by Anu Bradford · 25 Sep 2023 · 898pp · 236,779 words
elections. And they can replay the images of the January 6, 2021, insurrection at the US Capitol, which originated in a rampant social media–fueled disinformation campaign about a stolen election.31 Consequently, when looking strictly at innovation and economic growth, the American market-driven model can be praised for its ability
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electoral process. There is no more vivid illustration of this than the January 6 insurrection at the US Capitol following a rampant social media–fueled disinformation campaign about a stolen election. The unregulated digital economy is also rife with privacy scandals. This is exactly what happened in the infamous Cambridge Analytica scandal
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EU’s efforts to fight online disinformation through digital regulation are particularly relevant in its quest to protect the integrity of political elections. Politically motivated disinformation campaigns, including interference by foreign governments, present a serious threat to democracy.93 One particularly disturbing example of such election meddling is Russia’s
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disinformation campaign orchestrated to influence the outcome of the 2016 Brexit referendum,94 which further contributed to the EU’s resolve to address the problem with more
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Roma groups in the suburbs of Paris.140 The European Parliament’s Special Committee found that the Roma people have been a target of multiple disinformation campaigns in Europe, and that online platforms led to the escalation of rumors and to the 2019 mob attack.141 Another prominent fake news story was
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or disinformation presents a thorny challenge for the US platforms. According to research by the Oxford Internet Institute, governments in over 80 countries are pursuing disinformation campaigns.158 In 2021, Meta deactivated more than 20 Facebook accounts linked to Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni’s ruling National Resistance Movement party. The Ugandan president
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the European model are increasingly seen as necessary building blocks of a more equitable and human-centric digital economy. Each additional privacy scandal and online disinformation campaign further vindicates the European model while revealing the limits of the American model. Even the US itself is now growing aware of the limits of
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handful of tech giants is hardly a reflection of economic freedom as conceived by early techno-libertarians. Similarly, recent scandals, including those revealing how online disinformation campaigns can undermine democratic elections, have shown that strong democracy does not necessarily flow from an unregulated digital marketplace. Consequently, a more regulated digital economy in
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-fake-news. 141.Judit Szakács & Éva Bognár, European Parliament Special Committee on Foreign Interference in All Democratic Processes in the European Union, the Impact of Disinformation Campaigns About Migrants and Minority Groups in the EU 14 (2021). 142.Jakub Janda & Ilyas Sharibzhanov, Six Outrageous Lies Russian Disinformation Peddled about Europe in 2016
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and COVID-19 (2022), https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/FP_20220525_china_seo_v2.pdf. 157.Id. 158.Nina Otte-Witte, Disinformation Campaigns: “Lies Can Turn Deadly or Threaten the Stability of Societies,” Akademie (Sep. 24, 2021), https://www.dw.com/en/disinformation-campaignslies-can-turn-deadly-or
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–302 digital protectionism, 72–77, 214 Digital Silk Road (DSR) initiative, 18, 20, 27–28, 294–97, 314, 316–17, 391–92 digital sovereignty, 215 disinformation campaigns, 282–83 dual circulation strategy, 206 e-commerce, 94–95, 155 Export Control Law (ECL), 200–3 exports, 290–323 Five-Year Plan (14th), 206
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, 299–300 Europe. see also specific countries by name 5G networks, 301 Apple’s revenue, 261 Chinese influence in, 301 digital single market, 129–30 disinformation campaigns, 280–81 internet freedom initiatives, 272–73 national tax regimes, 142–43 search engine market, 260–61 smart cities, 296–97 European Battery Alliance, 134
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–40, 377–78, 384–85 criticism of, 283–84, 384 criticism of China’s internet policies, 100 data privacy, 382 data transfer battles, 231–32 disinformation campaigns, 280–81 efforts to address societal harms they cause, 283–84 EU services, 19 fake accounts, 282–83 founding, 137–38 FTC fines, 139 global
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Haley, Nikki, 213–14 Halifax International Security Forum, 388–89 hard tech, 96–97 hardware companies, 73. see also specific companies by name harmful activity disinformation campaigns, 277–78, 280–81 fake news, 281–82 online content, 119–21, 141 protections against, 113–15 sanctions against, 134, 197–99 terrorist attacks, 281
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, 303 content controls, 180–81 cyberattacks, 134 data localization requirements, 330–31 demands on Meta, 338 digital authoritarianism, 135, 308–13 Digital Divide projects, 268 disinformation campaigns, 120–21 Federal Security Service, 312–13 hate speech law, 140–41 and international code of conduct for information security, 303 internet sovereignty, 309–10
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–9, 87–88 social fairness, 124 social media, 41, 64–65, 215–16 Chinese platforms, 80, 82–83, 154–55, 166–67, 293, 312–13 disinformation campaigns, 280–81 role in Brexit, 280 role in January 6, 2021 attack on the US Capitol, 141 role in terrorist attacks, 281–82 US platforms
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–79, 80 compliance with EU laws and regulations, 116–17, 163 content moderation, 3, 7–8, 65–66, 337–38, 341, 377–78, 384–85 disinformation campaigns, 280–81 Disinformation Code, 120 employee walkout, 384–85 European headquarters, 142–43 fact checks, 49–50, 82–83, 277 global influence, 133–34, 257
by Thomas Rid
leaving behind. In early July, I decided to write up a first draft of this remarkable story. I published two investigative pieces on the ongoing disinformation campaign, the first in late July 2016, on the day of the Democratic Convention, and the second three weeks before the general election. But I noticed
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successful. Twenty-first-century liberal democracies can no longer afford to neglect this past. Ignoring the rich and disturbing lessons of industrial-scale Cold War disinformation campaigns risks repeating mid-century errors that are already weakening liberal democracy in the digital age. Recognizing an active measure can be difficult. Disinformation, when done
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accident that disinformation played out in shifting shadows, not in pitch-black darkness. Often, at least since the 1950s, the covert aspect of a given disinformation campaign was only a veneer, imperfect and temporary by design. Also, disinformation is not simply fake information—at least, not necessarily. Some of the most vicious
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and criticism. This book will extract three main arguments from the history of disinformation over the past century. The first argument is conceptual. At-scale disinformation campaigns are attacks against a liberal epistemic order, or a political system that places its trust in essential custodians of factual authority. These institutions—law enforcement
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the opening of the GDR Party Congress.23 The political warfare planners at Berlin Operations Base were careful to manage expectations at CIA headquarters. The disinformation campaign that Marbach and his team were designing and implementing was counterintuitive, neither wide nor narrow, designed neither for mass influence nor targeting of individuals. Instead
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graffiti daubed in red and black paint on the walls of the newly reopened synagogue in Cologne. The incident opened an extensive, global anti-Semitic disinformation campaign designed to harm West Germany. (Hansherbert Wirtz, Kölnische Rundschau) But the swift arrest of the two initial perpetrators did not stop the anti-Semitic incidents
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from Russian into German in order to mail them to Jewish families in West Germany.41 One of the most noteworthy aspects of this spectacular disinformation campaign is the absence of the Stasi’s foreign intelligence arm, the HVA. The HVA was then headed by Markus Wolf, who had a Jewish father
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,” one 1960s Cold War defector wrote, reasoning that blacks in the United States would rather turn to Africa than to the USSR.8 Accordingly, Russian disinformation campaigns would exploit America’s race problem by pulling in Africa, as they had with the UN forgery. The KGB’s Department D and its subsidiaries
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” that sought to promote “division in the West.” Langley analysts pointed out that they observed “rather elaborate progressions in prolonged campaigns.”15 These anti-Western disinformation campaigns were aggressive, fast-paced, and used innovative methods that evolved quickly and in unexpected, frightening ways. One such measure exploited a military exercise known as
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did not have press freedom, we would have to invent it for them.”57 That same year, the KGB initiated and approved direct cooperation on disinformation campaigns between the humongous East German Stasi and the leaner but more agile StB. General Markus Wolf of the Stasi’s HVA and Colonel Josef Houska
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. versus Soviet disinformation operations. Russia directly accused the CIA of running a disinformation operation against Moscow—or was the KGB by now engaged in a disinformation campaign of its own? It was impossible to judge. The Post understood this dilemma, and did something unexpected: it ran two remarkable articles in the following
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minutes from meetings of minor West German peace groups. The early campaigns against budding peace activism foreshadowed by far the largest, longest, and most expensive disinformation campaign in intelligence history: the subversion of the peace movement in the West. Throughout the 1960s, annual Easter marches became a focal point of the West
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so he thought. Brandt survived the vote, and Ostpolitik was saved. Two years after the HVA’s remarkable election interference, the X launched another timeless disinformation campaign: it manufactured far-right, neo-Fascist sentiments in West Germany in response to the government’s guest worker program of the 1970s. The operation, known
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of an open society, sir,” responded McMahon. The CIA’s Directorate of Operations had understood perhaps one of the most insidious threats posed by successful disinformation campaigns: overreacting to active measures risked turning an open society into a more closed one. The more difficult question was how to draw the line between
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.5 It was against this background of military escalation in Afghanistan and weapons of mass destruction in South Asia that one of the most infamous disinformation campaigns of the entire Cold War emerged: the story that AIDS was an American biological weapon developed at Fort Detrick, Maryland. “Rare Cancer Seen in 41
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origin; the engineered virus had spread from there first to Haiti, he conjectured, and then to the United States. The moment was ideal for a disinformation campaign, as the marchers’ signs in New York made clear: there was yet little research into AIDS, and an abundance of hysteria. The CDC now counted
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the potential of the escalating AIDS crisis in the United States and Europe itself. The AIDS article in Patriot was a continuation of the bioweapon disinformation campaign of the previous year, designed to distract from U.S. revelations on Soviet chemical warfare in Southeast Asia. Patriot noted that the United States was
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as September 1989, just weeks before the fall of the Berlin Wall, Department X argued in an internal meeting that the peak of the AIDS disinformation campaign had not yet been achieved.46 The X was right. Jakob Segal continued to spread the AIDS-was-made-in-the-USA theory until his
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the AIDS campaign as a major success. In 1992, the head of Russian foreign intelligence, Yevgeny Primakov, confirmed the KGB’s role in the AIDS disinformation campaign during a talk at MGIMO, an academic institute affiliated with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Moscow. Primakov revealed that the AIDS story was “created
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the site could be used to spread disinformation,” Young recounted in 2004. “I can’t rule out that we are being subjected to a sophisticated disinformation campaign by government agencies.”4 He applied the same sunlight-is-the-best-disinfectant logic to potential abuses: “If it smells, then someone will point it
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. military personnel. Screenshots of the newly published cyb3rc site also appeared on Newsweek’s social media feed. CyberCaliphate bore all the hallmarks of a coordinated disinformation campaign: these actions were launched simultaneously, with consistent branding and language, and across various fronts and hacked social media sites, both publicly and as silent measures
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, one of the best reporters at the technology-focused website Motherboard, was the first journalist to publish an investigative story calling the DNC hack “a disinformation campaign by Russian spies.”11 The same day, June 16, a private intelligence firm named Secureworks published a stunning finding. The firm had discovered what would
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Jon Merritt tweeted.”17 The story in the Times harked back, without intending to do so, to the Times coverage of that big first American disinformation campaign from April 1930, the Grover Whalen forgeries. Then as now, press coverage of the fakes—and the subsequent congressional investigations—received far more public attention
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. “Measuring the actual impact of trolling and online influence campaigns is probably impossible,” said Kate Starbird, one of the world’s leading researchers of online disinformation campaigns, who examined the influence of digital disinformation on the Black Lives Matter movement. “But the difficulty of measuring impact doesn’t mean that there isn
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facts; it requires a judgment call, which in practice means a political decision, often a collective decision. Therefore, if a targeted community believes that a disinformation campaign was a major success, then it has made it a major success. Disinformation, finally, is itself disintegrating. Bureaucratically, this degeneration proceeded with the breakup of
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challenges. For the offender, campaigns have become harder to control, harder to contain, harder to steer, harder to manage, and harder to assess. For victims, disinformation campaigns have also become more difficult to manage, more difficult to assess in impact, and more difficult to counter. At the beginning of the third decade
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identity crises by the rise of the internet and its side effects, are both overstating and, more rarely, understating the threat and the potential of disinformation campaigns—and thus helping expand and escalate that very threat and its potential. This constructivist vortex is propelled by an unprecedented confluence of incentives that lead
by Jevin D. West and Carl T. Bergstrom · 3 Aug 2020
, other papers quickly report on the fact that the first outlet broke the story. Be sure that those reporting on the story include reliable sources. Disinformation campaigns may plant multiple versions of the same false tale in unreliable outlets. Pay attention to where information comes from. If you find a piece of
by Peter Warren Singer and Emerson T. Brooking · 15 Mar 2018
times. Much like the harassment campaigns inside Russia, sockpuppets also targeted Putin critics abroad. The most extreme efforts were reserved for those who investigated the disinformation campaigns themselves. After journalist Jessikka Aro published an exposé of the fake accounts, sockpuppets attacked her with everything from posts claiming she was a Nazi and
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to be from her father, who had died twenty years earlier. When another group of Western foreign affairs specialists began to research the mechanics of disinformation campaigns, they found themselves quickly savaged on the professional networking site LinkedIn. One was labeled a “pornographer,” and another was accused of harassment. Such attacks can
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Russian campaign that had unfolded on their platforms during the 2016 election. The numbers, once begrudgingly disclosed, were astounding. The bot accounts were putting the disinformation campaign on steroids, allowing it to reach a scale impossible with just humans at work. Twitter’s analysis found that bots under the control of the
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disinformation department. In a 1985 book, he explained how “every disinformation message must at least partially correspond to reality or generally accepted views.” The AIDS disinformation campaign, for example, didn’t invent a new threat; instead, it leveraged people’s fears about a well-known but then mysterious disease. The internet, and
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beginning that Facebook had been saturated not just with profit-motivated misinformation and “fake news” spun by Macedonian teenagers, but also with a pro-Trump disinformation campaign orchestrated by the Russian government. As stupefied liberals searched for someone or something to blame, Mark Zuckerberg could see the tidal wave coming. What followed
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its ability to implement change when so motivated, however, Facebook expanded its cybersecurity efforts beyond regular hacking, turning its focus to the threat of organized disinformation campaigns. Where the company had studiously ignored the effects of disinformation during the 2016 U.S. election, it now cooperated closely with the French and German
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, Twitter, and every other internet company of scale will use neural networks to police their platforms. Dirty pictures, state-sponsored botnets, terrorist propaganda, and sophisticated disinformation campaigns will be hunted by machine intelligences that dwarf any now in existence. But they will be battled by other machine intelligences that seek to obfuscate
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information attacks, backed by the close proximity of Russian soldiers and tanks. Their inoculation efforts include citizen education programs, public tracking and notices of foreign disinformation campaigns, election protections and forced transparency of political campaign activities, and legal action to limit the effect of poisonous super-spreaders. In many ways, such holistic
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’s unacceptable that social media firms took nearly a year after the 2016 U.S. election to release data showing definitive proof of a Russian disinformation campaign—and even then, only after repeated demands by Congress. It is perhaps especially troubling that, despite all the political and public pressure, most are still
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ranging from hate groups to harassment, they were consistently ignored. Similarly, when outside researchers raised concerns about emerging problems like neo-Nazi trolling and Russian disinformation campaigns during the 2016 U.S. election, the firms essentially dismissed them. Changing to a proactive strategy will require the firms to alter their approach to
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://www.intelligence.senate.gov/sites/default/files/documents/os-trid-033017.pdf. 104 Operation INFEKTION: Thomas Boghardt, “Operation INFEKTION: Soviet Bloc Intelligence and Its AIDS Disinformation Campaign,” Studies in Intelligence 53, no. 4 (2009). 104 Indian newspaper Patriot: Ibid. 104 “well-known American scientist”: David Robert Grimes, “Russian Fake News Is Not
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/tpartynews-twitter-russia-link/index.html. 112 seemingly trustworthy individuals: John D. Gallacher et al., “Junk News on Military Affairs and National Security: Social Media Disinformation Campaigns Against US Military Personnel and Veterans” (data memo 2017.9, Computational Propaganda Project, University of Oxford, October 9, 2017), http://comprop.oii.ox.ac.uk
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, 236, 242 Active Measures Working Group, 263 Advanced Research Projects Agency (ARPA), 26–27 Advocates for Peace and Urban Unity, 14 Ahmadinejad, Mahmoud, 60 AIDS disinformation campaign, 104, 208 Airbnb, 239 Al Qaeda, 54, 65, 79–80, 149, 234 Alabed, Bana, 214–16 al-Assad, Bashar, 9, 72, 88, 215 al-Awlaki
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weapons tracking, 77 World War I, 182 U.S. National Intelligence Council, 51 U.S. presidential election (2016) authenticity in, 168–69 detox from, 222 disinformation campaigns, 241 fake accounts (botnets), 143 fake news, 131 Macedonian disinformation, 119 memetic warfare, 192 Pepe meme, 186–93 #Pizzagate incident, 127–28 real vs. fake
by Paul Scharre · 18 Jan 2023
by requests that receiving governments praise China. Chinese officials convinced European Union lawmakers to tone down a report whose early drafts criticized China’s “global disinformation campaign.” When Australia called for an independent inquiry into the origins of the virus, China responded by restricting imports of Australian products into China. When Venezuelan
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around America’s military and directly attack the nervous system of American democracy, the free and open exchange of ideas. In practice, the effects of disinformation campaigns were hard to measure and hotly debated, but even the perception of foreign influence in an election could—and did—polarize, divide, and paralyze the
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did not feature heavily in the 2020 U.S. presidential election, but security researchers worry it won’t be long before they’re used in disinformation campaigns online, throwing gasoline on the already raging dumpster fire that is false information on social media. Manipulated media has already become a flashpoint in U
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between global tech companies like Meta, Google, and Twitter and purveyors of disinformation, from neo-Nazis to authoritarian governments. While humans remain central to online disinformation campaigns, bots have played a role in amplifying content. In the wake of the Saudi government’s murder of Washington Post journalist Jamal Khashoggi in 2018
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University in Doha, Qatar, suggested in 2017 that half of Twitter accounts in Saudi Arabia could be bots. Bots have also been used in foreign disinformation campaigns to disrupt democracies. China, India, Iran, Pakistan, Russia, Saudi Arabia, and Venezuela have all conducted influence operations targeted at other nations, in which bots can
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Isn’t Working,” Business Insider, April 18, 2020, https://www.businessinsider.com/analysis-china-coronavirus-political-points-mostly-not-working-2020-4. 75China’s “global disinformation campaign”: Michael Peel and Tom Mitchell, “China Warned EU 3 Times over Virus Propaganda Report,” Financial Times, April 26, 2020, https://www.ft.com/content/a2f66f6a
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of Russian Disinformation,” Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, September 14, 2017, https://www.csce.gov/international-impact/events/scourge-russian-disinformation. 122effects of disinformation campaigns were hard to measure: Craig Timberg and Tony Romm, “Forget the Russians. On This Election Day, It’s Americans Peddling Disinformation and Hate Speech,” Washington
by Christopher Wylie · 8 Oct 2019
-harvesting operation. This material demonstrated that the company had recruited hackers, hired personnel with known links to Russian intelligence, and engaged in bribery, extortion, and disinformation campaigns in elections around the world. There were confidential legal memos from lawyers warning Steve Bannon about Cambridge Analytica’s violations of the Foreign Agents Registration
by Maria Ressa · 19 Oct 2022
United States in the 1990s—mostly by computer companies like IBM and Microsoft targeting their competitors—known as “fear, uncertainty, and doubt,” or FUD. The disinformation campaign spread negative information and lies to fuel fear. The conversation we mapped online reminded us of the Communist strategy “Surround the city from the countryside
by Christopher Andrew · 2 Aug 2010 · 1,744pp · 458,385 words
group (in association with the FBI) to seek to identify high-level Soviet penetration in the West, especially of intelligence agencies, and to uncover Soviet disinformation campaigns.69 Angleton brought Golitsyn with him to Melbourne, where, according to Peter Wright, Golitsyn ‘laid special emphasis on Britain, and the many penetrations which, he
by Jonathan Haslam · 21 Sep 2015 · 525pp · 131,496 words
directive No. 41 on April 5, 1942, for an all-out attack on the Caucasus, code-named “Blau” (Blue.) As in 1940, he launched a disinformation campaign, this time to confuse Stalin with the idea that instead of heading south, the Germans would immediately head east, to Moscow. The Germans simultaneously moved
by Jeff Berwick and Charlie Robinson · 14 Apr 2020 · 491pp · 141,690 words
this without firing a single shot. Former Director of the CIA, William Casey, was quoted as saying that they [the CIA] would know that their disinformation campaign was a success when everything that the American people believed was wrong. So this begs the question of why MSNBC would hire former CIA Director
by Ronald J. Deibert · 14 Aug 2020
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