The Finance Curse: How Global Finance Is Making Us All Poorer
by Nicholas Shaxson · 10 Oct 2018 · 482pp · 149,351 words
Geneva. These constant calls to support the ‘competitiveness’ of the City have been used as a cosh to bludgeon away opposition to corporate tax cuts, financial deregulation, or Britain’s soft-touch approach to policing dirty money and financial crime. It is the financial sector’s strongest ideological weapon, enabling it to
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modern global economy: what happens when rich people, banks, multinational firms or profits shift across borders in response to different incentives like corporate tax cuts, financial deregulation and so on? This debate goes to the heart of questions around what has been called the competitiveness of nations, and whether competing on things
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the Second World War that provided the shock. The financial crisis and Great Depression of the 1930s had discredited the old certainties of free trade, financial deregulation and laissez-faire economics which had given the market saboteurs like Rockefeller or the Vesteys such freedom to operate. Workers who had spilled their blood
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they don’t like. It often is, but it also has a particular history and meaning, which in terms of its practical effects has meant financial deregulation, privatisation and globalisation actively promoted and protected by governments. Neoliberalism is an outgrowth of eighteenth-century classic liberalism. There’s political liberalism, which is all
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the mainstream economies like Britain or the United States. The veteran US crime-fighting lawyer Jack Blum remembers first understanding the links between crime and financial deregulation on a trip to Cayman in the 1980s. ‘I began to see that drugs were only a fraction of the thing,’ he told me. ‘Then
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Smith’s invisible hand of the well-functioning market for the invisible fist of monopoly power. These changes have joined with other developments such as financial deregulation, independent central banking and the rise of the Euromarkets to create the typhoon-force winds filling the sails of large banks and multinational firms, nearly
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idea or ideology that countries must be ‘open for business’, constantly dangling enticements to large multinationals and banks and to rootless global money – tax cuts, financial deregulation, turning a blind eye to crime – for fear that they will decamp to more hospitable or ‘competitive’ places like Dubai or Singapore or Geneva.10
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and the Mayfair hedge fund set. Even Margaret Thatcher, who had crushed the unions and built on the Eurodollar mayhem with the Big Bang of financial deregulation in the City, was no longer the Labour Party’s sworn enemy, but a moderniser, to be treated with grudging respect.20 The new attitudes
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have been actively freed from direct democratic controls, and their objectives have been purposefully changed from goals such as promoting full employment to targeting inflation. Financial deregulation has involved actively de-fanging laws to protect societies. Trade and investment treaties, consciously negotiated and signed, tie the hands of governments and prevent them
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the Shannon zone. ‘Visit Shannon and you get an indulgence.’ This backstory illuminates the supposed magic trick that Ireland hit upon: corporate tax-cutting and financial deregulation as the magic potion of economic growth. But there is a wrinkle in this happy tale, and it is a big one. Ireland’s economic
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have been the most vocal cheerleaders for Ireland’s corporate tax offering.43 The reality behind the Celtic Tiger is not corporate tax cuts or financial deregulation as tonics for growth; they have produced short-term bubbles at best, with deadly hangovers. In the words of Kenneth Thomas, a US economist who
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of the global financial crisis can be traced as far back as you like, but a good place to begin is with the waves of financial deregulation that hit the US and UK from the 1980s. Each wave fed the next. In neither country did change have anything to do with the
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deregulation. If anything, things deteriorated. In Britain the biggest event after the collapse of Bretton Woods was Margaret Thatcher’s Big Bang of sudden, massive financial deregulation in 1986. Thatcher’s advisers had previously warned her that this would lead to ‘unethical behaviour’ and ‘boom and bust’ economics, but they were batted
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card repayments, vehicle finance payments, student loans and all sorts of stuff. It wasn’t hard to find people to invest in these SPVs either. Financial deregulation had unleashed a flood of money and credit into world markets, and there were growing armies of cash-rich investors looking for places to put
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London and other financial centres. The only way to keep up with London’s ‘more amenable and collaborative regulatory environment’, it urged, was massive further financial deregulation. ‘While our regulatory bodies are often competing to be the toughest cop on the street,’ the authors urged in an article complementing the document, ‘the
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. How’s that for financial capture? All this provokes two big questions. First, if the evidence being wielded in support of corporate tax cuts or financial deregulation or any other pro-corporate neoliberal policies isn’t there – and I’m saying here that it is impossible to create honest numbers, no matter
Makers and Takers: The Rise of Finance and the Fall of American Business
by Rana Foroohar · 16 May 2016 · 515pp · 132,295 words
University economist and business school dean Glenn Hubbard, formerly the chief economic adviser to the George W. Bush administration, interviewing him about his role in financial deregulation as well as various private sector associations that may have encouraged him to take a more finance-friendly view to policy issues. These associations included
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dysfunction exemplified by the share buyback boom is the result of more than thirty years of policy decisions and market shifts—from legal changes to financial deregulation to the privatization of retirement to easy-money monetary policy and terrible incentive structures for corporate leaders. There’s no one fix that will change
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be crafted much more carefully, as I will explore in chapter 11. As we saw earlier in the book, many of the major pushes for financial deregulation on the part of the banking industry in recent times have been done with an eye to increasing the amount of business that finance can
Treasure Islands: Uncovering the Damage of Offshore Banking and Tax Havens
by Nicholas Shaxson · 11 Apr 2011 · 429pp · 120,332 words
up to be serviced in the City and its allies on Wall Street. Not content with all this, the Corporation of London actively promotes international financial deregulation around the globe. With this in mind the Lord Mayor makes 20 or so foreign visits per year.69 An official report into one such
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facilities. You can only fit about $1 million cash into a briefcase. Without offshore, the illegal drugs trade would be more like a cottage industry. Financial deregulation and globalization? Offshore is the heart of the matter, as I will show. The rise of private equity and hedge funds? Offshore. Enron? Parmalat? Long
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, but it is reasonable to think that while the world has fixated on ideas and ideologies as the driving force behind global tax-cutting and financial deregulation, tax competition may have been the bigger force. Many economists see this as a nonstory, though. Although tax rates have fallen, tax revenues have been
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to his native island in 1986 after working overseas as a development economist. In this year of the City of London’s “Big Bang” of financial deregulation, he found a tax haven amid a spectacular boom. Old town houses, tourist gift shops, and merchant stores in Jersey’s beautiful capital St. Helier
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redoubts of finance to the next jurisdiction, and the offshore system pushes steadily, further, deeper, onshore. The tax havens have become the battering rams of financial deregulation. Most people have not yet understood these deep truths about offshore, because of two related confusions. The first stems from efforts to use technical criteria
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role of, 45–6, 96–6 and “domicile” rule, 69 global reach of, 18 history of, 63–86, 87 See “Big Bang”; Euromarkets and international financial deregulation, 85–6 and lending, 76–8 and “London-grad,” 69 and loopholes, 67–8 as old boys network, 64–5 and “rehypothecation,” 68 and secrecy
The Globalization of Inequality
by François Bourguignon · 1 Aug 2012 · 221pp · 55,901 words
groups and regions. Two kinds of measures deserve a more in-depth analysis, given that they have had a clear and significant impact on distribution: financial deregulation and the deregulation of the labor market. The Deregulation and Globalization of Finance The boom in the financial sector that characterized the last two or
The Great Reversal: How America Gave Up on Free Markets
by Thomas Philippon · 29 Oct 2019 · 401pp · 109,892 words
Reshef (2012) compute the wages of employees in finance relative to employees in the rest of the private sector. We also construct a measure of financial deregulation. The industry was mostly deregulated until 1930. Regulations were put in place in the wake of the Great Depression. These were progressively lifted in the
How Asia Works
by Joe Studwell · 1 Jul 2013 · 868pp · 147,152 words
been proffered to Japan, Korea, Taiwan and China in the early stages of their development, but they sensibly resisted for as long as possible. Premature financial deregulation in south-east Asia led to a proliferation of family-business-controlled banks which did nothing to support exportable manufacturing and which indulged in vast
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south-east Asia, by contrast, the US did nothing to push land reform and then began to press for inappropriate, rich-country-style industrial and financial deregulation in states where GDP per capita was at most in the low thousands of dollars per year. The deregulation pressure mounted with the end of
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grupos profiting like bandits.’8 Despite the evidence from Latin America about the risks of premature bank deregulation – not to mention what was seen after financial deregulation in Russia in the early 1990s – south-east Asia went ahead with very similar policies. Once again, political leaders knew too little history and were
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period when the eldest son of Nishiyama Ko¯ichi, the diary-writing Niigata farmer, lost the family’s entire accumulated wealth playing the stock market. Financial deregulation, coming after a period of financial ‘repression’ that focused resources on developmental objectives, had an inevitable wealth effect as asset prices rose. Japan was suckered
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of many NBFIs – a dangerous development. It was no coincidence that throughout the 1980s and early 1990s the chaebol leaders invariably lobbied in favour of financial deregulation.27 The situation did not run out of control until 1993, when Kim Young-Sam’s government was persuaded by the IMF and its own
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available for the first time and there was an asset bubble, although a less debilitating one than Japan’s.38 Unlike in Japan and Korea, financial deregulation occurred in Taiwan before the economy’s leading firms had achieved high levels of technological progress and independence from foreign technology suppliers. You want error
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earliest attempts at import substitution projects in the 1950s. But from the early 1980s, Malaysia, Thailand and Indonesia each succumbed to the siren call of financial deregulation. This effectively meant handing over increasing control of the financial system to private entrepreneurs whose interests did not tally with those of national development. These
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of Korea and only slightly behind Malaysia’s.75 The problem was once again the lack of an effective infant industry policy combined with premature financial deregulation. These two things meant that abundant Thai savings – augmented by unnecessary and speculative foreign capital – ended up in the wrong places, most obviously speculative real
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capitalism. A peripheral member of the group offers an anecdote which helps explain why the economists felt more and more compelled to seek solutions in financial deregulation. Soedradjad Djiwandono, who was governor of the central bank from 1993 until 1998, recalls receiving a letter in late 1996 from Tommy Suharto.95 The
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. It was this context – with Suharto unable to discipline his own family, let alone proper entrepreneurs – that made the Berkeley Mafia conclude that moves to financial deregulation were essential. Their logic (and that of the IMF and World Bank representatives with whom they worked closely) was that, if it was fully deregulated
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three kilometres. It is along this road that the Berkeley Mafia and the real Jakarta mafia – inadvertently assisted by the Rolling Stones’ Mick Jagger – brought financial deregulation to a devastating conclusion. The Golden Triangle part is where most of the scores of new bank headquarters were thrown up beginning in 1988. Many
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south, much of the land at the farthest reaches of Sudirman, south of the Semanggi bridge, was a squatter slum when the final push on financial deregulation began. This area became the site for a new, purpose-built financial zone known as the Sudirman Central Business District (SCBD). The story of the
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, the problem throughout the region was not government budgets, but a private sector speculative frenzy made possible by financial deregulation and the absence of effective development policy. IMF austerity merely throttled the real economy. Financial deregulation had led to a boom in unhedged short-term offshore borrowing by banks and large, non-exporting firms
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. Indonesia’s exports, running at USD4.2 billion a month in July 1997, fell to USD1.4 billion in March 1998. The price for premature financial deregulation was very high. Many manufacturing firms never recovered from the crisis. The economy shrank by a fifth and 15 million people lost their jobs. It
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finance will look offshore to alternative opportunities, or that flows of foreign funds will disrupt its plans. It does this by imposing capital controls. The financial deregulation urged by parties to the Washington Consensus does not present a viable alternative to this strategy. Deregulation policies do not empower a ‘natural’ tendency for
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. The risk came home to roost for the Philippines in the 1980s, and for the rest of south-east Asia in 1997. A cult of financial deregulation has taken hold globally in recent decades and has caused plenty of problems in the rich world, but it has caused infinitely greater damage to
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as well as considerable financing in the 1980s and 1990s – but very much on its own terms. The World Bank’s neo-liberal prescriptions for financial deregulation were not entertained.3 The IMF, which is more of a macro-economic institution and not set up to offer project-specific advice, was kept
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in 1982–3. The importance of NBFIs in the Korean financial system has its closest east Asian parallel in Thailand. On the chaebol lobbying for financial deregulation, see Amsden, Asia’s Next Giant, p. 135. By 1996 the Korean Federation of Industries, the main chaebol association, was so enamoured of deregulation that
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rubber 6, 52–3, 55, 57, 67, 68, 141, 285n97 rule of law xxv Russia agriculture 4 banks xix, 317n8 and China 96 education xxiii financial deregulation 172 land reform 21, 24 manufacturing 81, 232 see also Soviet Union Sahashi Shigeru 78 Salim, Emil 214, 313n225, 328n105 Samsung 100, 105, 155, 246
Manias, Panics and Crashes: A History of Financial Crises, Sixth Edition
by Kindleberger, Charles P. and Robert Z., Aliber · 9 Aug 2011
companies that owned substantial property in central Tokyo and Osaka and Nagoya and a few other major cities. The boom in real estate prices and financial deregulation led to a surge in construction activity. Banks owned large amounts of real estate and stocks so increases in their values led to increases in
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investments was many times higher than the profit rates from producing steel and automobiles and TVs. The rapid expansion of bank loans was facilitated by financial deregulation, which was partly a response to pressure from the US government. Officials in the US were motivated by the unevenness of the regulatory framework, since
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financial firms have access to the banking and capital markets in Tokyo on terms comparable to the access available to Japanese banks in New York. Financial deregulation enabled the banks headquartered in Tokyo and in Osaka to increase their real estate loans at a rapid rate. Because of building restrictions and the
Buying Time: The Delayed Crisis of Democratic Capitalism
by Wolfgang Streeck · 1 Jan 2013 · 353pp · 81,436 words
up public finances.9 The budget surpluses briefly recorded around the turn of the millennium were due inter alia to sharp cuts in social spending. Financial deregulation made it possible to plug the gaps resulting from deficit reduction, by means of a rapid extension of loan facilities for private households at a
A Brief History of Neoliberalism
by David Harvey · 2 Jan 1995 · 318pp · 85,824 words
capitalism’). Further neoliberalization was the answer. The Treasury and the IMF acted accordingly, with disastrous consequences. The alternative view of the crisis was that impetuous financial deregulation and the failure to construct adequate regulatory controls over unruly and speculative portfolio investments lay at the heart of the problem. The evidence for this
I.O.U.: Why Everyone Owes Everyone and No One Can Pay
by John Lanchester · 14 Dec 2009 · 322pp · 77,341 words
of a series of rule changes which boiled down to one simple thing: the biggest act of deregulation the financial sector had ever seen. Because financial deregulation has been a primary culprit in the current crisis, there’s a temptation to act as if it is inherently a bad thing. You need
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