knowledge economy Concepts

The Knowledge Economy

by Roberto Mangabeira Unger · 19 Mar 2019 · 268pp · 75,490 words

Keynes’s teaching The spectrum of breakthroughs in the constraints on demand The spectrum of breakthroughs in the constraints on supply 18.Economics and the Knowledge Economy The imperative of structural vision The large-scale history of social and economic thought: truncating and evading structural vision Reckoning with post-marginalist economics:

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inequalities generated within established market regimes. The true character and potential of the new practice of production remain disguised: by virtue of being insular, the knowledge economy is also undeveloped. The technologies with which it has been most recently associated, such as robots and artificial intelligence, have riveted worldwide attention. Nevertheless,

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advanced practice of production—bears directly on the two overriding concerns of practical political economy: stagnation and inequality. A widespread and developed form of the knowledge economy offers the most promising way to promote socially inclusive economic growth and to diminish economic inequality. Under Alvin Hansen’s old label of “secular

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production—mechanized manufacturing and industrial mass production—set their mark on every part of economic life despite their close connection with one sector: industry. The knowledge economy should in principle be susceptible to even more widespread dissemination. Nothing about its characteristics limits it to any particular sector of the economy, which

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for the characteristics of the part of the economy in which its presence has been most salient: high-technology industry. The confinement of the knowledge economy to fringes in all sectors of production has similarly powerful implications for inequality. The distinction between an insular albeit multisectoral vanguard and the rest of

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wage competition, with no hint of any plan to convert it to the practices, and conform it to the requirements, of the knowledge economy. As new wealth accumulates in the knowledge economy, the distance separating this economy from the vast periphery of production generates inequalities that the traditional devices for attenuating inequality are inadequate

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or radicalized through such dissemination. It shows its character and potential by developing across a wide range of economic activities. By a first approximation the knowledge economy is the accumulation of capital, technology, technology-relevant capabilities, and science in the conduct of productive activity. Its characteristic ideal is permanent innovation in

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exists now but as it would exist once disseminated and radicalized. Viewed from the limited and relatively superficial perspective of management and production engineering, the knowledge economy is the practice that reconciles production at large scale with “destandardization” or customization and the maintenance of coherence and momentum in the planning of production

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the advanced productive practice would have to spread throughout the economy: its dissemination and its radicalization are inseparably connected. 3. The Deep Structure of the Knowledge Economy: Relaxing or Reversing the Constraint of Diminishing Marginal Returns I now turn from surface to depth: to three features of experimentalist, knowledge-intensive production that

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mechanics. It is nevertheless a useful concept because like so much of established economic analysis it facilitates revealing simplification. Many have suggested that the knowledge economy might be associated with increasing returns to scale and have seen cause for the vindication of this conjecture in particular features of this practice of

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and institutions that supported the inventors. Even if these conjectures about near-zero marginal cost or positive externalities could adequately differentiate their subject matter—the knowledge economy—without over- or under-inclusion, they would suffer from a more basic failing: they would explain circumstantial departures from a norm—constant returns to

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discontinuities, combined with the dependence of production on progress external to itself, form the ultimate basis of the constraint of diminishing marginal returns. The knowledge economy promises to undermine this basis and thus to create the potential to overcome or even reverse the constraint of diminishing marginal returns. The relaxation or

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and the complement, rather than the mirror, of his machines. The advance of science and technology may remain discontinuous. But the experimentalist production characterizing the knowledge economy can translate scientific discovery and technological invention more directly and continuously into productive activity than it ever could before. Moreover, such production ceases to be

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and industrial mass production. What he needed was a disposition to obey, basic literacy and numeracy, and manual dexterity, especially hand-eye coordination. The knowledge economy makes possible—and to develop more deeply and widely it requires—a fundamental change in the relation of worker to machine. This change provides another

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which was prevented by its limited scale from assimilating the scale-dependent technologies and procedures of mass production. Unlike earlier advanced practices of production, the knowledge economy has no intrinsic bond to any particular sector. Its ability, supported by its characteristic technologies, to produce goods and services at almost any scale would

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thousands of people in China to execute the routinized parts of their production plan. Hyper-insular vanguardism is the authentic but miniaturized form of the knowledge economy. Pseudo-vanguardism is its illusory long shadow. The coexistence of hyper-insular vanguardism with pseudo-vanguardism is accompanied by two developments that are more

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without solid economic support. Corporations scour the world for cheaper labor, more dispensable labor commitments, and tax favors (labor and tax arbitrage). The insular knowledge economy and the nonvanguard firms around the world to which it assigns work through unstable contractual arrangements help undermine the economic base on which both the

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a sequence exemplifying the legal and institutional element in the advancement of an inclusive vanguardism, as the successor to the present confined form of the knowledge economy. In similar spirit, consider “flexsecurity”—the Scandinavian experiment in the development of security-preserving safeguards and capability enhancing endowments that are vested in every

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democratic politics. Such a program is unable to provide an adequate antidote to inequalities rooted in the division of the production system among the insular knowledge economy, the unsalvageable mass-production industries, and traditional, retrograde small business. It cannot supply a sufficient basis for social cohesion once ethnic and cultural heterogeneity

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reason to rebel against insular vanguardism not only because it impoverishes and divides us but also because it belittles us. 10. The Confinement of the Knowledge Economy: The Beginning of an Explanation Why does experimentalist, knowledge-intensive production remain restricted to the advanced fringes of each sector of the economy, with

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of building people—which is what public services do. Such an alternative would represent, by contrast to administrative Fordism, the administrative counterpart to the knowledge economy. Like the knowledge economy, it would require institutional innovation—in the organization of the state and of its relation to civil society rather than in the arrangements of

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production appeared on the land as precision, scientific agriculture restricted to a fringe of large-scale agricultural entrepreneurs and their commercial and financial backers. The knowledge economy has failed to spread, as mass production did, with less apparent reason to do so, for two fundamental reasons. They are closely connected. The

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one that refuses to treat radical doubt and intellectual experimentation as the prerogatives of genius and turns them instead into a common possession. The radicalized knowledge economy demands continuous rather than episodic innovation in arrangements as well as in products and technologies. Democracy requires that politics be able to master the structure

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high-energy democracy. By reshaping our cooperative practices on the model of our imaginative activities and by making innovation perpetual rather than episodic, the knowledge economy requires that its participants have minds that can increasingly dispense with the contrast between doing things and changing the framework of arrangements and assumptions within

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opportunities to coexist experimentally within the same market economy. What this means for the institutional reconstruction of the market I now discuss. 13. Making the Knowledge Economy Inclusive: The Legal- Institutional Requirements Inclusive vanguardism requires cumulative revision of the institutional arrangements of the market economy. To overcome the legacy of insular vanguardism

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, the better to achieve scale and to build together an apparatus of production with the attributes of the deepened and widespread knowledge economy. The most successful regional examples of the insular knowledge economy in the United States and Western Europe are characterized by a circulation of people, practices, and ideas among firms, subject

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it embodies. Because it facilitates contrarian entrepreneurial initiative, the unified property right will continue to be useful and even indispensable to the development of the knowledge economy. But rather than remaining the default way to decentralize economic initiative, it would turn over time into a limiting case. The more common form

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increasing inputs in production. The prospect of keeping this promise rests on the perpetual rather than episodic character of innovation. The innovations characteristic of the knowledge economy take place, without interruption, from within the production system itself, not only through the application of science pursued outside that system. Imagine then a

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staffed by leading specialists in different fields. A third alternative addresses a situation that is even more likely to recur in a developed and inclusive knowledge economy. Many have collaborated in the making of an innovation and in its development for commercial use. They may be individuals, research institutions, or business

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like the project of inclusive vanguardism have the best chance of advancing. 15. Inclusive Vanguardism and the Dilemma of Economic Development Having characterized the knowledge economy in both its confined and shallow and its disseminated and deepened form and explored the requirements for its deepening and dissemination as well as the

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few (especially China and India and to a lesser degree Russia and Brazil) have established, always in the insular mode, an outpost of the cosmopolitan knowledge economy. There are multiple and connected reasons why the standard industrializing prescription of development economics has stopped working. First, advanced production, from its exclusive bases throughout

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sectors, a crucial premise of the message of classical development economics, lose force. The hardness of these distinctions represents a sign of relative backwardness. The knowledge economy in all its forms, shallow and confined, or developed and widespread, subverts them. It especially undermines the difference between manufacturing and services. Fourth, mass

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reliable formula of economic development has stopped working everywhere. 16. Inclusive Vanguardism and the Political Economy of the Rich Countries Failure to develop the knowledge economy in inclusive form—or even to imagine such a development as a political-economic project—has had enormous consequences as well for the rich countries

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and combine access to capital with access to advanced technology, practice, and knowledge. The pursuit of higher productivity outside the insular vanguards to which the knowledge economy remains confined also requires a sequence of institutional and legal innovations strengthening the position of labor in its relation to capital. An upward tilt to

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practice followed later by policies and institutions that organize decentralized, pluralistic, and experimental coordination between governments and emerging businesses (to the end of spreading the knowledge economy) as well as cooperative competition among firms. For each of these initiatives, there is an income and wealth effect shadowing the empowerment effect. Similarly,

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economic decentralization. The market order would no longer be fastened to a single version of itself. The question about whether the form of the knowledge economy explored in this book remains capitalism cannot be answered because the argument for inclusive vanguardism rests on social-theoretical premises incompatible with those underlying the

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reimagine and reshape the institutional framework of production. Just such a reimagination and such a reshaping are essential to the spread and deepening of the knowledge economy. In fact, they prove indispensable to any significant change in the character of production and of its most advanced practice; economic and technological forces

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thumb informed by limited historical experience and motivated by contested political goals. Significant institutional innovations, like the innovations needed for the advancement of an inclusive knowledge economy, are likely to require defiance of such rules of thumb; one age’s common sense is just the controversial philosophy of an earlier or

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of, 95 development economics on, 160 dialectical approach to, 96–97 effect on inequality of, 13–14 experimentalist impulse and, 138 imagination and, 95 inclusive knowledge economy requirements for, 50, 82, 93–99, 186 industrial mass production’s requirements in, 85 institutional requirements of, 99 method and subject matter of, 96

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58 entrepreneurial impulse, 126, 166, 168–69 equivocating economics, 244, 249–50 exchange-production relationship, 227, 251–52 experimentalism as impulse, 136, 138–40 inclusive knowledge economy and, 138, 186–87 scientific, 30–31 federalism, 153–54 finance, 184, 193–94 financial derivatives, 126 firms government and, 67, 119–20, 121–

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, 185 transformation of nature and, 35 See also industrial mass production; mechanized manufacturing; moral culture of production; most advanced practice of production productivity confinement of knowledge economy consequences for, 10, 56, 71 cooperation and innovation required for, 106, 184 development economics on, 85–86, 161, 212 digital technologies’ boost to, 9,

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, 178, 249 unified property right advantages and disadvantages of, 125–26 disaggregated property and, 126–27 economic decentralization and, 102, 125, 186, 237 under generalized knowledge economy, 222, 223 intellectual property and, 130, 131 legal doctrine of, 48, 102, 127 market economy and, 102, 109, 245 United States agriculture in, 88,

The Information State: Politics in the Age of Total Control

by Jacob Siegel · 24 Mar 2026 · 348pp · 103,246 words

federal government. Topping the list of people who donated to his campaign were bankers, technology company workers, and university employees, the trifecta of the new knowledge economy. The average Obama voter was more likely than their Republican counterpart to trust in the power of informational systems. That made sense. The information economy

The Revolutionary Center: The Lost Genius of Liberalism

by Adrian Wooldridge · 7 Apr 2026 · 342pp · 129,097 words

lambasting. Fuelled in the gas station of undergraduate politics, these young radicals engaged in a long climb to the top of every pyramid in the knowledge economy. The bulk of these pyramid climbers preserved the general attitudes of their youth even as they assumed the mantle of power: hostility to the old

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return of an energized and left-leaning Democratic Party that restores and reinforces the identitarian regime. The identitarians also control the commanding heights of the knowledge economy, particularly the universities. Universities are both mighty economic engines and gatekeepers to most good jobs. Yet they are dominated by the left, particularly the identitarian

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give away all the tools of the drug life – tents, food and about six million free needles a year. The capital of the world’s knowledge economy has six times more injection drug users than students enrolled in its public high schools. Michael Shellenberger, a San Francisco-based commentator, asked several street

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trade globalization see globalization global financial crisis (2008) xx, 148, 152, 158, 206 Great Depression 85–6 immigration and 256–9 Keynes and see Keynes knowledge economy 142, 190, 244 liberalism origins and xv, xix, 3, 14–15, 17–19, 27, 30, 52, 53, 69, 78–80, 85, 232 managerial liberalism and

The Entrepreneurial State: Debunking Public vs. Private Sector Myths

by Mariana Mazzucato · 1 Jan 2011 · 382pp · 92,138 words

Myth 1: Innovation is about R&D Myth 2: Small is Beautiful Myth 3: Venture Capital is Risk Loving Myth 4: We Live in a Knowledge Economy – Just Look at all the Patents! Myth 5: Europe’s Problem is all about Commercialization Myth 6: Business Investment Requires ‘Less Tax and Red Tape

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both Keynes and Schumpeter. As Keynes rightly argued, government must become the investor of last resort when the private sector freezes. But in the modern knowledge economy it is not enough to invest in infrastructure or to generate demand for the expansion of production. If innovation has always been – as Schumpeter said

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has played in the ‘hotbeds’ of innovation and entrepreneurship – like Silicon Valley – was the key to showing that the State can not only facilitate the knowledge economy, but actively create it with a bold vision and targeted investment. This expanded version of the DEMOS report (more than double its size) builds on

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taker – allowed certain myths to survive. These myths describe the relationship between innovation and growth; the role of SMEs; the meaning of patents in the knowledge economy; the degree to which venture capital is risk-loving; and the degree to which investment in innovation is sensitive to tax cuts of different kinds

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innovation in advanced industrial economies, by pointing out that the public sector has been the lead player in what is often referred to as the ‘knowledge economy’ – an economy driven by technological change and knowledge production and diffusion. From the development of aviation, nuclear energy, computers, the Internet, biotechnology, and today’s

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investor and catalyst which sparks the network to act and spread knowledge. The State can and does act as creator, not just facilitator of the knowledge economy. Arguing for an entrepreneurial State is not ‘new’ industrial policy because it is in fact what has happened. As Block and Keller (2011, 95) have

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to focus on the importance of investments in technology and human capital to foster growth. The result was innovation-led growth policies to support the knowledge economy, a term used to denote the greater importance of investing in knowledge creation in promoting economic competitiveness (Mason, Bishop and Robinson 2009). Studies that showed

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purse (via lower taxes), which will not be able to fund the future innovations for VC to piggyback on. Myth 4: We Live in a Knowledge Economy – Just Look at all the Patents! Similarly to the myth that ‘innovation is about R&D’, a misunderstanding exists in relation to the role of

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base that has thus provided firm success and the overall growth of the biotech industry. As Vallas, Kleinman and Biscotti (2009, 66) eloquently summarize: …the knowledge economy did not spontaneously emerge from the bottom up, but was prompted by a top-down stealth industrial policy; government and industry leaders simultaneously advocated government

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the development of the biotechnology industry and argued hypocritically that government should ‘let the free market work’. As this quote indicates, not only was this knowledge economy guided by government, but, strikingly, it was done as the leaders of industry were on the one hand privately demanding government intervention to facilitate the

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Biscotti emphasize the significance of ‘massive shifts in federal R&D that were involved’, adding that, ‘it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that the knowledge economy was not born but made’ (2009, 71). Though pharmaceutical companies spend a lot on R&D, supplementing these private investments has been completely dependent on

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from sufficient, and indeed the role of the State goes deeper. I continue to examine the breadth and depth of State leadership in producing the knowledge economy in Chapter 4. In Chapter 5 I review the specific case of Apple as an example of a company that has benefitted enormously from both

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class to be innovative by ‘pursuing what you love’ and ‘staying foolish’. The speech has been cited worldwide as it epitomizes the culture of the ‘knowledge’ economy, whereby what are deemed important for innovation are not just large R&D labs but also a ‘culture’ of innovation and the ability of key

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the chief lobbyists (Lazonick 2009, 73). Venture capitalists, having convinced policymakers (and much of the mainstream media) that they are the ‘entrepreneurial’ force in the ‘knowledge economy’, benefit from major tax breaks and low rates placed upon capital gains (from which they derive the majority of their economic returns). The idea of

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–40, 42, 193; EU policy focus on 41; gap regarding State role 196; ICT revolution’s impact on 118; transfer of 38, 52; workers 42 ‘knowledge economy’: emergence of 67–8; innovation-led growth supporting 34; myth of 50–52; State as creator in 21; State as lead player in 13; State

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growth 10; of Europe’s problem being commercialization 48, 52–3; government captured by 19; of innovation being about R&D 44, 159–60; of knowledge economy and patents 50–52; of market as self-regulating 30, 195; of small is beautiful 45–7, 142, 160–61; of venture capital as risk

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Parker, Rachel 83–5 Parris, Stuart 44 patents: First Solar’s 151; focus on venture capital and 49; GE’s lead in 148; in knowledge economy 10; myth of knowledge economy and 50–52; ‘patent box’ policy 51–2; pharmaceutical 66; potential government retention of 189; success of as measure of innovation performance 34

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Myth 1: Innovation is about R&D Myth 2: Small is Beautiful Myth 3: Venture Capital is Risk Loving Myth 4: We Live in a Knowledge Economy – Just Look at all the Patents! Myth 5: Europe’s Problem is all about Commercialization Myth 6: Business Investment Requires ‘Less Tax and Red Tape

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Myth 1: Innovation is about R&D Myth 2: Small is Beautiful Myth 3: Venture Capital is Risk Loving Myth 4: We Live in a Knowledge Economy – Just Look at all the Patents! Myth 5: Europe’s Problem is all about Commercialization Myth 6: Business Investment Requires ‘Less Tax and Red Tape

The Global Auction: The Broken Promises of Education, Jobs, and Incomes

by Phillip Brown, Hugh Lauder and David Ashton · 3 Nov 2010 · 209pp · 80,086 words

of their knowledge, skills, and credentials. Jobs and rewards would ﬂow to individuals able to upgrade their skills to meet the competitive conditions of the knowledge economy, where opportunities were assumed to expand as the economy relied on new ideas, technologies, and innovations. Since the 1980s, politicians and opinion leaders, whether Republican

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routine production workers could become symbolic analysts and let their old jobs drift overseas to developing nations. —Robert Reich1 T his view of the global knowledge economy conjured up a world of smart people doing smart things in smart ways. Such an economy represented the high point of more than 200 years

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could gain from trading with each other as long as they specialized in products for which they had an advantage. The rise of the global knowledge economy was believed to remove much of the source of conﬂict and strife between nations. Trade liberalization was presented as a “win-win” opportunity for emerging

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the creation of a neoliberal opportunity bargain, which left individuals responsible for their employability through educational achievement and commitment to career development. Given that the knowledge economy now offered high-skill, high-wage jobs to those willing to invest in their human capital, the role of the state could be limited to

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to be a chimera.26 The empowerment of individuals to take greater responsibility for their own livelihoods was nevertheless reinforced by the rhetoric of the knowledge economy and celebrated as a ﬁnal victory ending the conﬂict between individual aspirations for meaningful work and the demands of market efﬁciency. The outcome was a

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competition could be resolved by developing the human capital of all Americans so that they can beneﬁt from the middle-class jobs that the global knowledge economy has to offer. Although the rise in income inequalities posed a problem for American workers as they adjusted to the age of human capital, these

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view that it does not matter what is studied because interesting and well-paid jobs were available across the economy. But no matter how a knowledge economy is deﬁned, it is difﬁcult to produce an account that does not include the centrality of science and technology, given that these are major ﬁelds

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36 The Global Auction ﬁnance, law, business, fashion, and the media. This has been reinforced by proponents of the knowledge economy who portrayed manufacturing as part of yesterday’s economy, overtaken by knowledge economy jobs in ﬁnancial services and other creative industries. In response, talented students turned their backs on what are viewed as

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proportion of students studying engineering for their ﬁrst degree, the scale of the transformation in the global distribution of expertise in key areas of the knowledge economy becomes obvious. In China, around 37 percent of students are studying engineering compared to 27 percent in South Korea, 22 percent in Germany, 7 percent

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line that created the mass production of autos, TVs, and washing machines and fueled the consumer boom of the 1950s and 1960s. In today’s knowledge economy, Drucker believed that competitive advantage has come to depend on the productivity of knowledge— using existing knowledge to create new knowledge.3 The use of

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led to rapid improvements in productivity.9 The same process of rationalization is now taking place in many of the industries currently associated with the knowledge economy, such as information technology, ﬁnancial services, legal services, and pharmaceuticals. Although the rationalization of knowledge work may increase the productivity of knowledge, it will also

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be translated into routines that might require some degree of education but not the kind of creativity and independence of judgment often associated with the knowledge economy. To reduce costs and increase control, companies are eager to capture the idiosyncratic knowledge of workers so that it can be codiﬁed and routinized, thereby

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need for the role. Whatever the merits of her argument about the future of portfolio careers, it is diametrically opposed to how pundits of the knowledge economy have portrayed the future of work, within loosely deﬁned occupational roles and high levels of employee discretion. In the modular corporation, there is a different

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popularized the idea of a “war for talent,” argued that talent management has assumed greater strategic importance since the 1980s with the growth of the knowledge economy.4 They also suggested that as the numbers of knowledge workers increased, “it’s more important to get great talent, since the differential value created

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implies that the domestic working and middle classes could no longer be relied on to supply fresh talent to fuel America’s or Britain’s knowledge economy. The focus on foreign talent was justiﬁed on grounds of an aging workforce, skill shortages in key areas such as engineering and science, or the

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he called the “routinization of charisma” and the prospects of an “iron cage” of bureaucracy, and Steven Brint has argued that the rhetoric of the knowledge economy is ahistorical: “Many years in the future, we shall see the same standardization in the computer software industry that a previous generation witnessed in the

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insurance and automobile industries.” Steven Brint, “Professionals and the ‘Knowledge Economy’: Rethinking the Theory of Post Industrial Society,” Current Sociology, 49, no. 4 (2001): 116. See Werner Holzl and Andreas Reinstaller, The Babbage Principle after Evolutionary

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, the Netherlands. http://edocs.ub.unimaas.nl/loader/ﬁle.asp?id=812 Barbro I. Anell and Timothy L. Wilson, “Prescripts: Creating Competitive Advantage in the Knowledge Economy,” Competitiveness Review, 12, no. 1: 26–37. Holzl and Reinstaller, The Babbage Principle, 14. Frederick W. Taylor, Principles of Scientiﬁc Management (New York: Harper and

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global auction, 132 Chinese Dragons, 58 education, 7–8, 29–30, 32, 32–35 global auction, 148 global economy, 3 human capital, 18, 106, 161 knowledge economy, 15 government as economic partner, 157–58 green technologies, 157 knowledge wars, 20, 22–23, 30, 47, 164 mass production, 71–72 Harvard Girl Yiting

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, 91 human capital, 17, 116–17, 155–56, 185n3 Czech Republic, 35 Dahrendorf, Ralph, 146 income inequalities and, 12, 133–34, 156 inquisitive learning, 145 knowledge economy, 2, 25 Daniels, Mike, 77 data entry, 81 knowledge wars, 28, 168n3 learning is earning mantra, 185n3 de Chabrol, Ernest, 1 de Tocqueville, Alexis, 1

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, 174–75n34, 178n8 McKinsey Global Institute, 35, 46, 85 King Abdullah University of Science and Technology, 30 mechanical Taylorism. See mass production mechatronics, 101, 174n27 knowledge economy, 15, 20, 25, 79 knowledge transfer, 70 knowledge wars, 19–23, 28, 30–36, 32, 38, mental revolution, 71 meritocracy, 9, 18, 133–36, 146

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, 152 mobility, 23, 138, 146 modernization, 157 income inequalities, 151–52 innovation, 65 modular corporation, 76–79, 99–100, 102–3, 174n33 Morgan Stanley, 43 knowledge economy, 25 knowledge wars, 23, 164 middle class, 132 Motorola, 42, 54 Muzio, Daniel, 85 nationalism, 4 neoliberalism, 6, 14–15, 24, 98, 151–52, 164

The Innovation Illusion: How So Little Is Created by So Many Working So Hard

by Fredrik Erixon and Bjorn Weigel · 3 Oct 2016 · 504pp · 126,835 words

.com/news/articles/2015-07-09/abandoned-homes-haunt-japanese-neighborhoods. Jaffe, Adam B., and Manuel Trajtenberg, Patents, Citations and Innovations: A Window on the Knowledge Economy. MIT Press, 2002. Jaruzelski, Barry, Volker Staack, and Brad Goehle, “Proven Paths to Innovation Success: Ten Years of Research Reveal the Best R&D Strategies

The New Harvest: Agricultural Innovation in Africa

by Calestous Juma · 27 May 2017

of change.11 Most African countries already have in place the key institutional components needed to make the transition to being a player in the knowledge economy. The emphasis should therefore be on realigning the existing structures and creating new ones where they do not exist. The challenge is in building the

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farmers and the industry is another key component of the Center. Technology Prospecting Much of the debate on the place of Africa in the global knowledge economy has tended to focus on identifying barriers to accessing new technologies. The basic premise has been that industrialized countries continue to limit the ability of

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. The law grew out India’s National Knowledge Commission, a high-level advisory body to the prime minister aimed at transforming the country into a knowledge economy.30 A number of countries have adopted policy measures aimed at attracting expatriates to participate in the economies of their countries of origin. They are

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learning, and knowledge will be the currency of change. Some African countries already possess the key institutional components they need to become players in the knowledge economy. The emphasis, therefore, should be on realigning the existing structures, creating necessary new ones where they do not exist, and promoting interactions between key players

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Democracy,” Environmental Values 12, no. 2 (2003): 195–224. 40. A. Hall, “Embedding Research in Society: Development Assistance Options for Agricultural Innovation in a Global Knowledge Economy,” International Journal of Technology Management and Sustainable Development 8, no. 3 (2008): 221–235. Chapter 3 1. David Baulcombe, Jim Dunwell, Jonathan Jones, John Pickett

The Great Convergence: Information Technology and the New Globalization

by Richard Baldwin · 14 Nov 2016 · 606pp · 87,358 words

agglomeration economies (discussed in Chapter 6). In writing about the United States, Enrico Moretti explains the agglomeration forces as follows: “More than traditional industries, the knowledge economy has an inherent tendency towards geographical agglomeration.… The success of a city fosters more success as communities that can attract skilled workers and goods jobs

A Culture of Growth: The Origins of the Modern Economy

by Joel Mokyr · 8 Jan 2016 · 687pp · 189,243 words

of Pennsylvania Press. ———. 2007. “Mechanical Science of the Factory Floor.” History of Science, Vol. 45, part 2, No. 148, pp. 197–221. ———. 2014. The First Knowledge Economy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Jacob, Margaret C., and Larry Stewart. 2004. Practical Matter: Newton’s Science in the Service of Industry and Empire, 1687–1851

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. “The Great Synergy: The European Enlightenment as a Factor in Modern Economic Growth.” In Wilfred Dolfsma and Luc Soete, eds., Understanding the Dynamics of a Knowledge Economy. Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar, pp. 7–41. ———. 2006b. “Useful Knowledge as an Evolving System: The View from Economic history.” In Lawrence E. Blume and Steven

Immigration worldwide: policies, practices, and trends

by Uma Anand Segal, Doreen Elliott and Nazneen S. Mayadas · 19 Jan 2010 · 492pp · 70,082 words

. San Diego: University of California, Center for Comparative Immigration Studies. Reitz, J. G. (2005). Tapping immigrants’ skills: New directions for Canadian immigration policy in the knowledge economy. IRPP Choices, 11(1), 1–18. Retrieved February 4, 2005, from http://www. irpp.org/choices/archive/vol11no1.pdf. 111 Roy, A. S. (1997). Job

We-Think: Mass Innovation, Not Mass Production

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The Nature of Technology

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The Power of Pull: How Small Moves, Smartly Made, Can Set Big Things in Motion

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The Relentless Revolution: A History of Capitalism

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The Scandal of Money

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