full employment

No More Work: Why Full Employment Is a Bad Idea

by James Livingston  · 15 Feb 2016  · 90pp  · 27,452 words

No More Work No More WORK Why Full Employment Is a Bad Idea James Livingston The University of North Carolina Press Chapel Hill This book was published with the assistance of the Anniversary Fund

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a member of the Green Press Initiative since 2003. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA Names: Livingston, James, 1949– Title: No more work : why full employment is a bad idea / James Livingston. Description: Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, [2016] | “This book was published with the assistance of the

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net additions to the labor force, work itself can’t be justified by the invocation of economic necessity, and income must be decoupled from work—full employment becomes a fool’s errand. And if growth requires neither more capital nor more labor, less work and more leisure become the key not just

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either way. These days everybody from Left to Right—from Dean Baker to Arthur C. Brooks—addresses this breakdown of the labor market by advocating full employment, as if having a job is self-evidently a good thing, no matter how dangerous, demanding, or demeaning it is. But

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“full employment” is not the way to restore our faith in hard work, or playing by the rules, or whatever (note that the official unemployment rate is

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already below 6 percent, which is pretty close to what economists used to call full employment). Shitty jobs for everyone won’t solve any social problem we now face. Don’t take my word for it, look at the numbers. Already

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by “we” I mean pretty much all of us, Left to Right, because everybody wants to put Americans back to work, one way or another—full employment is the goal of right-wing politicians no less than left-wing economists. The differences between them are over means, not ends, and those ends

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the acquisition of character. Which is to say that everybody has doubled down on the benefits of work just as it reaches a vanishing point. “Full employment” has become a bipartisan goal at the very moment it has become both impossible and unnecessary. V Why? Because work means everything to us—regardless

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happens when the work runs out? Today the Left, broadly construed to include socialists, liberals, and all manner of intermediate positions, has just one answer: full employment. So does the Right, broadly construed to include libertarians, conservatives, evangelicals, and the ample bandwidth in between. All parties want, above all, to create more

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, made the “loss of grant benefits [as family income rose] sufficiently gradual as not to discourage those on welfare from seeking a job.” So the full-employment agenda was already the default setting of the Democratic Party and the larger Left produced by the New Deal coalition. When he proposed an increase

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emphasized that his program also included a $10 billion fiscal stimulus that would enhance consumer spending and corporate profits: “Nothing spurs profits like a strong full employment economy, which has the highest priority in my economic program.”5 Third, and this is most important for my purposes, everyone assumed that wages for

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problem that went back to the 1920s, when economists first noticed that gains in labor productivity would no longer increase demand for labor, and that full employment had become a function of public spending, mostly on war. So they asked how to redistribute income, and how to promote consumer spending and economic

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was composed of these assumptions: 1. The end of work was in sight because private enterprise could not create enough jobs to sustain anything approaching full employment, and thus could not maintain aggregate consumer demand for a growing output of goods and services. 2. Any transparent or intelligible relation between work and

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politicians, academics, journalists, and intellectuals, whether liberal, conservative, or radical, they didn’t turn away from either the threat or the promise. In their view, “full employment” was a receding horizon, almost a hopeless dream, not a self-evident purpose, and they acted accordingly. The world these people glimpsed is the reality

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of our time. But back then, full employment was not the uniform answer to the moral questions and economic issues attending the problem. Journalists, academics, intellectuals, and legislators agreed instead that neither private

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to be in the same hunt. Of course we can (A) try to create more jobs by whatever means, public or private, and move toward “full employment”—meanwhile hoping that a more intelligible, more justifiable relation between work performed and income received is created as a result. Or we can (B) acknowledge

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foreseen by Nixon’s henchmen gets worse and worse. Instead of a guaranteed income, the battle cry we hear from both Left and Right is “full employment.” Both sides deploy the same slogan to avoid the economic and ethical implications of more “entitlements”—to get people “off welfare” and into jobs—because

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’s even more remarkable is that the Left is more interested than the Right in the redemption of work according to Protestant specifications—through (1) “full employment”; (2) workers’ cooperatives; (3) trade unions; and, above all, through (4) the revival of craftsmanship, that is, the ancient ideal of poiesis. In the next

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we get to those ambiguities, let’s see how the contemporary Left recapitulates the intellectual imperatives bequeathed us by the Reformation. The progressive advocates of full employment, for example, from Dean Baker and Jared Bernstein to Thomas Edsall and Mike Konczal, frame their proposals as alternatives to working- class dependence on the

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for better wages and working conditions on their own account. Here is how Edsall, the New York Times columnist, summarized the progressive political morality of full employment in December 2013: The economics of survival have forced millions of men, women, and children to rely on “pity-charity liberal capitalism” [Edsall is here

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Obamacare.1 The only alternative to this vaguely, benignly fascistic version of liberalism, according to Edsall and Konczal, is a “bold” public policy commitment to full employment, presumably because more jobs mean less dependence on the state for income supplements, aka transfer payments, entitlements, and government subsidies. Now, Edsall and Konczal are

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, and dependence on the other—between having a job and being subjugated by the state (or the party). But let’s grant the advocates of full employment their most basic assumption, that a “bold public policy commitment” to job creation through public spending is only a temporary expedient that can be dismantled

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celebrated new book called The Age of Acquiescence (2015), make both claims as if they’re self-evident. The liberal and left-wing advocates of full employment assume that the bargaining power of workers, and thus their inclination to organize, will increase as the supply of jobs does. Meanwhile the advocates of

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consumer demand had replaced the old “pain economy” determined by saving, striving, starvation, anything but enjoyment. What then? How to reinstate those “masculine virtues”? Why, full employment, of course! Like our contemporaries on the Left who still worship at the shrine of work, James proposed to put all teenagers to work, to

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socially necessary labor—how we learn to accept income that can’t be accounted for by reference to time on the job. To hell with full employment. How about full enjoyment? Fuck work. II Love and work—the two things we all want, according to Freud and every other student of human

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have to start from scratch just because for the last fifty years, liberals, conservatives, and all those in between have been addressing the wrong issue, “full employment.” Instead, we start with Nixon’s Family Assistance Program, and see where it leads us. Eventually we’ll decide that, in the absence of jobs

Getting Back to Full Employment: A Better Bargain for Working People

by Dean Baker and Jared Bernstein  · 14 Nov 2013  · 128pp  · 35,958 words

The rigor and depth of their data resources have made a huge contribution to the most critical economic debates of our time, including inequality and full employment. We also thank Arloc Sherman and William Chen from the Center On Budget and Policy Priorities for helping with data collection. Bernstein thanks the CBPP

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low unemployment and price pressure is common sense. But there is a huge difference between acknowledging the relationship and believing that public policy must avoid full employment because it will cause inflation, or that it must tolerate a cruelly high level of unemployment simply to avoid a slight risk of inflation. In

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the conventional view, the unemployment rate associated with full employment and stable inflation is called the non-accelerating inflation rate of unemployment, or NAIRU. Hiring when the unemployment rate is below the NAIRU, the story

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Budget Office (CBO) estimates of the NAIRU; the more erratic line is the actual unemployment rate.[1] The comparison enables a few pertinent observations about full employment, regardless of your thoughts about the NAIRU: Since the 1980s, the job market has spent a lot more time above than below the NAIRU, i

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slowly. Since the Great Recession, the job market has been exceedingly slack, and virtually all the progress noted above has unwound. Why another look at full employment? Since our last book in 2003, a number of developments have led us back to this research. First, many analysts and policymakers wrongly believe that

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banks have interpreted it is to focus on the target as their only policy goal. But the Fed has a mandate from Congress to pursue full employment, and departing from this mandate could mean keeping the unemployment rate unnecessarily high for long periods. Finally, unemployment remains historically and stubbornly high, and

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budget deficits are necessary for growth and jobs right now, and will not drive future deficits. To the contrary, as we emphasize in Chapter 4, full employment should be considered an ally of those who seek a more balanced budget. Misunderstanding the impact of the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (ARRA) – the

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take advantage of this information to bring down the unemployment rate.[3] Yet, it will likely take more than short-term stimulus measures to maintain full employment in the future. While there is no evidence that the structural problem of a pervasive skills mismatch is holding us back on the supply side

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of the economic authorities failed to recognize an $8 trillion housing bubble. We believe there are few if any economic policy issues as important as full employment. It is essential for reducing the income stagnation that has beset the middle class, reducing poverty rates among working-age families, pushing back against economic

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Grunwald’s book, The New New Deal, provides an extensive analysis of the effectiveness of the Recovery Act. Chapter 2: Evidence of the Benefits of Full Employment The historical record in the United States supports the notion that, when labor markets are tight, the benefits of growth are more likely to flow

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in the job market, as has been the case more often than not in recent years, working families fall behind. Job markets operating below full employment are not confined to recessions. Business cycle expansions over the past 30 years have featured labor markets with too much slack to provide workers with

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job markets has also been a period of low- and middle-wage stagnation and rising wage and income (and wealth) inequality. The absence of full employment in most years since the 1970s was not the only factor in play; the reasons for the rise in inequality include globalization, technological change, a

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growth and jobs, particularly for less-advantaged persons whose incomes are closely tied to the unemployment rate. We employ two methods to estimate where “inflationary” full employment might kick in. In this section we compare the Congressional Budget Office’s NAIRU measure, plotted in Figure 2-1, to the actual unemployment rate

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early 1990s recession, the early 2000s recession, and the most recent one. The current, large gap between actual unemployment and the rate associated with full employment is clear at the right-hand side of the figure. One way to quantify the differences between the pre- and post-1979 periods is to

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low- and middle-wage workers were able to get ahead. Figure 2-4 shows the results of a statistical exercise to test the correlation between full employment and trends in real income for different groups of families. Specifically, the exercise examines the relationship between changes in real income by income group and

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the more you lose in slack labor markets. For families in the 20th percentile, for each percentage point that the unemployment rate was closer to full employment, incomes grew 2.2 percent. The correlation was strongest for these families; at the median income growth was about a third less; and for

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a drop in unemployment accrue disproportionately to lower-income families. This result is an average over the full period. Further analysis looking specifically at the full-employment years of the late 1990s reveals a particularly large impact on hours worked by families below the 20th percentile (Figure 2-6). Hours worked were

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the bottom group were up only 8 percent, and in the 2000s they were essentially flat, even as the economy expanded. In other words, full employment provides the opportunity for the lowest-income workers to expand their labor supply. Contrary to conservative stories about how low-income people don’t want

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advantaged workers. We can draw two important conclusions from this income, hours, and wages analysis. First, when the economy operated more frequently at or near full employment, incomes grew faster and more equally. Other factors were surely in play, like globalization, that influenced both labor market slack and wage growth. But the

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of unemployment from the CBO’s NAIRU (unemployment-NAIRU for each year), and a trend variable. The table shows the coefficient on the “deviation from full employment” variable. The rest of the figures and the next table show the results of various equations which regress workers' real wages on the unemployment rates

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increased demand. It is crucial to understand and estimate structural unemployment, because (in combination with frictional unemployment) it represents the floor in our pursuit of full employment. It is not easy to determine where cyclical unemployment ends and structural unemployment begins, but there are features of the labor market that indicate which

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, unemployment that appears to be structural in the context of a depressed economy may prove to be cyclical if the economy were to return to full employment (Thoma 2011). For example, the wages being offered during the downturn in a relatively prosperous area may not be sufficient to induce workers to

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move from areas of higher unemployment. However, when the economy gets closer to full employment, employers in prosperous areas might be willing to offer higher pay, thereby providing the incentive necessary to get workers to move from pockets of high

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of income (Helliwell and Hang 2011). [29] This sort of effect is described in Akerlof, Dickens, and Perry 1996. See also Palley 2003. Chapter 4: Full Employment and the Budget The history of the 1990s has been rewritten in the collective mind of the Washington policy community. In the revised version, when

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to rise relative to spending and produce a smaller deficit. The other reason that deficits are likely to fall when the economy gets closer to full employment is that there is less need for spending on a range of social benefits. Outlays for safety net programs like unemployment insurance and food

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let the market deliver its rewards. The safety net is supposed to catch people when the economy stumbles; when the job market is operating at full employment, there should be less need for supplements like food stamps. A second option is to set the cutoff thresholds higher so that the target

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EITC and subsidies for child care, transportation, and health care. Regardless of the route taken in the structuring of means-tested programs, a period of full employment makes it feasible to achieve the goal of a society in which everyone can have a decent standard of living. By increasing the resources available

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who still fall behind. If the United States is serious about ending poverty, it is difficult to see how we can achieve that goal absent full employment. A substantial period of low unemployment would allow a large percentage of those currently suffering from poverty to experience wage gains large enough to lift

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percent of people age 18-64 under the poverty line suffered from some form of disability (U.S. Census Bureau 2012b). Chapter 5: Policies for Full Employment I: Improving the Trade Balance Unemployment is not just a problem that affects those unable to find jobs; it hurts the entire labor force. Unemployment

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that are already most disadvantaged in society. It also reduces the economy’s productive capacity and causes the skills of the workforce to wither. Pursuing full employment is not only good social policy; it is smart fiscal policy. Austerity measures that would cut spending in order to generate growth have the counterproductive

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and they typically fail to reduce deficits because slower growth lowers tax revenues and requires more spending on economic stabilizers. When the economy is at full employment, higher wages and incomes and the diminished need for public assistance and unemployment benefits lead to more robust revenue flows and lower deficits. Thus, it

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net exports and government spending.[36] A sound long-term strategy would focus on increasing net exports, which means reducing the trade deficit. Trade and full employment There is a great deal of confusion in policy circles, some of it deliberate, regarding trade. When it comes to creating demand in the economy

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then the result is likely to be higher unemployment, particularly if the job market is already soft. The jobs impact would be different in a full employment economy, but overall not very significant. In this case, the lower price of goods effectively raises the wages of workers by 0.4 percent,

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For these reasons, there is hardly unanimity among constituencies in the United States for a lower-valued dollar, even if it will get us to full employment without large budget deficits. The issue has, however, gotten some attention in Congress. Representative Sander Levin and Senator Sherrod Brown have proposed legislation that would

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a large enough scale, then the effective exchange rate for purposes of trade would be the rate set by the Treasury. Chapter 6: Policies for Full Employment II: Public Investment, Public Jobs, and Work Sharing The collapse of the housing bubble in 2007 left the economy with a shortfall in annual demand

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can simply increase hours for their existing workforce. On the other hand, work-sharing programs have and will continue to be used less to promote full employment than to accommodate its absence. That is, when output gaps arise because the economy is operating below full potential, work sharing spreads the pain of

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slack, the labor market shares it more broadly, meaning that we trade off less unemployment for more involuntary underemployment. The optimal public policy is still full employment, which provides workers the hours of work they seek. The use of short work to sustain employment raises a more general issue of how we

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productivity growth have gone increasingly to those at the top of the earnings scale. There are a variety of reasons for this, with less-than-full employment being one of them. Historically, one way in which workers have taken the benefits of productivity growth has been through shorter workweeks and/or

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to keep employment levels constant. Macroeconomic policy, typically through the Fed lowering interest rates, can counteract shortfalls in demand and bring the economy back to full employment. However, there is no guarantee that the Fed will follow this path, especially if the United States develops a large trade deficit as a result

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less reason to follow the Walmart path. Conclusion In a recession, the government has an important role to play in getting the economy back to full employment. This is not an issue of preferring the government to the private sector, but simply an acknowledgment that in a downturn, especially one as deep

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of paid time off, but the vast majority of workers in the country have no government guarantee of paid time off. Chapter 7: Full Employment Now The argument for full employment is obvious, noncontroversial, and even nonpartisan: People need jobs to support themselves, and a shortage of jobs hurts them and the nation.

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at play, even if sometimes hidden, and the only question is which policies to pursue. We offer a detailed map showing many routes back to full employment, including familiar routes such as monetary and fiscal policy, but also less-traveled options like work sharing, direct job creation, reduction of trade deficits,

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we should place a priority on pushing policy in this direction, and policy makers, think tanks, philanthropic foundations, the voting public, fiscal hawks (recall that full employment has deficit-reducing properties), and the economics profession should forge the agenda. Washington DC is clearly a place that can drain one of any hope

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that our national institutions have the capacity, the will, or the intelligence to meet critical challenges in the economic sphere, or any sphere. And though full employment should be a bipartisan goal, it is far from center stage in today’s policy debates. But history has shown that political fashions in Washington

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from supply-side tax cuts, deregulation of financial markets, hair-on-fire deficit reduction, and all the other issues that distract us from the full-employment agenda. Our hope is that such pressure will derive from an informed public that recognizes not only the high stakes of the debate but also

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direction, we will consider it a success. If they don’t, we’ll just have to try harder. But we will not stop pulling for full employment until we get there and stay there. References Akerlof, George, William Dickens, and William Perry. 1996. “The Macroeconomics of Low Inflation.” Brookings Papers on

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Fund.” Washington, DC: Center on Budget and Policy Priorities and CLASP. http://www.cbpp.org/files/2-16-11tanf.pdf Pollin, Robert. 2012. Back to Full Employment. Cambridge, MA: M.I.T. Press. Ray, Rebecca, Janet Gornick, and John Schmitt. 2008. “Parental Leave Policies in 21 Countries: Assessing Generosity and Gender

Globalists

by Quinn Slobodian  · 16 Mar 2018  · 451pp  · 142,662 words

internally divided as it sought to please all domestic groups at once. Governments overcompensated with visions of autarky and self-sufficiency and wild promises of full employment. States moved further away from what they did best from an economic point of view as industrial countries protected agriculture and agricultural countries stimulated industry

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taken after the fortress of the New Deal has been taken, and after all of the theories of the ‘mature economy,’ of ‘deficit spending’ and ‘full employment’ have been cleared out, and the monstrous misuse of power of the large interest groups, including farmers and labor unions, has been dammed.”114 To

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, this semblance of economic world government left much to be desired from a neoliberal standpoint. The GATT agreement began by stating its goal as “ensuring full employment”—one of the primary bugbears of neoliberals. And if the IMF was designed, in part, to expose individual nations to the discipline of the world

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Kaldor and Thomas Balogh who dominated the young UN. The new language of “development” and the subfield of “development economics” helped legitimize worldwide demands for full employment, capital controls, and the right to nationalize foreign-owned assets and resources. As Röpke put it sarcastically, “today’s ‘human rights’ as formulated by the

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a parallel right to deviate from the orthodox rules of free trade to protect nascent industries against foreign competition and to pursue domestic development and full employment.23 The expansion of the democratic principle in the planning of the ITO was a moment of revolt against the twinned imaginaries of the League

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fight for liberty and human dignity.”70 It was the choice of rights he disagreed with. He condemned the way that the Havana Charter made “full employment” into a “kind of sacred human right,” quoting Heilperin’s Montreux statement at length in support.71 Rather than discard the language of human rights

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the lure of communism, established an epistemology that sanctioned the political goal of what Elizabeth Borgwardt calls “a New Deal for the world,” complete with full employment, transnational unionism, and opportunities for both big business and democratic governance.3 So-called modernization theory mapped out a path for national economies to move

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. In 1952 the American Enterprise Association (later the American Enterprise Institute) published Röpke’s critique of the UN “Report on National and International Measures for Full Employment” (1949), which had been written primarily by British and French Keynesians.75 Röpke wrote that there was “no other economic issue which appears so attractive

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and yet may be so dangerous as the one based on this misleading and bitterly discussed concept” of full employment and warned that the report marked the dangerous shift from “national planning” to “international planning.”76 With the launch of Kennedy’s New Frontier program

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… who saw it as self-evident that, after all of the experiences and considerations of the last decades, one could not speak of planned economies, full employment policies, nationalization and the welfare state in anything more than a tone of sarcasm.”102 Americans informed him that they were accustomed to hearing the

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an Open Door policy for the world. Even though by the end of the war the consensus at the League had shifted toward policies of full employment and Keynesian expansion, the League retained the promise of salutary liberal internationalism in the minds of Geneva School neoliberals.10 Fatefully, however, the precondition for

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include two other experts and active League economists—Meade, an architect of GATT who had also played a key role in formulating Britain’s postwar full-employment policies, and the Dutch econometrician Jan Tinbergen, who created the first macroeconomic statistical model of a national economy while at the League. They were joined

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Meade, both of whom held views close to the Keynesian principles opposed by Haberler, who remained a staunch defendant of stability over both growth and full employment. In his writings from the 1930s to the 1980s, Haberler insisted that the open world economy was important as a means of disciplining potentially inflationary

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et ses problèmes,” Revue d’économie politique 62, no. 2 (May 1952): 133–189; Wilhelm Röpke, The Economics of Full Employment: An Analysis of the UN Report on National and International Measures for Full Employment (New York: American Enterprise Association, 1952); Wilhelm Röpke, “Unentwickelte Länder,” Ordo 5 (1953): 63–113. For an overview of

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Government,” Nation’s Business 45, no. 9 (September 1957): 39–94, at 89. 74. Quoted in Wegmann, Früher Neoliberalismus, 317. 75. Röpke, The Economics of Full Employment; J. F. J. Toye and Richard Toye, The UN and Global Political Economy: Trade, Finance, and Development (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2004), 93. 76. Röpke

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, The Economics of Full Employment, 5, 31. 77. Wilhelm Röpke, “Washington’s Economics: A German Scholar Sees Nation Moving into Fiscal Socialism,” Wall Street Journal, April 1, 1963. 78. Röpke

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), 217, 219, 222, 243, 249–250, 278; human rights covenants, 279; International Law Commission, 220; Leontief Report, 222; “Report on National and International Measures for Full Employment” of, 158; UNESCO, 77; Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 134–136; U.S. ambassador to, 258. See also New International Economic Order United States, 43

Our Dollar, Your Problem: An Insider’s View of Seven Turbulent Decades of Global Finance, and the Road Ahead

by Kenneth Rogoff  · 27 Feb 2025  · 330pp  · 127,791 words

interpretation than does the Fed’s dual mandate of maintaining stable prices and maximum employment, which by convention the Fed interprets as low inflation and full employment. The Fed is far more exposed to political pressure, for example, in what weight to attach to inflation as opposed to unemployment.16 The shared

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firms at the expense of workers, but nevertheless make it easier overall for the Fed and other central banks to keep inflation low while maintaining full employment. If so, then AI-driven deflationary pressures might partly offset inflationary pressures coming from deglobalization, rising global tensions, and populism. In any event, it is

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that, but for recurrent massive budget deficits across industrialized economies, on top of changes in old-age pension systems starting in the early 1970s, neutral (full employment) real interest rates would have been 3 percent lower—that is, deeply negative.23 Academic economists were falling all over themselves to explain why real

The American Dream Is Not Dead: (But Populism Could Kill It)

by Michael R. Strain  · 25 Feb 2020  · 98pp  · 27,609 words

. 24017, December 2017. 19.Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, “Monetary Policy Report Submitted to Congress on February 17, 2000, Pursuant to the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1978: Monetary Policy and the Economic Outlook (section 1).” 20.The CPI-U-RS value for 2019 was not released

The Populist Explosion: How the Great Recession Transformed American and European Politics

by John B. Judis  · 11 Sep 2016  · 177pp  · 50,167 words

income, auditing Spain’s debt with a view to not paying what was “illegitimate,” making the Stability and Growth Pact “flexible” and making it include “full employment” in its objectives, democratization of Brussels and rejection of the Lisbon Treaty, repeal of Spain’s balanced budget law, and a 35-hour workweek. Together

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integrated community—suffers a structural setback? So long as it is a sovereign state, it can devalue its currency. It can then trade successfully at full employment provided its people accept the necessary cut in their real incomes. With an economic and monetary union, this recourse is obviously barred, and its prospect

Unhealthy societies: the afflictions of inequality

by Richard G. Wilkinson  · 19 Nov 1996  · 268pp  · 89,761 words

health improvements, such an explanation ignores the fact that it does not apply to the First World War. Both wars however saw a return to full employment and a dramatic narrowing of income differences. Winter describes the attempt to ensure basic minimum standards for all, which he says led to a levelling

Team Human

by Douglas Rushkoff  · 22 Jan 2019  · 196pp  · 54,339 words

terms of getting everyone “jobs,” as if what everyone really wants is the opportunity to commodify their living hours. It’s not that we need full employment in order to get everything done, grow enough food, or make enough stuff for everyone. In the United States, we already have surplus food and

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by Guy Standing  · 19 Mar 2020

, adjusted according to changes in real per capita income, and a cyclical component, which would rise in times of recession and fall in times of ‘full employment’ or high aggregate demand.1 A basic income system would also tend to lessen regional inequality: it would represent a higher share of per capita

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by Richard Wilkinson and Kate Pickett  · 1 Jan 2009  · 309pp  · 86,909 words

World War, this was not true for the First World War, and material living standards declined during both wars. However, both wartimes were characterized by full employment and considerably narrower income differences – the result of deliberate government policies to promote co-operation with the war effort. During the Second World War, for

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