by Grace Blakeley · 9 Sep 2019 · 263pp · 80,594 words
bust when interest rates had to be hiked again to keep the UK in the Exchange Rate Mechanism. In a mini precursor to 2008, a housing crisis ensued. But it wasn’t long before stability was restored, and debt began to climb once again — and it didn’t stop climbing for nearly
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escalated, and banks began to worry. Had the trouble ended at US mortgages, we may have been left with a US, and perhaps a UK, housing crisis. But by 2007, mortgages were no longer just mortgages. The debt that had been created by the banks in the boom between the 1980s and
by David Wessel · 3 Aug 2009 · 350pp · 109,220 words
of the Greenspan years began to take hold inside the fraternity. John Taylor, the noted Stanford monetary expert, indicted Greenspan for having created the current housing crisis by keeping interest rates too low too long earlier in the decade. Taylor believed that government economic policy worked best when the people who made
by Tamim Bayoumi · 405pp · 109,114 words
the Glass–Steagall Act in 1999 has often been seen as a key moment in a deregulatory process that led to banking excesses and the housing crisis.12 However, by then the important transformation of the US banking system had already taken place, as the relatively heavily capitalized US regulated banks sold
by Mehrsa Baradaran · 5 Oct 2015 · 424pp · 121,425 words
and S&Ls in providing financing for affordable housing, including minority and low income housing.” Mike Konczal, “No, Marco Rubio, Government Did Not Cause the Housing Crisis,” Washington Post: Wonkblog, February 13, 2003, accessed March 17, 2015, www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/wonkblog/wp/2013/02/13/no-marco-rubio-government-did-not
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-cause-the-housing-crisis/. 76. Elizabeth Laderman and Carolina Reid, “CRA Lending during the Subprime Meltdown,” Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco, February 2009, 115, accessed March 17, 2015
by Bethany McLean · 13 Sep 2015 · 160pp · 6,876 words
with a version of the same conclusion: “A fully government owned guarantor of mortgage debt might be exactly what is called for given the current housing crisis . . . without the need to satisfy a fiduciary duty to shareholders, Fannie might finally be able to perform its affordable housing mission in a helpful and
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. I know you, with me, will not be content until a sound housing program is established for the whole nation.” The attempts to fix the housing crisis brought about by the Depression, which became the roots of the housing finance system we have today, actually began with President Herbert Hoover. In the
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risk of strategic defaults, which Treasury argued was minimal. “You have the power to help more struggling homeowners and heal the remaining damage from the housing crisis,” Geithner wrote to DeMarco. But DeMarco would not budge. Treasury officials, and at least some of the National Economic Council economists, thought DeMarco’s view
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good credit would get a cheaper mortgage elsewhere, thereby leaving the weaker credits to Fannie and Freddie. Also, we were in the middle of a housing crisis. Why would you want to exacerbate the problem? Housing accounts for nearly 20 percent of the American economy. Despite the decline in home prices since
by Anna Minton · 31 May 2017 · 169pp · 52,744 words
because it has been expedient not to. It makes for painful yet compelling reading’ Nathan Brooker, Financial Times ‘Anna Minton goes digging into the housing crisis in London and beyond. She gives us an account that indicates the crisis was made through decisions and willful distortions … reads like a sort of
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cities’ Lisa Mckenzie, research fellow in the department of sociology at the London School of Economics For all those who shared their stories about the housing crisis with me Disclaimer: it is not possible to provide an entirely accurate map, as different schemes are at different stages of the planning process. Sources
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some of these buildings ‘anti-homeless spikes’ prohibit homeless people from sitting or sleeping on the pavement. Since 2008 much has been written about the housing crisis. Exploring the fallout from that year’s financial crash, which combined large increases in wealth in property assets for the richest with widespread austerity, Big
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Capital makes explicit the links between the sheer wealth at the top and the housing crisis, which does not affect just those at the bottom but the majority of Londoners who struggle to buy properties and pay extortionate rents. From
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for inequality when the rate of return on rent is greater than the rate of economic growth. I hope to expose the lie that the housing crisis is a market question of supply and demand. Governments of all stripes have argued that we simply need to loosen planning restrictions and build
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services and stimulating certain parts of the economy. Rather than acknowledging the inflationary impact of global capital on London rents and house prices, the housing crisis is framed simply as a matter of supply and demand, with the super prime sector an issue of concern only to those interested in global
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highly dubious sources, to utterly distort the market. The resulting crisis in affordability is affecting all layers of society. But the prevailing discussion around the housing crisis misses this story, claiming instead that attracting wealth is purely positive, bringing jobs and economic stimulus. The first task is to show how interconnected the
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super prime market is to the housing crisis in its entirety. It does create multiplying events, but not in fact positive ones. Rather, these multipliers displace people and create economic and social
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old and established areas of London, but the tens of thousands of luxury apartments in newly created districts are an equally important component of the housing crisis. The majority are sold ‘off plan’ – sold from plans before they are built – to overseas investors before they are marketed to Londoners. At Silvertown
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out of the marquee and into a wall of noise in Berkeley Square – whistles, police sirens and chants. ‘Here are the people responsible for the housing crisis. Here are the people selling off our land. There are eighteen councils here, fifteen of them are Labour,’ a man shouted into a loudhailer. ‘
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Since 2014, when the MIPIM franchise launched MIPIM UK in London, every significant property industry event in London has been accompanied by protests about the housing crisis, with campaign groups such as Architects for Social Housing claiming that developers, investors and local authorities are demolishing council estates and building luxury apartments in
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since 1915, deregulated the private rented sector and created the framework for the introduction of Buy to Let, all of which contribute to today’s housing crisis. These policies began with the Conservatives but only really got going under Tony Blair’s New Labour government. When New Labour swept to power
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politician explained his vision to me, arguing that social housing undermines dignity, self-respect and aspiration and that even if it meant ameliorating the housing crisis they would not wish to return to the era of large-scale social housing provision. The contradictions of today’s planning system and the failure
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six months later, the role of developers in limiting supply had been airbrushed out. Instead, the main recommendation was that the solution to the housing crisis was to remove restrictions on the planning system, to encourage developers to build in such large numbers that prices would come down. The final report
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defend. The consequence is that, even if nearly all meaningful restrictions on the planning system are removed within London and other cities hit by the housing crisis, land supply will remain tight and land prices, fuelled by global capital, will continue to be high, even allowing for a significant downturn in
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which is clearly not working, given home ownership continues to fall. In place of this comes renewed concentration on the private rented market. Unfortunately, the housing crisis is at least as severe here. Neither are attempts to reboot the private rented sector new: the coalition government launched a review into it –
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critics condemn as social cleansing. As communities are broken up and tens of thousands of people displaced, this is another defining feature of London’s housing crisis. Down the road in Elephant and Castle tenants and homeowners on the Aylesbury Estate are fighting eviction. Neighbouring Lambeth Council has plans to demolish three
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clear that the ‘rent gap’ offered by potentially very high land values is driving estate regeneration. He argues that at a time of acute housing crisis, redevelopment is the only way to build the numbers of houses required, as the sales of new expensive homes also help pay for new affordable
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homes. Again, this viewpoint frames the housing crisis as being caused by a lack of supply alone, which it is not. Building large numbers of luxury apartments at the expense of poorer people
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‘state-led gentrification’. For those at the sharp end, even this change in terminology fails to define it; at an event I attended on the housing crisis in 2016, one member of the audience after another got up to say that the term ‘gentrification’ no longer covered what was happening: ‘It’
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on the streets. Families have no choice but to accept offers they don’t want in places far away from home. This is creating a housing crisis in other cities such as Luton, where Westminster, Waltham Forest and Wandsworth all house families; this in turn means that Luton has nowhere to
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and is now double what it was in the mid-2000s, with 7,580 people sleeping rough in London in 2015.26 Yet despite the housing crisis, local authority housing waiting lists have been slashed. This is simply councils shifting the goalposts and making it more difficult to qualify as eligible
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when the Localism Act came into effect, allowing councils to state applicants must have a local connection to the area.27 For example, despite the housing crisis, Hammersmith and Fulham Council cut its housing waiting list by almost 90 per cent in 2013, from more than 10,000 people to 1,
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is a business-led campaign group which includes the Royal Bank of Scotland, the CBI and scores of London’s businesses, formed to push the housing crisis up the political agenda. Their research shows that on current trends customer services and sales staff at almost every level will be pushed out,
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old journalist who worked as a producer of political programmes at the BBC but left because she felt the issues affecting her generation, like the housing crisis, were not being covered properly. ‘A lot of issues were dismissed by the older generation – it didn’t affect them. They all owned their
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and existing public sector jobs shrinking rapidly as a result of cuts to public services, it is not possible to contemplate real solutions to the housing crisis without profound structural economic change. And while some will leave the city, others like Jan will put up with conditions which should be unacceptable,
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for an alternative approach, based on the idea of the ‘Right to the City’, which is able to point towards a way out of the housing crisis, bring down prices and strengthen communities. A profoundly inclusive vision, its great strength is that it provides a framework for alternatives to the extreme
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mums facing eviction from Newham. Alongside other housing groups they are finding a voice on the national stage. There are two approaches to solving the housing crisis, which can be summarized as incremental change or a paradigm shift. The backdrop to both routes is the possibility that the crisis will continue
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vital importance of democratic renewal. The undermining of democracy, where communities are routinely ignored and excluded from key decisions, is also part of the housing crisis. Whole swathes of the city are being removed from the debate. It is only by giving these communities a voice that their right to the
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against hospital closures and in support of junior doctors, the anti-fracking movement, opposition to airport expansion and the range of issues related to the housing crisis. Many of these are achieving some success, from the legal battles around the proposed demolition of estates to successful rent strikes on university campuses that
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democracy. A blueprint for democratic renewal in public life, in government and in institutions is beyond the scope of this book, but as the housing crisis reaches a tipping point, it seems possible that political pressure from a new alliance of lower- and middle-income groups may create a more favourable
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takes ownership of places. Rewriting the social contract with regard to property and planning is the biggest challenge we face in order to address the housing crisis. We also need to determine the role of the state in subsidizing people in housing need. The marketized housing benefit system is leading to
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the ongoing discussion the government has not made any serious attempt to study its feasibility.fn4 Given the inertia, the emerging political alliance around the housing crisis across income groups, in civil society and among some politicians needs to make this a priority. On a smaller scale there is growing discussion
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it could be damaged or boosted by the changing political context here and around the world. Perhaps it is helpful to look at addressing the housing crisis on different levels of scale: as a global, national and local issue. The paradigm shift which requires a new social contract to control foreign
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Jeremy, Presentation to Central St Martin’s one-day symposium, ‘sensingsite – In this Neck of the Woods’, 4 June 2015 12. Valentine, Daniel, ‘Solving the housing crisis: an analysis of the investment demand behind the UK’s housing affordability crisis’, The Bow Group, November 2015 13. Valentine, Daniel, ‘Building more houses won
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://www.politics.co.uk/comment-analysis/2015/11/23/comment-building-more-houses-wont-bring-down-prices 14. Watt, Paul and Minton, Anna, ‘London’s housing crisis and its activisms’, City, Vol. 20 (2), pp. 204–21, 2016 15. Minton, Anna, Ground Control: Fear and Happiness in the twenty-first century
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May 2016 33. ‘The likely impact of the lower overall benefit cap’, Chartered Institute of Housing, 1 November 2016 34. Watt and Minton, ‘London’s housing crisis and its activisms’ 35. Perraudin, Frances, ‘Government criticised for holding housing bill debate lasting until 2 am’, Guardian, 6 January 2016 36. Topple, Steve, ‘
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trick?’, Guardian, 18 May 2014 4. FROM BRICKS TO BENEFITS 1. Watt, Paul, ‘A nomadic war machine in the metropolis. Encountering London’s 21st-century housing crisis with Focus E15’, City, Vol. 20 (2), pp. 297–320, 2016 2. Ibid. 3. Wales, Robin, ‘I apologise to the Focus E15 families, but
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this is a London housing crisis’, Guardian, 6 October 2014 4. Focus E15 v Robin Wales and Newham Council, YouTube.com, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gsPxancNiqk 5. London Borough
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‘Briefing: The growing Housing Benefit spend in the private rented sector’, National Housing Federation, 20 August 2016 10. Watt, Paul and Minton, Anna, ‘London’s housing crisis and its activisms’ City, Vol. 20 (2), 2016; 24 per cent of Londoners lived in social housing at the time of the 2011 census, a
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Publishing, Paris 16. Dixon, Ben, ‘Tracking Welfare Reform: Local Housing Allowance an extended London Council’s briefing’, London Councils, 2013 17. Hopps, Kat, ‘Newham’s housing crisis is “only going to get worse” says council’, Newham Recorder, 6 April 2016 18. Ibid. 19. Email correspondence with Greater London Authority official, 2016 20
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-by-nearly-90.html 29. Webb, Kate, ‘Bricks or benefits? How we can rebalance housing investment’, Shelter, 2012 30. Watt and Minton, ‘London’s housing crisis and its activisms’ 31. ‘Housing Associations and Right to Buy’, Communities and Local Government Select Committee Report, 10 February 2016 32. Live Tables on Rents
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Heather, ‘Clark vetoes council’s PRS licensing scheme’, Inside Housing, 23 December 2015 9. ‘Housing in London 2017’, London Datastore, GLA 10. Edwards, Michael, ‘The housing crisis and London’, City, Vol. 20 (2), pp. 222–37, 2016 11. ‘What are renters thinking?’, Briefing by Sian Berry, Green Party Member of the London
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3. Big Capital crystallized in 2015, when I was invited by the Bristol Festival of Ideas to participate in a gloomy debate on the housing crisis with the celebrated modernist architect Kate Macintosh. Speaker after speaker got up to talk about the demolition of London’s housing estates and the devastation
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E15, as well as the encyclopaediac account of past and present housing policy which he contributed to our co-authored introduction on ‘London’s housing crisis and its activisms’. Jerry Flynn’s rigorous paper on financial viability in Elephant and Castle and the account by Pam Douglas and Joanne Parkes of
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events on Cressingham Gardens provided an important campaigning voice. Many other academics have contributed to my understanding of the range of subjects related to the housing crisis and I would like to single out two in particular. Loretta Lees, professor of human geography at Leicester University, undertook research on the Aylesbury
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Estate. And two of my students, Nicolas Marchiaro and Martyn Holmes, make personal appearances in the book as a result of their experiences of the housing crisis. I would also like to thank Jane Rendell, professor of architecture and art at the Bartlett, Peter Cosmetatos, who cast his eye over much
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-sounding housing and planning policies, it’s about people’s lives and what individuals, families and children have to endure as a result of the housing crisis, and for this reason the book is dedicated to them. Of course, no thanks can be complete without mentioning my family. My partner, Martin
by Nouriel Roubini and Stephen Mihm · 10 May 2010 · 491pp · 131,769 words
starters, the fee they received for guaranteeing the mortgages that they manufactured into mortgage-backed securities proved insufficient to cover their losses. In the worst housing crisis since the Great Depression, even safe “prime” borrowers started to default, at rates far in excess of what Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac had anticipated
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financing and securitizing mortgages and other kinds of loans. This left them holding toxic mortgage-backed securities and CDOs that eroded in value when the housing crisis hit the United States. As markets for these securities dried up, many European banks saw their potential losses rise to frightening levels. By the end
by Greg Clark and Tim Moonen · 19 Dec 2016
New York City. The gradual loss of this investment stream into New York over the past 20 years has contributed to New York’s affordable housing crisis. The federal tier has also withdrawn from many financing responsibilities and focused primarily on security, immigration and healthcare challenges. Instead, it is the federal support
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‐sao‐pauloq. Accessed 2016 Feb 12. Holmes, C. (2016). São Paulo Is Betting Better Urban Planning Can Solve a Housing Crisis. Next City. Available at https://nextcity.org/features/view/sao‐paulo‐housing‐crisis‐master‐ plan‐zeis‐haddad‐habitat‐iii. Accessed 2016 Feb 12. IBGE (2016). Population projection for Brazil and federal units. Available
by Nate Silver · 31 Aug 2012 · 829pp · 186,976 words
faulty assumptions and false confidence about the risk that a collapse in housing prices might present. There was a widespread failure to anticipate how a housing crisis could trigger a global financial crisis. It had resulted from the high degree of leverage in the market, with $50 in side bets staked on
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rated securities as novel and complex as credit default options. The confidence that economists had in the ability of the financial system to withstand a housing crisis may have arisen because housing price fluctuations had generally not had large effects on the financial system in the past. However, the financial system had
by George Packer · 4 Mar 2014 · 559pp · 169,094 words
city councilman told him that one of the top three issues in Iowa was foreclosures. Connaughton relayed the message to a Biden staffer: the growing housing crisis should be a focus. (In the seventies, when Biden was still a freshman senator, Hubert Humphrey advised him, “You have to pick an issue that
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