by Gabriel Winant · 23 Mar 2021 · 563pp · 136,190 words
context of the postwar welfare state. Across the industrial United States and the entire global North, working-class people responded to the secular crisis of manufacturing employment by making demands on state institutions, directly in political forms and indirectly through mass behavior as social service consumers. And across the entire deindustrializing world
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to note the numerical replacement of high-wage industrial jobs with low-wage service jobs, few perceived any connection between these processes. “The decline of manufacturing employment was accompanied by a steady increase of employment in service industries,” observed a RAND Corporation study. “For many, the loss of manufacturing jobs meant unemployment
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are dim and financial problems severe for their husbands,” observed Shirl Quay of the Women’s Center and Shelter in Aliquippa.54 The crisis of manufacturing employment thus remade the population. Bodies were older and more worn, carrying more damage and more needs. At a conference at St. Francis Hospital titled “Unemployment
by Vijay Joshi · 21 Feb 2017
employment in small firms was even greater than in manufacturing: 96 per cent of workers were employed in small enterprises. Table 5.3 SHARES OF MANUFACTURING EMPLOYMENT BY FIRM-S IZE IN INDIA AND SELECTED EAST ASIAN ECONOMIES, 2005 (PER CENT) Micro + Small Medium Large (1–49 workers) (50–199 workers) (200
by Ha-Joon Chang · 26 May 2014 · 385pp · 111,807 words
as service firms, even though they still conduct some manufacturing. A UK government report estimates that up to 10 per cent of the fall in manufacturing employment between 1998 and 2006 in the UK may be due to this ‘reclassification effect’.7 Making things still matters The view that the world has
by Douglas W. Rae · 15 Jan 2003 · 537pp · 200,923 words
store. This perhaps translates to something like $60 per month in net profits—enough to make the grocery business stand up against most forms of manufacturing employment so long as business remains this good. If the store is family-operated—most were—it is quite possible that this income stream is combined
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had shown that the 295 E N D O F U R B A N I S M rate of change in New Haven’s manufacturing employment base had slipped markedly below national rates during 1943 and 1944.18 It had even slipped behind many comparable cities, including Buffalo, Trenton, and nearby
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its region 62 percent above the mean nationally—no small handicap. This is, nevertheless, a period of relative decline for this region. Total U.S. manufacturing employment increased by about 50 percent over the interval from 1919 to 1947 while the New Haven area stood still. Goddard, Getting There, 50. I rely
by Linda Yueh · 15 Mar 2018 · 374pp · 113,126 words
nearly 20 million in 1980, 2010 saw a drop to a historic low of about 11.5 million. A rebound since the recession has taken manufacturing employment up to around 12.3 million, although this is still lower than in 1950. It’s a similar pattern in the UK. Around 2.6
by Linda Yueh · 4 Jun 2018 · 453pp · 117,893 words
nearly 20 million in 1980, 2010 saw a drop to a historic low of about 11.5 million. A rebound since the recession has taken manufacturing employment up to around 12.3 million, although this is still lower than in 1950. It’s a similar pattern in the UK. Around 2.6
by Ray Kurzweil · 25 Jun 2024
for products fell, they became accessible to more and more people.[52] As demand grew, factories had to hire new armies of workers, and peacetime manufacturing employment peaked around 1920 at an estimated 26.9 percent of the civilian labor force.[53] Methods of measuring the size of the labor force have
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’t perfectly compare this figure with those of later decades, but a general fact is clear. Aside from the disruptions of the Great Depression (when manufacturing employment temporarily fell) and World War II (when it temporarily rose), the US workforce maintained about 1 in 4 people in manufacturing until the 1970s.[54
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production, the hourly output of the average manufacturing worker doubled (adjusting for inflation).[56] As a result, during the twenty-first century, manufacturing output and manufacturing employment have decoupled. In February 2001, just before the post-dot-com recession, 17 million Americans had manufacturing jobs.[57] This dropped sharply during the recession
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that output.[61] Looking back over the past century, these trends are striking. After staying steadily between 20 and 25 percent from 1920 to 1970, manufacturing employment has steadily shrunk as a fraction of the labor force in the five decades since—to 17.5 percent in 1980, 14.1 percent in
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properly reflect the effects of the Great Depression, which likely caused a more sudden decline in manufacturing employment than shown in this graph, or of World War II, which caused a brief but dramatic increase in manufacturing employment that’s not captured by the BLS total labor force data, which does not stretch back
by Robert J. Gordon · 12 Jan 2016 · 1,104pp · 302,176 words
striking analysis, David Autor and co-authors calculated that imports from China between 1990 and 2007 accounted for about a quarter of the decline in manufacturing employment during that period and that they also lowered wages, reduced the labor force participation rate, and raised publicly financed transfer payments.10 The inroads of
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to a decline of the relative incomes of those in the bottom 90 percent. Relatively high-paying manufacturing jobs have eroded, as the share of manufacturing employment in the United States declined from 30 percent in 1953 to less than 10 percent currently. The automation effect overlaps with “skill-biased technical change
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wages compared to wages in union-dominated northern states, these foreign transplant factories help keep overall U.S. manufacturing employment from declining further. But any progress in arresting the decades-long decline in manufacturing employment appears to be contingent on maintaining worker wages at about half the level that the automobile union had achieved
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were female. The industrial leadership of the United States during the 1870–1970 century has given way to a mixture of advance and decline. Though manufacturing employment has declined steadily as a share of the economy, American inventions have established a new phase of dominance. Though few computers and smart devices are
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the industrialization of the Tennessee Valley and provided lasting benefits to the region in the form of high paying manufacturing jobs. Notably, the impact on manufacturing employment persisted well beyond the lapsing of the regional subsidies.” REFERENCES Aaronson, Stephanie, Cajner, Tomas, Fallick, Bruce, Gaibis-Reig, Felix, and Wascher, William (2014). “Labor Force
by Sugrue, Thomas J.
Enrollment in Apprenticeship Programs in Detroit, 1957–1966 5.1 Automation-Related Job Loss at Detroit-Area Ford Plants, 1951–1953 5.2 Decline in Manufacturing Employment in Detroit, 1947–1977 5.3 Percentage of Men between Ages 15 and 29 Not in Labor Force, Detroit, 1960 5.4 Building Permits Issued
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other cities.23 To view Detroit (or any place) as typical would be erroneous. Much about the city’s economy, most notably its dependence on manufacturing employment, distinguished it from other cities with more diverse economic bases. Detroit was not a global city like New York or Los Angeles, where in the
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.5 In the early 1940s, Detroit was at its industrial zenith, leading the nation in economic escape from the Great Depression. Between 1940 and 1947, manufacturing employment in Detroit increased by 40 percent, a rate surpassed only by Los Angeles, San Francisco, and Chicago. Demand for heavy industrial goods skyrocketed during World
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. To take one example, few blacks could be found working in the machine and fabricated metals industries, Detroit’s second and third largest sources of manufacturing employment. Only 1.7 percent of metropolitan Detroit’s more than 44,000 workers in the machinery industry in 1950 were black; only 2.4 percent
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economic lull. More important than the periodic downswings that plagued the city’s economy was the beginning of a long-term and steady decline in manufacturing employment that affected Detroit and almost all other major northeastern and midwestern industrial cities. Between 1947 and 1963, Detroit lost 134,000 manufacturing jobs, while its
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the midst of celebratory descriptions of national prosperity, as pundits spoke of embourgeoisement, the gap between rhetoric and reality grew. TABLE 5.2 Decline in Manufacturing Employment in Detroit, 1947–1977 If many workers were affected in some way by changes in the city’s economy, blacks bore the brunt of restructuring
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–68. 56. Guy Nunn, “Detroit: Ghost Arsenal?” New Republic, February 4, 1952, 16–17. 57. Haber, McKean, and Taylor, Michigan Economy, 90–91; statewide defense manufacturing employment peaked at 220,758 in March 1953, and fell to 28,857 in January 1959. See Memo from Carrol Colburn to Woody Ginsburg, “Material for
by Robert Chesshyre · 15 Jan 2012 · 434pp · 150,773 words
sombre introduction: Once claiming to offer its people a new and better way of life, [Skelmersdale] now embodies the human results of the collapse of manufacturing employment, the regional and local concentration of economic decline, and the wholesale redundancy of manual and unskilled workers … Skelmersdale is special in being in the travel
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