by Kenneth Rogoff · 27 Feb 2025 · 330pp · 127,791 words
the government. Often the result is a financial crisis. In the typical case, as growth slows and the government looks for ways to sustain it, financial deregulation, including borrowing abroad, can be a powerful short-term fix. A fresh jolt of foreign funds can juice up any economy, for a time at
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and cut them. Barack Obama later had little choice but to borrow heavily in dealing with the financial crisis he inherited from Bush (although the financial deregulation overshoot that led to the crisis had started earlier under Clinton). He might have been able to borrow even more had he been willing to
by Tim Wu · 4 Nov 2025 · 246pp · 65,143 words
economy along the lines of a giant corporation. In the 2000s, we became caught up in our own kind of high, fueled by cheap money, financial deregulation, corporate consolidation, and a strange faith that we could avoid what had befallen previous generations. But history also tells us that there is a cycle
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feudal system, 68, 108, 122–24, 126–30, 133 wealth redistribution leading to, 154–56 Fidelity, 149–50 Fieri, Guy, 59 Fifth Generation project, 35 financial deregulation, 120 FitzRoy, Robert, 82–84, 88 Florida, Richard, 11 Fortem trunk organizer, 55 The Four (Galloway), 71 Fragile by Design (Calomiris/Haber), 145 Freddie Mac
by Katrina Vanden Heuvel and William Greider · 9 Jan 2009 · 278pp · 82,069 words
D I T O R S O F T H E N AT I O N November 15, 1999 Although wall street has pushed for financial deregulation for two decades, it was last year’s merger of Citicorp and Travelers that set the stage for Congress’s effective revocation of the Glass
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Street” would cheer a Summers appointment for the same reason the rest of us should fear it: because traders will assume that Summers, champion of financial deregulation under Clinton, will offer a transition from Henry Paulson so smooth we will barely know it happened. Someone like FDIC chair Sheila Bair, on the
by Joe Studwell · 1 Jul 2013 · 868pp · 147,152 words
been proffered to Japan, Korea, Taiwan and China in the early stages of their development, but they sensibly resisted for as long as possible. Premature financial deregulation in south-east Asia led to a proliferation of family-business-controlled banks which did nothing to support exportable manufacturing and which indulged in vast
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south-east Asia, by contrast, the US did nothing to push land reform and then began to press for inappropriate, rich-country-style industrial and financial deregulation in states where GDP per capita was at most in the low thousands of dollars per year. The deregulation pressure mounted with the end of
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grupos profiting like bandits.’8 Despite the evidence from Latin America about the risks of premature bank deregulation – not to mention what was seen after financial deregulation in Russia in the early 1990s – south-east Asia went ahead with very similar policies. Once again, political leaders knew too little history and were
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period when the eldest son of Nishiyama Ko¯ichi, the diary-writing Niigata farmer, lost the family’s entire accumulated wealth playing the stock market. Financial deregulation, coming after a period of financial ‘repression’ that focused resources on developmental objectives, had an inevitable wealth effect as asset prices rose. Japan was suckered
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of many NBFIs – a dangerous development. It was no coincidence that throughout the 1980s and early 1990s the chaebol leaders invariably lobbied in favour of financial deregulation.27 The situation did not run out of control until 1993, when Kim Young-Sam’s government was persuaded by the IMF and its own
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available for the first time and there was an asset bubble, although a less debilitating one than Japan’s.38 Unlike in Japan and Korea, financial deregulation occurred in Taiwan before the economy’s leading firms had achieved high levels of technological progress and independence from foreign technology suppliers. You want error
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earliest attempts at import substitution projects in the 1950s. But from the early 1980s, Malaysia, Thailand and Indonesia each succumbed to the siren call of financial deregulation. This effectively meant handing over increasing control of the financial system to private entrepreneurs whose interests did not tally with those of national development. These
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of Korea and only slightly behind Malaysia’s.75 The problem was once again the lack of an effective infant industry policy combined with premature financial deregulation. These two things meant that abundant Thai savings – augmented by unnecessary and speculative foreign capital – ended up in the wrong places, most obviously speculative real
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capitalism. A peripheral member of the group offers an anecdote which helps explain why the economists felt more and more compelled to seek solutions in financial deregulation. Soedradjad Djiwandono, who was governor of the central bank from 1993 until 1998, recalls receiving a letter in late 1996 from Tommy Suharto.95 The
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. It was this context – with Suharto unable to discipline his own family, let alone proper entrepreneurs – that made the Berkeley Mafia conclude that moves to financial deregulation were essential. Their logic (and that of the IMF and World Bank representatives with whom they worked closely) was that, if it was fully deregulated
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three kilometres. It is along this road that the Berkeley Mafia and the real Jakarta mafia – inadvertently assisted by the Rolling Stones’ Mick Jagger – brought financial deregulation to a devastating conclusion. The Golden Triangle part is where most of the scores of new bank headquarters were thrown up beginning in 1988. Many
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south, much of the land at the farthest reaches of Sudirman, south of the Semanggi bridge, was a squatter slum when the final push on financial deregulation began. This area became the site for a new, purpose-built financial zone known as the Sudirman Central Business District (SCBD). The story of the
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, the problem throughout the region was not government budgets, but a private sector speculative frenzy made possible by financial deregulation and the absence of effective development policy. IMF austerity merely throttled the real economy. Financial deregulation had led to a boom in unhedged short-term offshore borrowing by banks and large, non-exporting firms
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. Indonesia’s exports, running at USD4.2 billion a month in July 1997, fell to USD1.4 billion in March 1998. The price for premature financial deregulation was very high. Many manufacturing firms never recovered from the crisis. The economy shrank by a fifth and 15 million people lost their jobs. It
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finance will look offshore to alternative opportunities, or that flows of foreign funds will disrupt its plans. It does this by imposing capital controls. The financial deregulation urged by parties to the Washington Consensus does not present a viable alternative to this strategy. Deregulation policies do not empower a ‘natural’ tendency for
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. The risk came home to roost for the Philippines in the 1980s, and for the rest of south-east Asia in 1997. A cult of financial deregulation has taken hold globally in recent decades and has caused plenty of problems in the rich world, but it has caused infinitely greater damage to
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as well as considerable financing in the 1980s and 1990s – but very much on its own terms. The World Bank’s neo-liberal prescriptions for financial deregulation were not entertained.3 The IMF, which is more of a macro-economic institution and not set up to offer project-specific advice, was kept
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in 1982–3. The importance of NBFIs in the Korean financial system has its closest east Asian parallel in Thailand. On the chaebol lobbying for financial deregulation, see Amsden, Asia’s Next Giant, p. 135. By 1996 the Korean Federation of Industries, the main chaebol association, was so enamoured of deregulation that
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rubber 6, 52–3, 55, 57, 67, 68, 141, 285n97 rule of law xxv Russia agriculture 4 banks xix, 317n8 and China 96 education xxiii financial deregulation 172 land reform 21, 24 manufacturing 81, 232 see also Soviet Union Sahashi Shigeru 78 Salim, Emil 214, 313n225, 328n105 Samsung 100, 105, 155, 246
by Ian Goldin and Mike Mariathasan · 15 Mar 2014 · 414pp · 101,285 words
also stock markets Estonia, cyberattacks on, 114, 116 Esty, Daniel C., 139 Europe: air travel in, 15–16, 17f, 205; energy supply networks in, 110; financial deregulation in, 50, 62; transportation infrastructure in, 104 European Aviation Safety Agency, 205 European Central Bank (ECB), 56, 59–60, 63 European Commission, 189 European Parliament
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and, 192 United Kingdom: airports in, 104; corporate taxes in, 205; defense spending of, 214; effects of Icelandic financial crisis, 38, 50; exports of, 74f; financial deregulation in, 49; financial sector of, 50; Independence Party, 200; Scottish independence referendum, 200; transportation infrastructure in, 104 U.K. Manufacturers’ Organisation (EEF), 91 United Nations
by Josh Ryan-Collins, Toby Lloyd and Laurie Macfarlane · 28 Feb 2017 · 346pp · 90,371 words
would be able to evict their tenants at will, without having to show grounds, and tenancies could be as short as six months. Meanwhile, further financial deregulation drove a greater allocation of credit to house purchases, fuelling a new house price boom (see Chapter 5) that would burst spectacularly in 1990 when
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.1 Introduction In the last two chapters we have seen how a combination of ill-thought-out housing policy, changes in welfare and taxation and financial deregulation have resulted in land and housing in the UK becoming ‘financialised’. In this chapter we explore how this has interacted with two other key economic
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has originated from windfalls resulting from exclusive control of a scarce natural resource in the face of rising demand from economic development, population growth and financial deregulation. As discussed in Chapter 3, the classical economists would have viewed this as an accumulation of unearned economic rent; a transfer of wealth from the
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, by extending credit. The ability of banks to create new money in the form of loans, which has been greatly enhanced following successive waves of financial deregulation, plays a key role in facilitating leverage in the economy. This may in part explain why the profitability of the financial sector has expanded so
by Paul Krugman · 30 Apr 2012 · 267pp · 71,123 words
Reagan signed, the Garn–St. Germain Act, which Reagan described at the signing ceremony as “the first step in our administration’s comprehensive program of financial deregulation.” Its principal purpose was to help solve the problems of the thrift (savings and loan) industry, which had gotten into trouble after inflation rose in
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of 2008, movers and shakers insisted, as Greenspan did in the quotation that opened this chapter, that all was well. Moreover, they routinely claimed that financial deregulation had led to greatly improved overall economic performance. To this day it’s common to hear assertions like this one from Eugene Fama, a famous
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rise in income under deregulation, achieved mainly though longer working hours rather than higher wages. For a small but influential minority, however, the era of financial deregulation and growing debt was indeed a time of extraordinary income growth. And that, surely, is an important reason so few were willing to listen to
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point here as well. I noted at the end of chapter 4 that even before the crisis of 2008 it was hard to see why financial deregulation was considered a success story. The savings and loan mess had provided an expensive demonstration of how deregulated bankers could run wild; there had been
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economic triumph. In the preceding chapter I observed that Eugene Fama, a celebrated finance theorist at the University of Chicago, declared that the era since financial deregulation began has been one of “extraordinary growth,” when it has in fact been nothing of the sort. What might have led Fama to believe that
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-adjusted dollars. One is average family income—total income divided by the number of families. Even this measure shows no hint of “extraordinary growth” following financial deregulation. In fact, growth was faster before 1980 than after. The second shows median family income—the income of the typical family, with income higher than
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just how well people at the top—in this case, the “1 percent” made famous by Occupy Wall Street—actually did. For them growth since financial deregulation has indeed been extraordinary; their incomes adjusted for inflation fluctuated with the rise and fall of the stock market, but more or less quadrupled since
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contributions to the economy as a whole. But why should those incomes have skyrocketed beginning around 1980? Part of the explanation surely rests with the financial deregulation I discussed in chapter 4. The tightly regulated financial markets that characterized America between the 1930s and the 1970s didn’t offer the opportunities for
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—a relaxation of the “outrage constraint”—that played a significant role in the sudden surge of top incomes. And the same rightward turn led to financial deregulation and the failure to regulate new forms of banking, which as we saw in chapter 4 did a lot to set the stage for crisis
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in the United States remained strong despite growing inequality, and far from rising, personal saving was on a long downward trend during the era of financial deregulation and rising inequality. A better case can be made for the opposite proposition—that rising inequality has led to too much consumption rather than too
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rising inequality to the depression we’re in was and is political. When we ask why policy makers were so blind to the risks of financial deregulation—and, since 2008, why they have been so blind to the risks of an inadequate response to the economic slump—it’s hard not to
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directors of UBS, another financial giant. But let’s not make this a partisan thing. Democrats also supported the repeal of Glass-Steagall and of financial deregulation in general. The key figure in the decision to support Gramm’s initiative was Robert Rubin, who was Treasury secretary at the time. Before entering
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extent to which economists have been part of the problem, not part of the solution. Many, though not all, leading economists argued in favor of financial deregulation even as it made the economy ever more vulnerable to crisis. Then, when crisis struck, all too many famous economists argued, fiercely and ignorantly, against
by Richard A. Posner · 30 Apr 2009 · 305pp · 69,216 words
that would cause a recession and even a depression was off the policy radar screen, in part because the synergistic effect of cheap credit and financial deregulation was missed. It was like winning World War II and being blindsided by guerrilla warfare in Vietnam. The United States had had plenty of experience
by Mehrsa Baradaran · 7 May 2024 · 470pp · 158,007 words
the Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act of 1993; and his Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Act of 1996, cutting welfare. Tax cuts, free trade deals, and financial deregulation—so-called Reaganomics (or “voodoo economics” according to critics)—were intended to spur economic expansion, create jobs, increase productivity, and restore confidence in the economy
by Joseph E. Stiglitz · 15 Mar 2015 · 409pp · 125,611 words
and her acumen had generated enormous respect on Wall Street. But the deeper battle was about economic philosophy and values. Summers had become synonymous with financial deregulation. He boasted of his role in passing the legislation that ensured that derivatives—the financial products that had played such a large role in the
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