The Innovation Paradox: Developing-Country Capabilities and the Unrealized Promise of Technological Catch-Up
by Xavier Cirera and William Francis Maloney · 14 Jun 2017 · 373pp · 109,964 words
-gold-medal/2018/02/08/76be5e7e-0d1a-11e8-8890-372e2047c935_story.html?utm_term=.ac6f9aa492cf. 3.For example, in today’s dollars, America’s annual income per capita in that era was approximately $3,363, Angola’s today is $3,695, Mongolia’s is $3,694, and Sri Lanka’s is $3,844
How Africa Works: Success and Failure on the World’s Last Developmental Frontier
by Joe Studwell · 6 Dec 2025 · 393pp · 148,223 words
free from interruptions. Moreover, the India operation sold two fifths of its output locally, something unthinkable in Madagascar, where the poverty shocks visitors and where income per capita is, in real terms, half what it was in 1970.37 Ciel Group did not abandon Madagascar. Indeed, after restarting the three Tana factories in
After the Spike: Population, Progress, and the Case for People
by Dean Spears and Michael Geruso · 7 Jul 2025 · 264pp · 96,174 words
couple centuries? A tiny bit of arithmetic goes a long way here. Imagine two futures. In both futures, living standards have climbed marvelously, so world income per capita is $70,000 (about what it is now in the United States). But in one future there are 10 billion people alive to enjoy it
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was highly restricted in 2017, has a low fertility rate of about 1.2 births per woman and an income per capita near 40,000 dollars. The plot suggests a general trend that higher income per capita correlates with lower fertility rates across countries, regardless of abortion laws, though the distribution of data points varies between
The Happiness Curve: Why Life Gets Better After 50
by Jonathan Rauch · 30 Apr 2018 · 277pp · 79,360 words
live among generous people • trust: corruption and dishonesty are bad for life satisfaction • freedom: feeling that you have sufficient freedom to make important life decisions • income per capita • healthy life expectancy If you look at that list, you will notice, again, that of the six factors, four have to do with social interaction
Capital in the Twenty-First Century
by Thomas Piketty · 10 Mar 2014 · 935pp · 267,358 words
work and partly of much larger inequalities in income from capital, which are themselves a consequence of the extreme concentration of wealth. The average national income per capita is simply the amount that one could distribute to each individual if it were possible to equalize the income distribution without altering total output or
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the era when they were conceived.19 We should be careful not to make a fetish of the published figures. When a country’s national income per capita is said to be 30,000 euros, it is obvious that this number, like all economic and social statistics, should be regarded as an estimate
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annual rate close to 1 percent, so that global output per capita is actually growing at a rate barely above 2 percent (as is global income per capita). Growth over the Very Long Run Before turning to present trends, I will go back in time and present the stages and orders of magnitude
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three centuries and apply the national capital structure as it existed around 1700 but with the average amounts we find today: 30,000 euros annual income per capita and 180,000 euros of capital. Our representative French or British citizen would then own around 120,000 euros worth of land, 30,000 euros
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the population growth rate.3 In other words, for a savings rate on the order of 10–12 percent and a growth rate of national income per capita on the order of 1.5–2 percent a year, it follows immediately that a country that has near-zero demographic growth and therefore a
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its population is not aging as rapidly, this mechanism will be further reinforced as a result. In other words, countries with similar growth rates of income per capita can end up with very different capital/income ratios simply because their demographic growth rates are not the same. This law allows us to give
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were perfectly aware of these subtleties. 30. The estimates referred to here concern national income per adult, which I believe is more significant than national income per capita. See the online technical appendix. 31. Average annual income in France ranged from 700 to 800 francs in the 1850s and from 1300 to 1400
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of capital—divided by national income. I will come back to this point. 3. Sometimes g is used to denote the growth rate of national income per capita and n the population growth rate, in which case the formula would be written β = s / (g + n). To keep the notation simple, I have
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total earned income (see Table 7.1), and therefore individually received about 60 percent of the average wage (or 40–50 percent of average national income per capita, allowing for the fact that income from labor generally accounts for 65–75 percent of national income). For example, in France today, the least well
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(International Monetary Fund), 220, 465, 519, 534, 553–554, 646n41 Immigration, 78, 82, 83–84; redistribution through, 538–539, 646n46 Incentive justification, 524, 526–527 Income: per capita, 106, 122, 590n31, 590n31, 590–591n8,9; disposable, 180–182; mixed, 204; from wages, 242; total, 254–255, 263–265; transfers of, 297–298; earned
The Economics of Enough: How to Run the Economy as if the Future Matters
by Diane Coyle · 21 Feb 2011 · 523pp · 111,615 words
look at inequality. In particular, there is a distinction between inequality within countries and inequality between countries. Starting with the latter, and looking at average income per capita nation by nation, countries such as the United States and United Kingdom have pulled much further ahead of the poorest countries such as Zimbabwe and
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Niger. At the same time, there has been a huge rise in average income per capita in China and India such that they have narrowed the gap with the richest countries. This latter development means global inequality has decreased substantially, but
GDP: A Brief but Affectionate History
by Diane Coyle · 23 Feb 2014 · 159pp · 45,073 words
challenge and criticize government decisions. Democracies did not suffer famines, at any level of GDP per capita.9 Sen went on to argue that although income per capita was important, it was not as complete a measure of people’s welfare as their capabilities—this would include income or command over resources but
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the efforts to assist developing countries, all those trillions of dollars in aid. The results in terms of GDP have been disappointing. The gap between incomes per capita of the world’s poorest and richest countries has soared in the past half century. But in many other ways—the indicators included in the
Vanishing Frontiers: The Forces Driving Mexico and the United States Together
by Andrew Selee · 4 Jun 2018 · 359pp · 97,415 words
them to expand. Despite these limitations, overall Mexicans are more prosperous today than at any time in the country’s history. On average gross national income per capita—people’s average share of the country’s wealth—grew around a third in real terms over twenty years and is closer today to that
Global Inequality: A New Approach for the Age of Globalization
by Branko Milanovic · 10 Apr 2016 · 312pp · 91,835 words
when we consider inequality over time is a cyclical pattern, as shown in Figure 2.3. But when we look at changes in inequality versus income per capita (where income is really a proxy for structural changes such as industrialization or the movement of people from rural to urban areas), we expect to
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find a much clearer picture of rises and then declines in inequality with increasing income. FIGURE 2.4. Expected pattern of changes in inequality versus income per capita from the preindustrial through the postindustrial period and into the future (dotted line) This graph shows that the pattern of regular cycles of inequality unfolding
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. These Kuznets waves, which are well-delineated when plotted against time, are much more difficult to find, or rather vanish, when we plot them against income per capita. It is, however, only in the first period identified by Rodríguez Weber (1850–1903) that we can treat the evolution in Chile as that of
Wealth, Poverty and Politics
by Thomas Sowell · 31 Aug 2015 · 877pp · 182,093 words
concentrations of natural resources, such as oil in Saudi Arabia or gold in South Africa, would be a very poor guide to places with high incomes per capita. As The Economist magazine said of Nigeria, it is “rich in oil reserves but otherwise desperately poor.”1 Without the cultural prerequisites for developing natural
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consistently failed the test of empirical evidence, even in Malthus’ own lifetime.6 There is no consistent correlation between population size or density and real income per capita. Poverty-stricken sub-Saharan Africa has a population density that is only a fraction of that in prosperous Japan,7 which has several times the
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Bank show that in 1960 the average per capita income of the 20 nations with the highest incomes per capita was about 23 times the average per capita income of the 20 nations with the lowest incomes per capita— and that this ratio rose to about 36 times as high by the year 2000. This fits
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