occupational segregation Concepts

The Upswing: How America Came Together a Century Ago and How We Can Do It Again

by Robert D. Putnam · 12 Oct 2020 · 678pp · 160,676 words

” by all other factors. But by far the biggest reason for the narrowing but still significant gender pay gap has been the persistent reality of occupational segregation. Occupational segregation is tracked using a measure called the Index of Dissimilarity, which calculates how equally distributed between men and women is employment in a given job

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category. If women make up 47 percent of the total workforce, as they do today, then zero occupational segregation (or a zero on the Index of Dissimilarity) would mean that, on average, in every single job category (from nursing, to engineering, to retail, to

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70 percent of females would need to move into male-dominated professions (or vice versa) in order to achieve occupational parity. Thus the rate of occupational segregation by gender in the American workforce was extremely high at the beginning of the twentieth century. But the long-term trend shows very little change

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men is that they are concentrated in jobs that, in general, pay less.42 FIGURE 7.8: OCCUPATIONAL SEGREGATION, 1900–2017 Source: US Census; IPUMS; American Community Survey. See endnote 7.39. How did occupational segregation come to be such an enduring feature of the American economy? Burgeoning American industries in the late nineteenth

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out of certain positions, or meant that women could lose their jobs or be demoted upon getting married. During World War II, such forms of occupational segregation and discrimination against women often gave way to the demands of production but, especially in heavy industry, these gains were short-lived. According to historian

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the reason.50 But many of these women likely expected to return to work after marriage and childbearing. It may also be true that ongoing occupational segregation and pay inequity, as well as the loss of wartime opportunities, discouraged many women from pursuing careers after the war.51 Furthermore, in the postwar

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women illegal, as noted above, it took a decade or more of legal action and advocacy before real changes in workplace discrimination, gender pay inequity, occupational segregation, and sexual harassment were truly seen and felt. It also took time for women to see returns on newly mandated educational equality, created by Title

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by the 1960s for women seeking entry into professional schools and occupations, and very few women held public office, despite high levels of female voting. Occupational segregation, pay inequity, sexual harassment, and job loss due to pregnancy were persistent realities that ever-greater numbers of working women faced every day. And mainstream

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was thus accurately responsive not only to cultural expectations, but also to real (though temporary) setbacks in educational and pay equity, the postwar resurgence of occupational segregation, and reversals in the public provision of childcare—all of which immediately preceded its publication. Another important reason is that, as had happened in the

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, 2019), https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/03/22/gender-pay-gap-facts/. 39 Francine D. Blau, Peter Brummund, and Albert Liu, “Trends in Occupational Segregation by Gender 1970–2009: Adjusting for the Impact of Changes in the Occupational Coding System,” Demography 50, no. 2 (April 2013): 471–92, doi:10

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, 2017); American Community Survey (2001–2016); Ruggles et al. (2017) as calculated by Kim A. Weeden. 40 Research suggests that most of the change in occupational segregation since the 1970s is in fact due to the movement of women into formerly male-dominated jobs. See Blau and Winkler, The Economics of Women

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, Men, and Work, 168. 41 For a more technical explanation of how occupational segregation is calculated, see ibid., 165. 42 Ibid., 159. 43 Woloch, Women and the American Experience, 240. 44 Goldin, “The Rising (and Then Declining) Significance of

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#MeToo movement, 277, 328 mid-20th century, 11, 14–16, 178 motherhood and domesticity, 246, 252, 254–57, 259–60, 262–65, 276–77, 282 occupational segregation, 260–63, 430–31nn40–42 political parties and, 78, 94, 268, 269–70, 278, 320–21 Progressive Era (1900–1915), 247–48, 267–68, 319

The Meritocracy Myth

by Stephen J. McNamee · 17 Jul 2013 · 440pp · 108,137 words

are highly concentrated in the mostly low-wage service sector of the economy. While there has been a steady decline in occupational segregation, there is still a substantial amount of sex-based occupational segregation in the labor force (Stainback and Tomaskovic-Devey 2012). For instance, in 2010, women comprised 96 percent of secretaries and

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lower-class women have remained stagnant (Massey 2007, 240; Mishel, Bivens, Gould, and Shierholz 2012, 236). Differences in the occupational distributions of men and women—occupational segregation of women into “women’s jobs,” which are lower paying and low-wage industries—explains the largest portion of the aggregate male-female wage gap

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fastest growing jobs, 1.1-1.2 , 2.1-2.2 health hazards, 1 nepotism and, 1 , 2 occupational mobility, 1.1-1.2 , 2 occupational segregation, 1 , 2.1-2.2 outsourcing, 1.1-1.2 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 physical attraction and occupational success, 1 self-employment and, 1

The New Urban Crisis: How Our Cities Are Increasing Inequality, Deepening Segregation, and Failing the Middle Class?and What We Can Do About It

by Richard Florida · 9 May 2016 · 356pp · 91,157 words

from the various kinds of economic segregation, our overarching analysis reveals a more basic underlying pattern. Across each of these categories of income, education, and occupational segregation, as well as in our composite index, which takes into account their overall and combined effects, economic segregation is greater in bigger, denser metros with

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, and San Jose in the top ten, with New York and Boston also pretty far up on the broader list. When it comes to overall occupational segregation—based on our composite index for the segregation of all three classes—tech hubs and superstar cities again top the list (see Table 6.10

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least likely to be scattered evenly across the metro area and most likely to live alongside others of the same class. This pattern of overall occupational segregation is shaped by the location of the creative class—the most advantaged of the three groups. The reason is simple: members of the creative class

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desirable places, pushing the members of the two less advantaged classes into the spaces that are left over. The precise dynamics of income, educational, and occupational segregation vary, but they are closely associated with each other statistically, and when they are measured together, a clear picture of the overall geography of economic

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6.1, the Overall Economic Segregation Index, maps the first of these based on our combined index of the three dimensions of income, educational, and occupational segregation. As the map displays, overall economic segregation is most intense along the Boston–New York–Washington corridor in the Northeast and around Los Angeles and

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less educated (those who did not complete high school) into an index of overall educational segregation. Occupational Segregation: Combines the measures of creative-class segregation, working-class segregation, and service-class segregation into an index of overall occupational segregation. Overall Economic Segregation Index: Combines the seven specific economic segregation indexes, equally weighted, into a

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segregation measures are closely related to one another. The Overall Segregation Index is closely correlated with income segregation (0.83), educational segregation (0.94), and occupational segregation (0.95). 18. Appendix Table 4 provides the rankings for all 350-plus US metros on the Overall Economic Segregation Index. 19. The correlation between

Career and Family: Women’s Century-Long Journey Toward Equity

by Claudia Goldin · 11 Oct 2021 · 445pp · 122,877 words

the same work accounts for a small fraction of the total earnings gap. Today, the problem is different. Some attribute the gender earnings gap to “occupational segregation”—the idea that women and men are self-selecting, or being railroaded into, certain professions that are stereotypically gendered (such as nurse versus doctor, teacher

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, and sales representative. Women are also in lower-paying firms, even if they have the same occupational title as men. The phenomenon is generally termed “occupational segregation,” making it sound like legal barriers and firm policies exist that deliberately segregate—such as the marriage bars that we saw with Groups Two and

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if one could accomplish the daunting task of rejiggering occupations to create equality, only around one-third of all gender earnings inequality would be eliminated. Occupational segregation isn’t the main issue. It isn’t even half of it, although many have claimed that it is the main offender. The reason that

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more effectively, and revealing to all what others earn—could narrow the gap somewhat. But those, and even the more challenging fix of eliminating all occupational segregation, would have only a modest impact. Differences in earnings between the sexes exist within almost every occupation. They are more important to the overall gender

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-details/learn-more-about-the-massachusetts-equal-pay-act. The act also mandates equal pay for comparable work, a complicated concept. 156 The phenomenon is … “occupational segregation,” Occupational differences by gender are measured by a construct known as the “index of dissimilarity.” The index of dissimilarity is given by I = where mi

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Go Back to the Office, Real Estate CEO Says.” In Our New Future, McKinsey and Company report. September 29. Hegewisch, Ariane, and Heidi Hartmann. 2014. Occupational Segregation and the Gender Wage Gap: A Job Half Done. Institute for Women’s Policy Research report. January. HERI CIRP (Astin) Freshman Survey. https://heri.ucla

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, 21, 142; gender disparities in, 1–17; greedy work and (see greedy work); identity tied to, 6, 15, 21, 67, 131; jobs vs., 21, 56; occupational segregation of, 4, 20, 156–57, 286–87nn156–157; promotions in (see promotions); time conflicts of family and, 6–9, 150, 183, 203, 218–20. See

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; Group Five women as, 147, 149, 149; hours of work and on-call responsibilities of, 9, 196–97, 209–14, 217, 293–94n210–211, 295n213; occupational segregation of, 4; percentage of female, 197; specialization by, 210–14, 217, 294nn210–11, 295n213; substitution between, 209, 213–14; TV show images of, 196. See

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, 3–4, 20, 233; lawsuits on, 4, 151–52; marriage bars as (see marriage bars); nepotism bars as, 4, 51–52, 64, 81–82, 90; occupational segregation and, 286–87nn156–157; persistent problem of, 4; pregnancy bars as, 3, 81; racial and ethnic motivation for, 20, 62, 271–72n72; social norms and

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on, 4, 151–52; among lawyers, 168–69, 173, 174, 177–85, 289n169, 290nn178–79, 291nn181–82,184; by occupation, 169–74, 170, 289–90n174; occupational segregation and, 4, 156–57, 286–87nn156–157; on-call responsibilities and, 158, 171–72, 173–74, 183, 184–86, 205; perfect substitution lessening, 171–72

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Nineteenth Amendment, 18 Notable American Women, 25–26, 53–58, 268n53, 270–71n65 Notestein, Wallace, 82 nurses, 4, 95, 156 Ocasio-Cortez, Alexandria, 20, 147 occupational segregation, 4, 20, 156–57, 286–87nn156–157 O’Connor, Sandra Day, 21–22, 176, 177 office workers: Group Two women as, 69–70, 76–77

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as, 130; homeschooling with parents as, 16; marriage bars for, 20, 28–29, 51, 74–76, 76, 78–79, 80–81, 89, 236, 272nn74–75; occupational segregation as, 156, 157; re-entry into labor force as, 30. See also academics technology: flexible work and, 209; gender earnings gap in occupations in, 170

Two Nations, Indivisible: A History of Inequality in America: A History of Inequality in America

by Jamie Bronstein · 29 Oct 2016 · 332pp · 89,668 words

less than men. Some women achieved managerial positions, although they tended to be at the bottom of management hierarchies in the least-well-paid jobs. Occupational segregation, although it had eased somewhat by the end of the century, still existed in many fields, and women earned less than men at every educational

The Rise and Fall of American Growth: The U.S. Standard of Living Since the Civil War (The Princeton Economic History of the Western World)

by Robert J. Gordon · 12 Jan 2016 · 1,104pp · 302,176 words

and upper classes, workers were blamed for their troubles and portrayed as “dullards or as dangerous, drunken louts.”62 WOMEN’S WORK OUTSIDE THE HOME: OCCUPATIONAL SEGREGATION, LOW WAGES, AND REPETITIVE TASKS Paid work was much less common among married women than unmarried before World War II. Unmarried women were herded into

Sleeping Giant: How the New Working Class Will Transform America

by Tamara Draut · 4 Apr 2016 · 255pp · 75,172 words

-class families to employ a woman of color to help clean the house, prepare meals, and care for children or elders. The legacy of this occupational segregation remains today: The majority of these caring jobs are still done by women of color, with a disproportionate share held by black women. Black women

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and Reconciliation Commission on Racial Healing to provide full accounting of our nation’s violent racial history and to address its legacy in residential segregation, occupational segregation, the racial wealth gap, and oppressive criminal justice and policing policies. • Develop comprehensive immigration reform to provide a pathway to citizenship for undocumented immigrants. A

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-the-gender-wage-gap-a-job-half-done. 23. Algernon Austin, William Darity Jr., and Darrick Hamilton, “Whiter Jobs, Higher Wages: Occupational Segregation and Lower Wages of Black Men,” Economic Policy Institute, Washington, D.C., February 28, 2011, at http://s1.epi.org/files/page/-/BriefingPaper288.pdf.

T: The Story of Testosterone, the Hormone That Dominates and Divides Us

by Carole Hooven · 12 Jul 2021 · 372pp · 117,038 words

/2016/01/18/there-may-be-some-truth-to-the-gay-jobs-stereotype/; and András Tilcsik, Michel Anteby, and Carly R. Knight, “Concealable Stigma and Occupational Segregation: Toward a Theory of Gay and Lesbian Occupations,” Administrative Science Quarterly 60, no. 3 (2015): 446–81. girls who shun dresses and prefer rougher sports

Care: The Highest Stage of Capitalism

by Premilla Nadasen · 10 Oct 2023 · 288pp · 82,972 words

have no doubt been underrepresented. This particular battle, however, does not address the needs of the vast majority of employees and the larger issue of occupational segregation—that is, how most women who work in corporate America are relegated to low-paying, low-valued work. Tackling that would require rethinking the occupational

Slouching Towards Utopia: An Economic History of the Twentieth Century

by J. Bradford Delong · 6 Apr 2020 · 593pp · 183,240 words

motivate employees—that relative lack of experience kept women’s relative wages low. A second factor keeping relative female earnings low was the persistence of occupational segregation by sex. Between 1900 and 1960, roughly two-thirds of the female labor force would have had to change occupations in order to produce the

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same distribution across occupations as the male labor force. Occupational segregation has fallen somewhat since the end of the 1960s, but it is still the case that women are concentrated in occupations that are relatively low