperate in Combating Disinformation,” Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/wjbxw/t1800619.shtml. 163 Joel Schectman, Raphael
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strengthening, 259–66 Digital Connectivity and Cybersecurity Partnership, 220 digital defense of democracy, 206–10 digital Maginot lines, 79–83, 85 DiResta, Renee, 79–80 disinformation, ix, xiii, 19, 28, 72, 79, 129, 137, 142–43, 227, 267–68 digital citizenship strengthening and, 260–63, 265 digital Maginot lines and,
by Julia Ebner · 20 Feb 2020 · 309pp · 79,414 words
works with cutting-edge technology partners and universities such as MIT to track and analyse harmful online content – ranging from extremist propaganda to pieces of disinformation. Based on this research, I advise governments, security forces, tech firms and activists on how to respond to extremist activities. There is no set recipe
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personal research has taken me to some bizarre, at times dangerous places, both online and offline. I have watched extremist movements coordinate terrorist attacks, launch disinformation operations and plot intimidation campaigns. I was in the channels where the alt-right planned the lethal Charlottesville rally, ISIS plotted cyberattacks on American infrastructure
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a result.28 Discrediting formerly respected news outlets and their reporters is just one part of the information battle. The other part consists in spreading disinformation. Disinformation doesn’t necessarily mean outright lying; it can also include information that is misleading.29 Inaccurate information, severe biases and logical fallacies often reinforce misleading
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narratives. In the tradition of the Soviet strategic-deception technique of dezinformatsiya, modern-day disinformation campaigns seek to obfuscate, distort or conceal facts.30 The founding counter-intelligence chief of the CIA, James Jesus Angleton, claimed that their goal is
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(DFR) Lab at the NATO StratCom Center of Excellence in Latvia exposes the tactics and narratives used to spread disinformation and follows influence campaigns in real time. ‘There are four tactics to spread disinformation,’ Donara explains to me ‘Dismiss the opponent, distort the facts, distract from the central issue and dismay the
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outlets Sputnik and Russia Today (RT) frequently help far-right campaigners to spread their messages by amplifying their themes and hashtags.34 Some accounts pushing disinformation campaigns operate like cyborgs – semi-automated, human-operated accounts. For example, a Twitter account that operates under the handle @thebradfordfile tweets over 300 times per
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social media successes.35 There are too many elections for the few people at the DFR Lab to monitor. ‘An estimated 100,000 websites spread disinformation,’ Donara tells me, ‘but there are only a few dozen fact-checker websites.’ In other words, we are constantly outnumbered. The Oxford Internet Institute found
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-right trolls made plans to hijack the public narrative. ‘Start looking for [Jewish] numerology and crisis actors,’ one wrote on the image board 8chan. This disinformation and obfuscation technique is called ‘source hacking’.45 In December 2018, Der Spiegel revealed that one of their award-winning journalists, Claas Relotius, had freely
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individuals and groups to create the impression of widespread public interest in a topic or content regardless of its accuracy or intent.12 By spreading disinformation and sowing discord, they were able to shift the online political discussions in favour of the far-right populist party Alternative for Germany (AfD). Seven
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up disputes, create coteries, promote traitors and expel loyalists. Install levers to influence everything in your interest, outsource relevant structures, etc. And of course, spying, disinformation, lies, smear – the entire set of approaches. These are the tactics and mechanisms to sabotage and destroy a movement.23 Some of their activities draw
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had been killed and that the victims had been trying to protect women from harassment. Far-right YouTubers livestreamed speculative rants, using these pieces of disinformation. The Identitarian rapper Chris Ares was the number-one trend on German YouTube for fourteen hours.33 The smartphone era has given rise to new
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have been systematically used to hack people’s minds. Facebook failed to protect its users from personal data breaches and targeted manipulation, Twitter ignored the disinformation campaigns launched by fake profiles and bot nets on its platform and YouTube was reluctant to combat extremist and violence-inciting content. The Cambridge Analytica
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up daily annoyances like buying groceries, paying bills or sending out party invites, it has also accelerated criminal activities: you can steal personal data, spread disinformation or blackmail other users in a matter of minutes. In coming years, newly released AI tools – so-called ‘deep fakes’ – could further enhance the professionalism
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, their visions are rife with contradictions or what their favourite author, George Orwell, called ‘DoubleThink’: They prepare for race wars to preserve peace. They collect disinformation to find truth. They use women’s rights to promote misogyny. They exploit free speech to silence opponents. They build global communities to spread anti
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. Beyond algorithmic transparency and hate-speech laws, the hosts of social media discussion forums and commentary sections should be encouraged to moderate hateful debates, debunk disinformation and remove harmful materials. Better moderation strategies will ensure that materials and messages that fall within the legal boundaries but can nevertheless harm the online
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audiences illustrates the potential to further explore the use of social media analysis and messaging in deradicalisation programmes.3 Elves Versus Trolls Sharing pieces of disinformation or propaganda is not illegal but it doesn’t need to go unchallenged. The Baltics, where media manipulation by the Kremlin propaganda machine is a
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major concern, are currently leading the way in countering disinformation. The so-called Baltic Elves are made up of thousands of voluntary activists who spend their spare time dismantling the
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disinformation campaigns of Russian trolls – from exposing biased news pieces and misleading statistics to debunking fabricated stories and half-truths. Currently, Lithuania counts around 3,000
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coalitions of fact finders and social media campaigners could be formed across Europe and the US to effectively debunk and counter online media manipulation and disinformation.4 Trolling the Trolls Who says you can’t troll the trolls? In April 2018 the German satirist Jan Böhmermann founded his own counter-troll
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, 2017. 30Peter Pomerantsev, Nothing Is True and Everything Is Possible (Public Affairs, 2014), and John Pollock, ‘Russian Disinformation Technology’, MIT Technology Review, 13 April 2017. Available at https://www.technologyreview.com/s/604084/russian-disinformation-technology/. 31David Robarge, ‘Moles, Defectors, and Deceptions: James Angleton and CIA Counterintelligence’, Journal of Intelligence History 3
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. 32Interview with Donara Barojan, deputy director of the NATO Digital Forensic Research Lab. 33Jon White, ‘Dismiss, Distort, Distract, and Dismay: Continuity and Change in Russian Disinformation’, IES Policy Brief, Issue 2016/13, May 2016. Available at https://www.ies.be/files/Policy%20Brief_Jon%20White.pdf. 34Chloe Colliver et al., ‘Smearing
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, here Der Spiegel here Deutsche Bahn here Diana, Princess of Wales here, here Die Linke here Die Rechte here ‘digital dualism’ here digital education here disinformation here, here, here Disney here Domestic Discipline here, here Donovan, Joan here Doomsday preppers here doubling here Dox Squad here, here doxxing here, here, here
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, here A Note on the Author Julia Ebner is a Research Fellow at the Institute for Strategic Dialogue, where she leads projects on online extremism, disinformation and hate speech. She has given evidence to numerous governments and parliamentary working groups, and has acted as a consultant for the UN, NATO and
by Jonathan Rauch · 21 Jun 2021 · 446pp · 109,157 words
everyone to access, share, and learn from freely available information to the benefit and progress of all. Instead, an epistemic crisis supercharged by viral disinformation and indifference to truth has bred deep cynicism about the benefits of free speech and the liberal ideals that underpin this increasingly unpopular idea. In
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into an epistemological crisis.”4 A Chill Wind The crisis had many elements, but two seemed central to its character. One was the deployment of disinformation on an unprecedented scale by Trump, his troll armies, foreign governments, conspiracy mongers, and a conservative media ecosystem which was increasingly detached from reality
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well, could be strengthened by paying more attention to the institutional and communitarian foundations of collective inquiry. The sudden rise of industrial-scale trolling and disinformation made the institutional defense seem urgent. In this book I have supplemented “liberal science” with the term “reality-based community,” by which I mean
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challenges, beginning with the most unpleasant epistemic surprise of the twenty-first century: digital media have turned out to be better attuned to outrage and disinformation than to conversation and knowledge. Truth-friendly digital architectures are possible and indeed are already emerging, as digital platforms begin to take on institutional responsibilities
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to truth. Less fortunately, however, they—and we—are in for a fight against two insurgencies: the spread of viral disinformation and alternative realities, sometimes called troll culture, and the spread of enforced conformity and ideological blacklisting, sometimes called cancel culture. One is predominantly right-wing
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continually evolves, requiring defenses to evolve, too. In the next chapters, we examine the latest challenges, beginning with the technological earthquake which enabled them. 5 Disinformation Technology: The Challenge of Digital Media Making the online world truth-friendly is difficult but doable The Declaration of Independence is history’s greatest summons
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to outlets around the world. Economies of scale favored real news. Understandably, in the heyday of the Bigs, reality-based media became complacent about disinformation. There was not much demand for fake news and no business model for supplying it. Although the cost of disseminating information had fallen for centuries
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the Constitution of Knowledge. Unfortunately, other innovators and organizations, also formidable, were bent on stymieing them. 6 Troll Epistemology: “Flood the Zone with Shit” Disinformation is an old enemy with new weapons and powerful friends On September, 11, 2014, social media erupted with reports of a toxic leak from the
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, first abroad and then in the person of the president of the United States, troll epistemology—a disaggregated, digitized, and often demented form of disinformation—rose to power. Something New: Trolls and Shitlords At around the same time as that nonexistent chemical plant explosion, a tempest called Gamergate swirled through
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landslide of anti-Hill[ary] sentiment that permeates through society.” The idea they had hit upon was one with deep roots in the science of disinformation. Firehose of Falsehood Around 2014 internet researchers began to notice patterns. The doings of troll swarms were apparently not as random and opportunistic as
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. What trolls, unaffiliated and state-sponsored alike, had discovered was that because the internet was optimized for advertising, it was also ideally suited to disinformation campaigns on a previously impossible scale. “The entire toolbox of advertising technologies can be packaged together into coordinated campaigns that utilize both human and machine
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opinion without regard for truth, often (but not always) conducted by a state actor seeking some political outcome. It can exploit misinformation (false information), disinformation (deliberate falsehoods), and what has recently been called mal-information (information which is true but used misleadingly). Although the means vary widely, the end is
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this: to organize or manipulate the social and media environment to demoralize, deplatform, isolate, or intimidate an adversary. State actors have traditionally understood propaganda and disinformation as psychological or informational warfare against an adversarial regime. Modern trolls view it the same way. By exacerbating conflict and mistrust in the target society
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web-surfer to know where consensus opinion actually lies. The point is not that the public is gullible and always falls for spoofing, trolling, and disinformation. The point is that by fouling and defrauding the information environment, troll epistemology could make it difficult to distinguish fact from fiction, to distinguish
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no serious disputing that the volume and audacity of Trump’s mendacity had broken through American politics’ epistemic guardrails, such as they were. Like Russian disinformation, Trump’s untruths were not just false but blatantly, ridiculously false, intended not to persuade but to convey that normal rules had been suspended
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seen in American civic life before. The point, by now, must be obvious: Trump and his enablers and allies were engaged in a classic disinformation campaign, the sort of campaign which Yuri Bezmenov would have recognized immediately. Instead of using a traditional government propaganda agency, they coordinated their campaign on
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but not least, from an information-warfare point of view—further divide already polarized Americans. As Thomas Rid writes in his history of information warfare, disinformation campaigns have taken many forms, but “the goals were the same: to exacerbate existing tensions and contradictions within the adversary’s body politic, by
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no left-right division, but rather a division between the right and the rest of the media ecosystem,” they wrote in Network Propaganda: Manipulation, Disinformation, and Radicalization in American Politics.60 In 2016, they found, conspiracy theories and fake news were widely available to Clinton voters and to Trump voters
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, and both groups were comparably interested in hearing them. But the mainstream media ecosystem “was able to check disinformation and error on both sides, as mainstream and newer online media continuously checked each other’s worst impulses and corrected error and overreaching.” By contrast
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. Blame Trump and his troll army and media enablers, to be sure; but remember that they could not have succeeded without their audiences’ help. Disinformation and conspiracism spread in advanced, individualistic democracies like the United States not because their targets are sheeplike but because, to the contrary, so many people
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to sort it out.’ ”67 She felt she could trust nothing but believe anything: students of information warfare will recognize this as the state which disinformation campaigns seek to induce. By heightening political polarization, attacking established institutions, and fueling social mistrust, propagandists can make a portion of the public not
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only receptive to disinformation but eager to pitch in and help manufacture it. “A great deal if not all the time,” writes the psychologist and law professor Dan Kahan
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mischievous as underestimating them. The business plan of trolling, like that of terrorism, is to cause fear out of proportion to the actual threat. Hyping disinformation risked making disruptive actors like Putin and Trump seem ten feet tall, which was exactly their goal. Most people, during the 2016 presidential campaign,
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the CDC.72 Conservative and mainstream media were drifting apart, not just ideologically but epistemically; but they were not disconnected altogether. In any case, disinformation seemed to have changed few people’s minds about politics (because minds are so difficult to change); its influence was more in the nature of
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already preferred to believe, and confusing those who were unsure of what to believe, and, above all, normalizing political lying and the use of disinformation. Overstating the fragility of the Constitution of Knowledge is likewise a mistake. The reality-based community would not have endured and expanded for four centuries
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bots to help Facebook and Twitter shut them down.”75 Journalists moved rapidly up the learning curve. They developed beats to cover, and uncover, disinformation campaigns. They became more sophisticated about adverting to conspiracy theories without always repeating them. They got smarter about inauthentic posts and deep fakes and algorithmic
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Joe Biden’s son—where information came from and why it might be dicey. Although there were, and could be, no comprehensive solutions to the disinformation threat, the adjustments being made by myriad actors offered the prospect of something like a stronger immune system—not invulnerable, but certainly less vulnerable.
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be mobilized globally to reach anyone anywhere, literally overnight. A generation later, digital technology would make thought vigilantism even easier and faster. Like trolls and disinformation campaigners, cancelers, as they came to be called, discovered in social media an ideal technology for their purposes; but where trolls sought to confuse
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forms of information warfare, it seeks to organize and manipulate a social or media environment to demoralize, deplatform, isolate, or intimidate an adversary. Like disinformation and trolling, its interest is not in discovering knowledge but in shaping the information battlefield. In practice, the line between criticizing someone and canceling her
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Still, in the end, although institutions and organizing are essential, it comes down to individuals. As different as their methods and politics may be, disinformation and coercive conformity are both forms of information warfare. Cancelers and trolls share the goal of dominating the information space by demoralizing their human targets
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right as a deep-state conspiracy, the reality-based community feels besieged and looks fragile. Too many of its members may come to believe that disinformation is invincible, that objectivity is indefensible, that viewpoint diversity harms minorities, that words are violence, that canceling is merely criticism. When trolls and conspiracists
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, Former CIA Director Says,” Dallas Morning News, May 3, 2018. 15. See Carly Nyst and Nick Monaco, “State-Sponsored Trolling: How Governments Are Deploying Disinformation as Part of Broader Digital Harassment Campaigns,” Institute for the Future, 2018. 16. Dipayan Ghosh and Ben Scott, “#DigitalDeceit: The Technologies Behind Precision Propaganda on
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the Internet,” New America Foundation, January 2018. 17. Thomas Rid, Active Measures: The Secret History of Disinformation and Political Warfare (Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2020). 18. Claire Allbright, “A Russian Facebook Page Organized a Protest in Texas. A Different Russian Page Launched
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2018; Alden Fletcher, “Is the Threat of ‘Fake Science’ Real?,” Lawfare, August 5, 2019. 22. Yochai Benkler, Robert Faris, and Hal Roberts, Network Propaganda: Manipulation, Disinformation, and Radicalization in American Politics (Oxford University Press, 2018), p. 24. 23. Hannah Arendt, “Truth and Politics,” Between Past and Future: Eight Exercises in Political
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Bubble,” Pew Research Center, March 4, 2020. 55. Robert M. Faris, Hal Roberts, Bruce Etling, Nikki Bourassa, Ethan Zuckerman, and Yochai Benkler, Partisanship, Propaganda, and Disinformation: Online Media and the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election (Berkman Klein Center for Internet & Society Research at Harvard University, 2017). 56. Andrew M. Guess, Brendan
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Theory–Ridden Counterprogramming to Impeachment Is Working,” BuzzFeed News, November 20, 2019. See also Quinta Jurecic and Jacob Schulz, “How the Schiff Report Deals with Disinformation,” Lawfare, December 8, 2019. 64. David Weigel, “House Science Committee Chairman: Americans Should Get News from Trump, Not Media,” Washington Post, January 25, 2017.
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Society,” Pew Research Center, February 12, 2020. 80. Glenn Kessler, Salvador Rizzo, and Meg Kelly, “The Central Feature of Trump’s Presidency: False Claims and Disinformation,” Washington Post, June 2, 2020. Chapter 7 1. Daniel Pipes, The Rushdie Affair: The Novel, the Ayatollah, and the West (Birch Lane, 1990), p.
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attacks, 127, 134, 212, 219 Administrative Procedure Act (1946), 102 AdSense, 146 advertisers and advertising: bias exploited in, 28; digital shift of, 137–38, 149; disinformation campaigns and, 161–62; internet and, 125; Twitter and, 149; Wikipedia and, 139 algorithmic media filters, 124–26, 132–33, 145, 148, 152–53,
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and, 198; student demographics and, 228; trolling and, 160 conspiracy theories: audience complicity in, 183–84; conservative media and, 177–79; digital media and, 135; disinformation campaigns and, 165, 166, 184; fallibilism and, 167; journalism and, 4; printing press and, 120; profitability of, 160; reality-based communities vs., 87; social
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model for, 138–44, 146–48 DiResta, Renée, 161, 168 disagreement, 131–32, 133. See also contestation and contestability disconfirmation, 29, 58, 104, 143 disinformation: audience complicity with, 183–84; business model of, 135–38; conservative media and, 174–81; demobilization through, 166–69, 183–84, 247–51; design against
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(2020), 238–39 fake news: conservative media and, 177–78; pre-digital, 136–37; proliferation of, 120, 185; Trump and, 6, 180. See also disinformation; misinformation; trolls and trolling fallibilism: conspiracy theories and, 167; falsification and, 58–60; knowledge and, 58–60, 88–89; marginalizing bad ideas under, 258–60
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, Brent, 151 Harris, Sam, 120, 148, 150 Harvard University, 68, 123, 205–06 hate speech, 201, 229, 253 Hayden, Michael, 9, 101 helplessness and disinformation. See demoralization and demobilization Heterodox Academy, 13, 223, 228, 244 Hetherington, Marc, 178 heuristics, 27 Hitler, Adolf, 28, 159, 205 hive intelligence, 72 Hobbes, Thomas
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Driftwood (online LGBT story archive), 256 inaccuracy in cancel culture, 220 Inbar, Yoel, 225 inflation, 118–19 information technology: checks and valences of, 120–24; disinformation campaigns and, 163; knowledge technology compared to, 125. See also digital media information warfare, 18, 163, 169, 173, 183–85, 218–20, 247, 258
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of Science,” 71, 77 polarization: compromise and, 84; conservative media and, 176, 181; creed war and, 38, 40–41; digital media and, 132–34; disinformation campaigns and, 163, 184; identity and, 33; Trump and, 173 political correctness, 14, 231. See also canceling and cancel culture political parties, 81 PolitiFact, 152
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by David Wallace-Wells · 19 Feb 2019 · 343pp · 101,563 words
by Tom Burgis · 7 Sep 2020 · 476pp · 139,761 words
by Florence de Changy · 24 Dec 2020
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by Emmanuel Goldstein · 28 Jul 2008 · 889pp · 433,897 words
by Ezra Klein · 28 Jan 2020 · 412pp · 96,251 words
by Anna Funder · 19 Sep 2011
by William Drozdiak · 27 Apr 2020 · 241pp · 75,417 words
by Ben Mezrich · 6 Nov 2023 · 279pp · 85,453 words
by Hawon Jung · 21 Mar 2023 · 401pp · 112,589 words
by Jonathan Calvert and George Arbuthnott · 18 Mar 2021 · 432pp · 143,491 words
by Jimmy Wales · 28 Oct 2025 · 216pp · 60,419 words
by Lawrence Lessig · 5 Nov 2019 · 404pp · 115,108 words
by Paul Mason · 30 Sep 2013 · 357pp · 99,684 words
by Noam Chomsky · 1 Jan 1974 · 56pp · 17,340 words
by Steven Pinker · 1 Jan 2002 · 901pp · 234,905 words
by Noam Chomsky · 1 Apr 1999
by Noam Chomsky · 7 Jul 2015
by Lawrence Freedman · 9 Oct 2017 · 592pp · 161,798 words
by Benjamin Peters · 2 Jun 2016 · 518pp · 107,836 words
by Paul Vigna and Michael J. Casey · 27 Feb 2018 · 348pp · 97,277 words
by Brittany Kaiser · 21 Oct 2019 · 391pp · 123,597 words
by Norman Finkelstein · 9 Jan 2018 · 578pp · 170,758 words
by William Taubman
by Mehdi Hasan · 27 Feb 2023 · 307pp · 93,073 words
by Nicole Kobie · 3 Jul 2024 · 348pp · 119,358 words
by Cory Doctorow · 6 Oct 2025 · 313pp · 94,415 words
by Christopher Summerfield · 11 Mar 2025 · 412pp · 122,298 words
by Kevin Mitnick · 14 Aug 2011
by John Kiriakou · 11 May 2017 · 299pp · 96,608 words
by Jazmine Ulloa · 3 Mar 2026 · 395pp · 116,052 words
by Robert Fisk · 2 Jan 2005 · 1,800pp · 596,972 words
by Ronald Bailey · 20 Jul 2015 · 417pp · 109,367 words
by William Blum · 31 Mar 2002
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by Robert Stone and Alan Andres · 3 Jun 2019
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by Steven K. Kapp · 19 Nov 2019
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by Safiya Umoja Noble · 8 Jan 2018 · 290pp · 73,000 words
by Justin E. H. Smith · 22 Mar 2022 · 198pp · 59,351 words
by Jane McGonigal · 22 Mar 2022 · 420pp · 135,569 words
by George Marshall · 18 Aug 2014 · 298pp · 85,386 words
by Ayana Elizabeth Johnson · 17 Sep 2024 · 588pp · 160,825 words
by Dariusz Jemielniak and Aleksandra Przegalinska · 18 Feb 2020 · 187pp · 50,083 words
by Parmy Olson · 5 Jun 2012 · 478pp · 149,810 words
by Andrew Yang · 15 Nov 2021
by Steven Pinker · 14 Oct 2021 · 533pp · 125,495 words
by Max Chafkin · 14 Sep 2021 · 524pp · 130,909 words
by Romeo Dallaire and Brent Beardsley · 9 Aug 2004 · 897pp · 210,566 words
by Andrew M. Lobaczewski · 1 Jan 2006 · 396pp · 116,332 words
by Maurice E. Stucke and Ariel Ezrachi · 14 May 2020 · 511pp · 132,682 words
by David Pogue · 10 Mar 2026 · 686pp · 216,944 words
by Dorcas Cheng-Tozun · 14 May 2023 · 217pp · 61,247 words
by Joe Studwell · 6 Dec 2025 · 393pp · 148,223 words
by Adrian Wooldridge · 7 Apr 2026 · 342pp · 129,097 words
by Matt Taibbi · 7 Oct 2019 · 357pp · 99,456 words
by Neil Postman and Jeff Riggenbach Ph. · 1 Apr 2013 · 204pp · 61,491 words
by Brian Klaas · 15 Mar 2017
by David E. Sanger · 18 Jun 2018 · 394pp · 117,982 words
by Joseph E. Stiglitz · 22 Apr 2019 · 462pp · 129,022 words
by Jeff Sharlet · 21 Mar 2023 · 308pp · 97,480 words
by Sarah Kendzior · 6 Apr 2020
by Michael Lewis · 1 Jan 1989 · 314pp · 101,452 words
by Ivan Krastev and Stephen Holmes · 31 Oct 2019 · 300pp · 87,374 words
by Nick Couldry and Ulises A. Mejias · 19 Aug 2019 · 458pp · 116,832 words
by Matthew Hindman · 24 Sep 2018
by Scott Anderson · 5 Aug 2013
by Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri · 9 Mar 2000 · 1,015pp · 170,908 words
by Donovan Hohn · 1 Jan 2010 · 473pp · 154,182 words
by Nancy Stout · 2 Feb 2013 · 519pp · 160,846 words
by Mike Mullane · 24 Jan 2006 · 506pp · 167,034 words
by Pieter Hintjens · 11 Mar 2013 · 349pp · 114,038 words
by Gabriella Coleman · 4 Nov 2014 · 457pp · 126,996 words
by Julia Angwin · 25 Feb 2014 · 422pp · 104,457 words
by Greg Egan · 13 Dec 1994 · 266pp · 78,986 words
by Michael O’sullivan · 28 May 2019 · 756pp · 120,818 words
by Yascha Mounk · 15 Feb 2018 · 497pp · 123,778 words
by Yuval Noah Harari · 29 Aug 2018 · 389pp · 119,487 words
by Sally Denton · 556pp · 141,069 words
by Michael Kimmage · 21 Apr 2020 · 378pp · 121,495 words
by Andrew Keen · 1 Mar 2018 · 308pp · 85,880 words
by Tamara Kneese · 14 Aug 2023 · 284pp · 75,744 words
by Kurt Andersen · 5 Sep 2017
by Kashmir Hill · 19 Sep 2023 · 487pp · 124,008 words
by Yascha Mounk · 26 Sep 2023
by Anthony Berglas, William Black, Samantha Thalind, Max Scratchmann and Michelle Estes · 28 Feb 2015
by Annie Jacobsen · 14 Sep 2015 · 558pp · 164,627 words
by Doug Henwood · 30 Aug 1998 · 586pp · 159,901 words
by Peter L. Shillingsburg · 15 Jan 2006 · 224pp · 12,941 words
by Stross, Charles · 13 Jan 2004 · 404pp · 113,514 words
by Tim Wu · 2 Nov 2010 · 418pp · 128,965 words
by Eric Schmidt and Jared Cohen · 22 Apr 2013 · 525pp · 116,295 words
by Kurt Andersen · 4 Sep 2017 · 522pp · 162,310 words
by Timothy Snyder · 14 Sep 2017 · 69pp · 15,637 words
by Chuck Wendig · 1 Jul 2019 · 1,028pp · 267,392 words
by Edward Snowden · 16 Sep 2019 · 324pp · 106,699 words
by James Barr · 8 Aug 2018 · 539pp · 151,425 words
by Jamie Bartlett · 4 Apr 2018 · 170pp · 49,193 words
by Benjamin R. Barber · 5 Nov 2013 · 501pp · 145,943 words
by Noa Tishby · 5 Apr 2021 · 338pp · 101,967 words
by Simone Browne · 1 Oct 2015 · 326pp · 84,180 words
by Annie Jacobsen · 25 Mar 2024 · 444pp · 105,807 words
by Christopher Miller · 17 Jul 2023 · 469pp · 149,526 words
by Raj M. Shah and Christopher Kirchhoff · 8 Jul 2024 · 272pp · 103,638 words
by Helena Merriman · 24 Aug 2021 · 333pp · 101,677 words
by Daron Acemoglu and Simon Johnson · 15 May 2023 · 619pp · 177,548 words
by Ian Black · 2 Nov 2017 · 674pp · 201,633 words
by Jordan Thomas · 27 May 2025 · 347pp · 105,327 words
by Peter F. Hamilton · 1 Jan 2007 · 773pp · 214,465 words
by Steven Pinker · 1 Jan 1997 · 913pp · 265,787 words
by Eliezer Yudkowsky · 11 Mar 2015 · 1,737pp · 491,616 words
by Satyajit Das · 15 Nov 2006 · 349pp · 134,041 words
by Jeremy Scahill · 22 Apr 2013 · 1,117pp · 305,620 words
by Leo Marks · 1 Jan 1998 · 677pp · 195,722 words
by Simon Reeve · 404pp · 119,055 words
by David Sumpter · 18 Jun 2018 · 276pp · 81,153 words
by Rush Doshi · 24 Jun 2021 · 816pp · 191,889 words
by Aja Raden · 10 May 2021 · 291pp · 85,822 words
by John P. Carlin and Garrett M. Graff · 15 Oct 2018 · 568pp · 164,014 words
by Ethan Mollick · 2 Apr 2024 · 189pp · 58,076 words
by Richard Aldrich · 10 Jun 2010 · 826pp · 231,966 words
by Peter R. Mansoor, Donald Kagan and Frederick Kagan · 31 Aug 2009 · 423pp · 126,375 words
by Jeff Flake · 31 Jul 2017 · 138pp · 43,748 words
by The Virtual Community Homesteading on the Electronic Frontier-Perseus Books (1993) · 26 Apr 2012
by Sarah Frier · 13 Apr 2020 · 484pp · 114,613 words
by Mark Galeotti · 1 May 2020 · 163pp · 47,912 words
by Lorne Lantz and Daniel Cawrey · 8 Dec 2020 · 434pp · 77,974 words
by William Davies · 28 Sep 2020 · 210pp · 65,833 words
by William McGowan · 16 Nov 2010 · 316pp · 91,969 words
by Noam Chomsky · 17 Dec 2014
by Ilan Pappe · 1 May 2017 · 196pp · 58,886 words
by Bill McKibben · 15 Apr 2019
by Nathaniel Rich · 4 Aug 2018 · 148pp · 45,249 words
by Martin Gurri · 13 Nov 2018 · 379pp · 99,340 words
by Ashlee Vance · 8 May 2023 · 558pp · 175,965 words
by Christopher Lasch · 16 Sep 1991 · 669pp · 226,737 words
by Adam Aleksic · 15 Jul 2025 · 278pp · 71,701 words
by Lloyd, John and Mitchinson, John · 7 Oct 2010 · 624pp · 104,923 words
by Edzard Ernst and Simon Singh · 17 Aug 2008 · 357pp · 110,072 words
by Tom Clancy · 2 Jan 1986
by Annie Jacobsen · 11 Feb 2014 · 612pp · 181,985 words
by Gerald Posner · 3 Feb 2015 · 1,590pp · 353,834 words
by Jane Mayer · 19 Jan 2016 · 558pp · 168,179 words
by Bruce Sterling · 31 May 1988 · 509pp · 137,315 words
by Jamie Susskind · 3 Sep 2018 · 533pp
by David Runciman · 9 May 2018 · 245pp · 72,893 words
by Glyn Moody · 26 Sep 2022 · 295pp · 66,912 words
by Mark Bergen · 5 Sep 2022 · 642pp · 141,888 words
by Adrian Hon · 14 Sep 2022 · 371pp · 107,141 words
by Simon Winchester · 1 Jan 2008 · 385pp · 105,627 words
by Thomas L. Friedman · 22 Nov 2016 · 602pp · 177,874 words
by Cathy O'Neil · 5 Sep 2016 · 252pp · 72,473 words
by Lucas Chancel · 15 Jan 2020 · 191pp · 51,242 words
by Odd Arne Westad · 4 Sep 2017 · 846pp · 250,145 words
by Tim Harford · 2 Feb 2021 · 428pp · 103,544 words
by Matthew Carmona, Tim Heath, Steve Tiesdell and Taner Oc · 15 Feb 2010 · 1,233pp · 239,800 words
by Robert D. Kaplan · 1 Jan 1988 · 233pp · 75,477 words
by Stephen Graham · 30 Oct 2009 · 717pp · 150,288 words
by James E. Lovelock · 1 Jan 2009 · 239pp · 68,598 words
by Antonio J. Mendez and Matt Baglio · 14 Jun 2012 · 273pp · 86,821 words
by Michael Harris · 6 Aug 2014 · 259pp · 73,193 words
by Will Hutton · 30 Sep 2010 · 543pp · 147,357 words
by Paul Vigna and Michael J. Casey · 27 Jan 2015 · 457pp · 128,838 words
by Daniel Crosby · 15 Feb 2018 · 249pp · 77,342 words
by John J. Mearsheimer · 1 Jan 2001 · 637pp · 199,158 words
by Sarah Kendzior · 24 Apr 2015 · 172pp · 48,747 words
by Mike Berners-Lee · 27 Feb 2019
by Jason Hickel · 12 Aug 2020 · 286pp · 87,168 words
by Timothy Snyder · 2 Apr 2018
by Noreena Hertz · 13 May 2020 · 506pp · 133,134 words
by Wolfram Eilenberger · 14 Sep 2020
by Andrew Simms · 314pp · 81,529 words
by Shibani Mahtani and Timothy McLaughlin · 7 Nov 2023 · 348pp · 110,533 words
by Sonja Thiel and Johannes C. Bernhardt · 31 Dec 2023 · 321pp · 113,564 words
by Johann Hari · 25 Jan 2022 · 390pp · 120,864 words
by Steve Coll · 27 Feb 2024 · 738pp · 196,803 words
by Moises Naim · 5 Mar 2013 · 474pp · 120,801 words
by Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri · 1 Jan 2004 · 475pp · 149,310 words
by Astra Taylor · 4 Mar 2014 · 283pp · 85,824 words
by Ashutosh Deshmukh · 13 Dec 2005
by Ernest Cline · 15 Feb 2011 · 458pp · 137,960 words
by Mark Bowden · 1 Dec 2007 · 193pp · 55,721 words
by Robert Bryce · 26 Apr 2011 · 520pp · 129,887 words
by Matt Savinar · 2 Jan 2004 · 127pp · 51,083 words
by John Brockman · 18 Jan 2011 · 379pp · 109,612 words
by Jason Stearns · 29 Mar 2011 · 487pp · 139,297 words
by Barbara Oakley Phd · 20 Oct 2008
by Jaron Lanier · 28 May 2018 · 151pp · 39,757 words
by Steven Levy · 15 Jan 2002 · 468pp · 137,055 words
by John Connelly · 11 Nov 2019
by Joanne McNeil · 25 Feb 2020 · 239pp · 80,319 words
by Eileen Ormsby · 1 Nov 2014 · 269pp · 79,285 words
by Laurie Garrett · 31 Oct 1994 · 1,293pp · 357,735 words
by Laurie Garrett · 15 Feb 2000
by Rahm Emanuel · 25 Feb 2020 · 212pp · 69,846 words
by Michael Shellenberger · 28 Jun 2020
by Lawrence Freedman · 31 Oct 2013 · 1,073pp · 314,528 words
by Christiana Figueres and Tom Rivett-Carnac · 25 Feb 2020 · 197pp · 49,296 words
by Edward W. Said · 29 May 1994 · 549pp · 170,495 words
by Paul Kennedy · 15 Jan 1989 · 1,477pp · 311,310 words
by John Markoff · 22 Mar 2022 · 573pp · 142,376 words
by Bill Gates · 2 May 2022 · 406pp · 88,977 words
by The Reluctant Carer · 22 Jun 2022 · 233pp · 69,745 words
by Ron Jeffries · 14 Aug 2015 · 444pp · 118,393 words
by Tim Schwab · 13 Nov 2023 · 618pp · 179,407 words
by Emma Williams · 7 Nov 2012 · 466pp · 150,362 words
by Dariusz Jemielniak · 13 May 2014 · 312pp · 93,504 words
by Alexander R. Galloway · 1 Apr 2004 · 287pp · 86,919 words
by Peter Frankopan · 26 Aug 2015 · 1,042pp · 273,092 words
by Andrew Lih · 5 Jul 2010 · 398pp · 86,023 words
by Victor Sebestyen · 30 Sep 2014 · 476pp · 144,288 words
by Nicolas Niarchos · 20 Jan 2026 · 654pp · 170,150 words
by Geert Mak · 27 Oct 2021 · 722pp · 223,701 words
by Ilan Pappé, Noam Chomsky and Frank Barat · 9 Nov 2010 · 279pp · 72,659 words
by Lionel Barber · 3 Oct 2024 · 424pp · 123,730 words
by Sarah Goodyear, Doug Gordon and Aaron Naparstek · 21 Oct 2025 · 330pp · 85,349 words
by Ian Urbina · 19 Aug 2019
by James Miller · 17 Sep 2018 · 370pp · 99,312 words
by Charles Emmerson · 14 Oct 2019 · 950pp · 297,713 words
by Elizabeth Bear · 5 Mar 2019 · 596pp · 163,351 words
by David G. W. Birch and Victoria Richardson · 28 Apr 2024 · 249pp · 74,201 words
by Stross, Charles · 1 Jan 2002
by David Moon, Patrick Ruffini, David Segal, Aaron Swartz, Lawrence Lessig, Cory Doctorow, Zoe Lofgren, Jamie Laurie, Ron Paul, Mike Masnick, Kim Dotcom, Tiffiniy Cheng, Alexis Ohanian, Nicole Powers and Josh Levy · 30 Apr 2013 · 452pp · 134,502 words
by Stross, Charles · 28 Oct 2004 · 462pp · 142,240 words
by Stross, Charles · 12 Jan 2006
by Stross, Charles · 30 Sep 2007 · 414pp · 123,666 words
by Thomas E. Ricks · 14 Oct 2009 · 509pp · 153,061 words
by Stross, Charles · 28 Oct 2003 · 448pp · 116,962 words
by Stross, Charles · 22 Jan 2005 · 489pp · 148,885 words
by Dana Priest and William M. Arkin · 5 Sep 2011 · 328pp · 100,381 words
by Ben Goldacre · 1 Jan 2008 · 322pp · 107,576 words
by Noam Chomsky · 1 Jan 2003 · 351pp · 96,780 words
by Jiawei Han, Micheline Kamber and Jian Pei · 21 Jun 2011
by Peter Hopkirk · 2 Jan 1991 · 580pp · 194,144 words
by Nick Cohen · 15 Jul 2015 · 414pp · 121,243 words
by H. W. Brands · 1 Jan 2000 · 961pp · 302,613 words
by Tracy Kidder · 29 Feb 2000 · 267pp · 91,984 words
by Marc Goodman · 24 Feb 2015 · 677pp · 206,548 words
by Kelly Weinersmith and Zach Weinersmith · 16 Oct 2017 · 398pp · 105,032 words
by H. W. Brands · 1 Oct 2012 · 939pp · 274,289 words
by Gretchen McCulloch · 22 Jul 2019 · 413pp · 106,479 words
by Robert Elliott Smith · 26 Jun 2019 · 370pp · 107,983 words
by Brad Stone · 10 May 2021 · 569pp · 156,139 words
by Mark Urban · 291pp · 85,908 words
by Peter Morville · 14 May 2014 · 165pp · 50,798 words
by Robert Verkaik · 14 Apr 2018 · 419pp · 119,476 words
by Malcolm Gladwell · 9 Sep 2019 · 328pp · 97,711 words
by Robert C. Martin · 13 Oct 2019 · 333pp · 64,581 words
by Steve Gibson · 2 Mar 2012 · 377pp · 121,996 words
by Oleg Gordievsky · 13 Apr 2015 · 438pp · 146,246 words
by James Griffiths; · 15 Jan 2018 · 453pp · 114,250 words
by Maya Goodfellow · 5 Nov 2019 · 273pp · 83,802 words
by Norman G. Finkelstein · 1 Jan 2010 · 184pp · 55,923 words
by Nick Bostrom · 26 Mar 2024 · 547pp · 173,909 words
by Johan Norberg · 14 Jun 2023 · 295pp · 87,204 words
by Catherine Shanahan M. D. · 2 Jan 2017 · 659pp · 190,874 words
by Angus Hanton · 25 Mar 2024 · 277pp · 81,718 words
by Guillaume Pitron · 14 Jun 2023 · 271pp · 79,355 words
by Samuel Earle · 3 May 2023 · 245pp · 88,158 words
by Madhumita Murgia · 20 Mar 2024 · 336pp · 91,806 words
by Adrian Hon · 5 Oct 2020 · 340pp · 101,675 words
by Peter F. Hamilton · 2 Mar 2004 · 1,234pp · 356,472 words
by Tom Standage · 1 Jan 1998
by E. Gabriella Coleman · 25 Nov 2012 · 398pp · 107,788 words
by Seth G. Jones · 12 Apr 2009 · 566pp · 144,072 words
by Daniel Yergin · 23 Dec 2008 · 1,445pp · 469,426 words
by Giles Slade · 14 Apr 2006 · 384pp · 89,250 words
by Franck Frommer · 6 Oct 2010 · 255pp · 68,829 words
by John Abramson · 20 Sep 2004 · 436pp · 123,488 words
by Frederick Kempe · 30 Apr 2011 · 762pp · 206,865 words
by Sandy Tolan · 1 Jan 2006 · 488pp · 150,477 words
by Stephen Fried · 23 Mar 2010 · 603pp · 186,210 words
by Owen Jones · 3 Sep 2014 · 388pp · 125,472 words
by John de Graaf, David Wann, Thomas H Naylor and David Horsey · 1 Jan 2001 · 378pp · 102,966 words
by Michela Wrong · 9 Apr 2009 · 403pp · 125,659 words
by Greg Palast · 14 Nov 2011 · 493pp · 132,290 words
by Jacqueline Novogratz · 15 Feb 2009 · 391pp · 117,984 words
by Abraham Rabinovich · 1 Jan 1987
by Norman Stone · 15 Feb 2010 · 851pp · 247,711 words
by David Abulafia · 4 May 2011 · 1,002pp · 276,865 words
by Alex Rosenblat · 22 Oct 2018 · 343pp · 91,080 words
by Bruce Schneier · 3 Sep 2018 · 448pp · 117,325 words
by Matti Friedman · 2 May 2016 · 183pp · 59,209 words
by Sarah Gilbert and Catherine Green · 7 Jul 2021 · 296pp · 96,568 words
by Jimmy Soni · 22 Feb 2022 · 505pp · 161,581 words
by Dan Richardson and Daniel Jacobs · 1 Feb 2013
by Vivek Ramaswamy · 16 Aug 2021 · 344pp · 104,522 words
by Kevin Davies · 5 Oct 2020 · 741pp · 164,057 words
by Neil Degrasse Tyson and Avis Lang · 10 Sep 2018 · 745pp · 207,187 words
by Vincent Ialenti · 22 Sep 2020 · 224pp · 69,593 words
by Elandria Williams, Eli Feghali, Rachel Plattus and Nathan Schneider · 15 Dec 2024 · 346pp · 84,111 words
by Diane Coyle · 15 Apr 2025 · 321pp · 112,477 words
by Ingrid Robeyns · 16 Jan 2024 · 327pp · 110,234 words
by Vauhini Vara · 8 Apr 2025 · 301pp · 105,209 words
by Dr Dominic Pimenta · 2 Sep 2020 · 304pp · 95,306 words
by Phoebe Robinson · 14 Oct 2021 · 265pp · 93,354 words
by Donnie Eichar · 20 Oct 2014 · 232pp · 68,570 words
by Stanley McChrystal and Anna Butrico · 4 Oct 2021 · 489pp · 106,008 words
by Scott Gottlieb · 20 Sep 2021
by Alec Ross · 13 Sep 2021 · 363pp · 109,077 words
by Victor Davis Hanson · 15 Nov 2021 · 458pp · 132,912 words
by Kenneth Payne · 16 Jun 2021 · 339pp · 92,785 words
by George Packer · 14 Jun 2021 · 173pp · 55,328 words
by Tim Marshall · 14 Oct 2021 · 383pp · 105,387 words
by Mark Mazower · 4 Nov 2021 · 887pp · 242,125 words
by Patrick Major · 5 Nov 2009 · 669pp · 150,886 words
by Michael Dobbs · 3 Sep 2008 · 631pp · 171,391 words
by Neil A. Gershenfeld · 15 Feb 1999 · 238pp · 46 words
by John Gray · 11 Apr 2011 · 232pp · 67,934 words
by Michael W. Covel · 14 Jun 2011
by Steven Hiatt; John Perkins · 1 Jan 2006 · 497pp · 123,718 words
by Abraham Rabinovich · 1 Jan 2004 · 722pp · 225,235 words
by Luke Harding · 7 Feb 2014 · 266pp · 80,018 words
by Henry Jenkins · 31 Jul 2006
by John Kay · 2 Sep 2015 · 478pp · 126,416 words
by Michael Meyer · 7 Sep 2009 · 323pp · 95,188 words
by Norman Polmar and Michael White · 1 Dec 2010 · 241pp · 64,424 words
by Neil Sheehan · 21 Sep 2009 · 589pp · 197,971 words
by Alastair Reynolds · 16 Apr 2008 · 635pp · 186,208 words
by David K. Shipler · 18 Apr 2011 · 495pp · 154,046 words
by Peter F. Hamilton · 26 Sep 2012 · 1,266pp · 344,635 words
by Steve Coll · 30 Apr 2012 · 944pp · 243,883 words
by Mick Hume · 23 Feb 2017 · 228pp · 68,880 words
by Michael Lind · 20 Feb 2020
by Howard Rheingold · 24 Dec 2011
by Nesrine Malik · 4 Sep 2019
by Thomas Leahy · 26 Mar 2020 · 1,149pp · 141,412 words
by Steve Coll · 29 Mar 2009 · 413pp · 128,093 words
by Valerie Hansen · 13 Apr 2020
by Jessica Bruder and Dale Maharidge · 29 Mar 2020 · 159pp · 42,401 words
by Charlotte Alter · 18 Feb 2020 · 504pp · 129,087 words
by Suzanne O'Sullivan · 31 Mar 2021 · 319pp · 101,673 words
by Victor Davis Hanson · 16 Oct 2017 · 908pp · 262,808 words
by John Yudkin · 1 Nov 2012 · 239pp · 77,436 words
by Vernor Vinge · 1 May 2006
by Michael Wolff · 5 Jan 2018 · 394pp · 112,770 words
by Max Boot · 9 Jan 2018 · 972pp · 259,764 words
by Nicholas A. Christakis · 27 Oct 2020 · 475pp · 127,389 words
by Elisabeth Åsbrink · 31 Jul 2016 · 215pp · 60,489 words
by Lesley M. M. Blume · 3 Aug 2020
by Kevin Roose · 9 Mar 2021 · 208pp · 57,602 words
by Patrick Radden Keefe · 12 Apr 2021 · 712pp · 212,334 words
by Yasha Levine · 6 Feb 2018 · 474pp · 130,575 words
by Alan Dershowitz · 31 Jul 2003
by Noam Chomsky, Arthur Naiman and David Barsamian · 13 Sep 2011 · 489pp · 111,305 words
by Chris Hedges · 14 May 2010 · 422pp · 89,770 words
by Evgeny Morozov · 16 Nov 2010 · 538pp · 141,822 words
by Richard Brodie · 4 Jun 2009 · 289pp · 22,394 words
by Lloyd, John and Mitchinson, John · 7 Oct 2010 · 469pp · 97,582 words
by Christian Caryl · 30 Oct 2012 · 780pp · 168,782 words
by Jon Ronson · 12 May 2011 · 274pp · 70,481 words
by Tom Clancy · 2 Jan 1989 · 914pp · 270,937 words
by Tom Clancy · 2 Jan 1994
by Tom Clancy · 2 Jan 1996
by Tom Clancy · 2 Jan 1987
by Tom Clancy and Scott Brick · 2 Jan 2002
by Tom Clancy · 2 Jan 1989
by William Gibson · 3 Jan 2012 · 153pp · 45,871 words
by William Fotheringham · 22 Sep 2011 · 428pp · 117,419 words
by Thomas Geoghegan · 20 Sep 2011 · 364pp · 104,697 words
by Nate Silver · 31 Aug 2012 · 829pp · 186,976 words
by Thomas Frank · 5 Aug 2008 · 482pp · 122,497 words
by John Robbins · 566pp · 151,193 words
by Noam Chomsky · 24 Mar 2000
by Jacob Silverman · 17 Mar 2015 · 527pp · 147,690 words
by Noam Chomsky · 24 Oct 2014
by Jonathan Littman · 1 Jan 1996
by Noam Chomsky · 16 Apr 2007
by Paul Mason · 29 Jul 2015 · 378pp · 110,518 words
by James Angelos · 1 Jun 2015 · 278pp · 93,540 words
by Noam Chomsky · 11 Sep 1987
by Seth Mnookin · 3 Jan 2012 · 566pp · 153,259 words
by Ian Hanington · 13 May 2012 · 258pp · 77,601 words
by Michael E. Gerber · 3 Mar 1995 · 251pp · 66,396 words
by Andy Weir · 1 Jan 2011 · 410pp · 103,421 words
by Philip Mirowski · 24 Jun 2013 · 662pp · 180,546 words
by Anne Applebaum · 30 Oct 2012 · 934pp · 232,651 words
by A. O. Scott · 9 Feb 2016 · 218pp · 65,422 words
by Edward Luce · 20 Apr 2017 · 223pp · 58,732 words
by Sylvere Lotringer, Christian Marazzi · 2 Aug 2005
by Richard Holmes · 24 Apr 2013 · 432pp · 128,944 words
by Jacob Bacharach · 13 Apr 2014 · 266pp · 77,045 words
by Jon Ronson · 1 Jan 2001 · 341pp · 87,268 words
by Ilan Pappe · 30 Apr 2012 · 387pp · 120,092 words
by Iain Overton · 15 Apr 2015 · 436pp · 125,809 words
by Michael Wolff · 3 Jun 2019 · 359pp · 113,847 words
by James Bridle · 18 Jun 2018 · 301pp · 85,263 words
by Danny Dorling and Sally Tomlinson · 15 Jan 2019 · 502pp · 128,126 words
by Peter Warren Singer · 1 Jan 2003 · 482pp · 161,169 words
by Eric Thompson · 18 Apr 2018 · 379pp · 118,576 words
by Raghuram Rajan · 26 Feb 2019 · 596pp · 163,682 words
by Hamish McKenzie · 30 Sep 2017 · 307pp · 90,634 words
by Tim Mackintosh-Smith · 2 Mar 2019
by Ronald J. Deibert · 13 May 2013 · 317pp · 98,745 words
by James Gleick · 1 Jan 1992 · 795pp · 215,529 words
by Daniel Kurtz-Phelan · 9 Apr 2018
by Amy Webb · 5 Mar 2019 · 340pp · 97,723 words
by John Darwin · 23 Sep 2009
by Leo Gough · 22 Aug 2010 · 117pp · 31,221 words
by Tim Lee, Jamie Lee and Kevin Coldiron · 13 Dec 2019 · 241pp · 81,805 words
by Alan Allport · 2 Sep 2020 · 1,520pp · 221,543 words
by Timothy Egan · 4 Apr 2023
by Joseph Henrich · 27 Oct 2015 · 631pp · 177,227 words
by Kerry Howley · 21 Mar 2023
by Gene Sperling · 14 Sep 2020 · 667pp · 149,811 words
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by Kai Bird and Martin J. Sherwin · 18 Dec 2007 · 1,041pp · 317,136 words
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by Vincent Bevins · 18 May 2020 · 393pp · 115,178 words
by Jeremy Farrar and Anjana Ahuja · 15 Jan 2021 · 245pp · 71,886 words
by Mark Honigsbaum · 8 Apr 2019 · 529pp · 150,263 words
by Rashid Khalidi · 28 Jan 2020 · 413pp · 120,506 words
by Renee Dudley and Daniel Golden · 24 Oct 2022 · 392pp · 114,189 words
by Scott Patterson · 5 Jun 2023 · 289pp · 95,046 words
by Robert D. Kaplan · 11 Apr 2022 · 500pp · 115,119 words
by Eva Dou · 14 Jan 2025 · 394pp · 110,159 words
by Anya Kamenetz · 23 Aug 2022 · 347pp · 103,518 words
by Alan Weisman · 21 Apr 2025 · 599pp · 149,014 words
by Douglas Rushkoff · 7 Sep 2022 · 205pp · 61,903 words
by Denise Hearn and Vass Bednar · 14 Oct 2024 · 175pp · 46,192 words
by Megan Greenwell · 18 Apr 2025 · 385pp · 103,818 words
by Alan Murray · 15 Dec 2022 · 263pp · 77,786 words
by Gareth Dennis · 12 Nov 2024 · 261pp · 76,645 words
by Edward Fishman · 25 Feb 2025 · 884pp · 221,861 words
by Walt Bogdanich and Michael Forsythe · 3 Oct 2022 · 689pp · 134,457 words
by M. E. Sarotte · 29 Nov 2021 · 791pp · 222,536 words
by David Gelles · 30 May 2022 · 318pp · 91,957 words
by Dr. Frank Luntz · 2 Jan 2007
by David Ariosto · 24 Mar 2026 · 433pp · 116,344 words