one-state solution Concepts

Drama Queen: One Autistic Woman and a Life of Unhelpful Labels

by Sara Gibbs · 23 Jun 2021 · 263pp · 89,341 words

did not like him one bit. In my first week we got into a debate about the Israel–Palestine conflict in which he proposed a one-state solution was the answer. ‘Then you’re either an extremist or an idiot,’ I snapped at him. He looked momentarily stunned, then smiled at some private

The Case for Israel

by Alan Dershowitz · 31 Jul 2003

any solution that leaves Israel in existence as a Jewish state: “I don’t myself believe in a two-state solution. I believe in a one-state solution.”5 He, along with Chomsky, favors a binational secular state—an elitist and impractical solution that would have to be imposed on both sides, since

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even claim as a matter of God-given right, the reality is that neither the Israelis nor the Palestinians will go away or accept a one-state solution. Accordingly, the inevitability—and correctness—of some sort of two-state compromise is a useful beginning to any discussion that seeks a constructive resolution of

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with Israel, no negotiations with Israel, no recognition of Israel,” 97 Novak, Bob, 123 nuclear weapons, in Israel, 103 Nusseibi, Hazam, 82 oil interests, 225 one-state solution, 4 Oren, Michael, 52, 93–94, 142–43 Oslo peace process, 72, 108 Oslo II Agreement of 1995, 88, 99, 109 Ottoman Empire, 17, 19

After Zionism: One State for Israel and Palestine

by Antony Loewenstein and Ahmed Moor · 14 Jun 2012 · 293pp · 89,712 words

Loewenstein Zionist Media Myths Unveiling Omar Barghouti A Secular Democratic State in Historic Palestine: Self-Determination through Ethical Decolonisation Ghada Karmi How Feasible is the One-State Solution? Jeremiah Haber Zionism After Israel About the contributors Notes Acknowledgements Introduction Ahmed Moor and Antony Loewenstein The last fifteen years have seen the Middle East

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to shift. Although the mainstream media still sympathised with the Zionist narrative, it wasn’t so uncommon to hear the occasional call for the one-state solution and Palestinian Right of Return or even confederal alternatives. And social media reporting from the West Bank and Gaza offered the world on the ground

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to come. There is a diversity of issues and views represented, but in requesting the essays we asked all of our contributors to keep the one-state solution in mind as they wrote. The writers are from a wide variety of backgrounds: some from the academic establishment while others new media reporters

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from the minds of people who know the region, many are beginning to revisit the idea. In America and elsewhere in the West, the one-state solution is no longer a fringe discussion being conducted at the margins of the political debate. Op-eds are regularly appearing in America’s largest and

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most influential papers while students and others are organising around the idea. March 2012 saw a major one-state solution conference held at Harvard University: Ahmed was a key organiser. Both of us are long-time advocates for a single state solution, but not

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just? The obstacles to achieving justice are huge and the critics and cynics are many – but what is the alternative? In our minds, the one-state solution’s time has surely come. ONE Presence, Memory and Denial Ahmed Moor I remember the fall of 2003 clearly. I’d just commenced my freshman

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any solution for the refugees could only come through the creation of a state; a political solution for a humanitarian problem. The call for a one-state solution eliminates all of the confusion around the right of the Palestinians to live free, unmolested lives with full dignity. The Palestinian–Israeli conflict is no

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series of non-contiguous Palestinian cantons in the West Bank governed by a corrupt elite subset of society. It is very likely that before the one-state solution is fully developed, the Bantustan option will be established in the West Bank. But the Palestinian struggle will continue despite that. This is a

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are increasing numbers of Palestinians who are more interested in actually achieving their rights and in securing a just peace in the form of a one-state solution than they are in abstractly fulfilling the criteria for national independence as it was formulated by European writers (Theodor Herzl among them) in the

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of Left and Right doesn’t capture the nature of this split among Palestinians, it is worth noting that most of the advocates of a one-state solution are not affiliated with official parties, though they are increasingly clustered around the still-developing Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement, itself inhabiting neither

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Indeed, on this point in particular, it might be worth borrowing from Edward Said’s discussion of intellectual amateurism to describe the proponents of the one-state solution. For Said, amateurism is defined not by a lack of skill or capacity but, on the contrary, by a sense of intense care and

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on the familiar terrain of the argument between the dwindling number of Palestinians still espousing a two-state solution and the increasing number advocating a one-state solution. My position on the debate is that the Palestinians are one people, who share one cause, and the only path to a just peace

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is one that addresses the rights of all Palestinians, not just the minority who have suffered under occupation since 1967. It is true that the one-state solution, which I personally advocate, in which all Israelis and all Palestinians would live as equal citizens of a single democratic and secular state, is

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of Books7). One reason they congratulate themselves is that they say a two-state solution is more realistic because the Israelis will never accept a one-state solution; therefore, they say, we must be pragmatic and accept this as fact. But the Israelis are no more willing to accept a two-state

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that recognises and embraces the Right of Return and the equal rights of present Palestinian citizens of Israel than they are willing to accept a one-state solution that treats all citizens as equals. What, then, is a partial two-state solution worth, if it leaves the majority of Palestinians high and

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a basis in international law and in an international consensus. This again is facile: there is an equally strong basis in international law for the one-state solution, namely Resolution 194 and the wide range of international legal covenants prohibiting the forms of racial discrimination and Apartheid on which the very notion of

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imaginary, the Palestinians must make it absolutely clear, in the simplest, most straightforward and easily digestible form, what it is that they demand. Here, the one-state solution is far, far more readily transmissible and understandable than any other formulation of what a just and lasting peace would look like. In capsule form

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surface the most natural and just alternative to the two-state solution. “One person, one vote”, just as in post-Apartheid South Africa. Certainly the one-state solution represents the ultimate vision of the vast majority of Palestinians (and the ultimate nightmare of Israeli Jews). It is a compelling solution since it envisions

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the Israeli Jewish public, accepting the transformation of Israel from a “Jewish” state into a democratic one (with a Palestinian majority moreover). • Of the various one-state solutions, a single bi-national state makes the most sense, in my view, because the socio-political reality in Israel/Palestine is a bi-national one

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even anti-Zionist, and despite the fact that we conformed to the principles of the Civil Society Call. As the Palestinian Left moved towards a one-state solution, an anti-colonial discourse began gaining ground. Zionism and any form of a Jewish national narrative were categorically rejected, as was the notion that

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Israel. There is still no regular Palestinian or Arab columnist for a major American outlet. There are still no leading American commentators calling for a one-state solution or the dissolution of the Zionist state. Such views must still currently reside on the Internet alone. New York Times writers Thomas Friedman and Roger

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and watch Israel permanently disenfranchise a permanently-occupied minority population”. But his “only” answer was the two-state solution. “I don’t believe a one-state solution is any sort of solution at all; Israel/Palestine will devolve quickly into civil war.”11 But here’s where the reality on the ground

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the scope of the Internet. However, internet evangelists should not confuse a gradual shift in public debate over Israel/Palestine with the inevitability of a one-state solution. Although I personally believe a democratic state for all its citizens will eventually emerge to solve this conflict, I have seen at first hand the

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tolerate freer talk over the Middle East. If the Internet has achieved anything in the Middle East, it is that once taboo subjects – the one-state solution or the implementation of the Right of Return for Palestinians – are now rightly on the public agenda without the need for western media or official

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is whether our vision is feasible, whether it can be realised and, if so, how. Many commentators and analysts, even among supporters of the one-state solution, seem to be obsessed with one question in this regard: how do you convince Israelis to accept this vision? There is a basic problem with

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coexistence in a decolonised Palestine, based on equality, justice and freedom – a truly promising land. THIRTEEN How Feasible is the One-State Solution? Ghada Karmi Introduction Not long ago, the idea of a one-state solution for the conflict in Israel/Palestine was the preserve of a few intellectuals and activists on both sides. Over the

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appeal for Palestinians in the Diaspora, but even then amongst a small minority. Various Palestinian scholars and activists have written about the advantages of the one-state solution, as isolated works of interest mainly to similar enthusiasts. But today the situation has changed. A widening and positive debate in print and on the

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internet about the one-state solution has become commonplace.1 Israeli and Jewish scholars have also been converted to the same cause.2 In the last few years especially, a Jewish

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in Haaretz’s 22 January 2010 supplement is a striking indication of this surge. In addition, mainstream western publications now regularly carry articles on the one-state solution, unheard of just ten years ago. Examples include the Los Angeles Times (Saree Makdisi, “Forget the Two-state Solution,” 11 May 2008), Newsweek (Sari

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Nusseibeh “The One-state Solution”, 29 August 2008), the Irish Times (“Nudge Towards Alternatives in the Middle East”, 13 March 2010), Foreign Policy (Dmitry Reider, “Who’s Afraid of the

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and thus enable Israel to have good, neighbourly relations with it, by implication avoiding the possibility of ending up as one state. At the beginning, one-state solution adherents tended to take that position on grounds of principle, international law and elemental justice. After all, they argued, a major sector of the Palestinian

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and West Bank states, divided from each other but connected to Egypt on the one hand and Jordan on the other. Obstacles to the One-State Solution The previous section discussed the increasing popularity of the one-state idea in recent years, and how it has garnered more supporters than at any

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one-state alternative which could have challenged this. With a few small exceptions, no major institution or mass movement has adopted any variant of the one-state solution. Indeed, endorsements at any official level have stemmed only from marginal groups or states outside the “western club”: in 2004 the US Green Party

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adopted the one-state solution at its national convention; former Iranian President Hashemi Rafsanjani once called for a united government of Israel and the Palestinian territories; and Libya’s former

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/Palestine (which he named “Isratine”) be created in place of the current arrangement. The reality that must be faced is that opponents of the one-state solution far outnumber its supporters, and much of that is based on what they see as the enormous obstacles to its implementation. This has led to

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roadmap of how to get there. The first problem is that there is no consensus amongst Palestinians, or Israelis, or anyone else that the one-state solution is the best option.10 Indeed, a 2009 Jerusalem Media and Communication Centre opinion poll found that only 20 percent of West Bank and Gaza

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of the Jewish people to national independence any less legitimate than that of other peoples? Building the Unitary State The list of obstacles to the one-state solution is daunting, but has not deterred some of its adherents from thinking about its implementation. For example, Israeli academic and activist Jeff Halper advocates

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state solution was by no means as generally accepted as it is now; that campaign of education and dissemination needs to be replicated for the one-state solution. Those who advocate this course believe that it is a necessary prelude to the implementation of this solution. The Outlines of a Strategy Given

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the range of obstacles in the way of the one-state solution, one could be forgiven for giving up at this point. It is indeed a difficult problem, not least because Israel has attained a position

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the Occupied Palestinian Territories form one unit, and in effect make up what is one state. However, the difference between such a state and the one-state solution as advocated is that the former deals unfairly with its Palestinian members and subjects them to an Apartheid regime. The Palestinian demand should therefore be

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the demographic argument that has been used to maintain Israel as a Jewish-majority state. This could then be the first building-block of the one-state solution. It will not be an easy strategy. Its first enemies and possibly its fiercest will be those Palestinian officials who have become accustomed to

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tables on the other side and overthrow the failed assumptions of the past that have so hindered the possibility of a lasting solution. Conclusion The one-state solution has seen increasing levels of support in recent years, but there are many obstacles to its implementation. Not least among these has been the

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Palestinian minority. The struggle must be to change that into a situation of equality. In this way, the ground will be laid for the egalitarian one-state solution supported by a growing number of people throughout the world. FOURTEEN Zionism After Israel Jeremiah Haber The declaration of the State of Israel in 1948

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a widely acclaimed memoir, In Search of Fatima; a Palestinian story, and Married to Another Man: Israel’s Dilemma in Palestine which deals with the one-state solution in Israel/Palestine. ANTONY LOEWENSTEIN is a Sydney-based independent journalist and author who has written for the Guardian, The Nation, Haaretz, the Sydney Morning

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Barak Ravid, “Envoys worldwide feel brunt of Israel’s worsening image”, in Haaretz, 29 December 2011. 11. Jeffrey Goldberg, “Peter Beinart is right – or a one-state solution is now inevitable if settlements continue”, in The Atlantic, 8 December 2011. 12. “Goldblog vs Peter Beinart Part II”, in The Atlantic, 18 May 2010

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www.whatconvention.org/en/conv/0703.htm 21. Maath Musleh, “Co-Resistance vs. Co-Existence”, in Maan News, 14 July 2011. How feasible is the one-state solution? GHADA KARMI 1. See for example, Mazin Qumsiyeh, Sharing the Land of Canaan: Human Rights and the Israeli–Palestinian Struggle, London 2004; Ali Abunimah, One

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Side of Despair: Jews and Arabs in the Promised Land, Lanham, 2003; Peter Hirschberg, “One-state awakening”, in Haaretz, 12 December 2003; Daniel Lazare, “The One-state solution”, in Nation, 11 October 2004. 3. For example, Abraham Burg’s new political party of Jewish and Arab Israelis aimed at transforming Israel (within its

Ten Myths About Israel

by Ilan Pappe · 1 May 2017 · 196pp · 58,886 words

need to be more intensively recruited to the BDS and solidarity campaigns. In Palestine itself, the time has come to move the discourse of the one-state solution into political action, and maybe to adopt the new dictionary. Since the dispossession is everywhere, the repossession and reconciliation will have to occur everywhere. If

On Palestine

by Noam Chomsky, Ilan Pappé and Frank Barat · 18 Mar 2015

major strategy of solidarity with the Palestinian people; and finally, in talking about the future, we discussed the choice between a two-state and a one-state solution. The principal purpose of these meetings was to help us all clarify our views in light of the dramatic changes not only in Israel and

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this conversation by producing a theoretical dictionary, specific to the Palestine issue, that gradually replaces the old one. The new dictionary contains decolonization, regime change, one-state solution, and other terms discussed in the following pages and later with Noam Chomsky and others who try to find a way forward and out of

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the BDS movement, through the call for such action by Palestinian civil society inside and outside of Palestine, the growing interests and support for the one-state solution, and the emergence of a clearer, albeit small, anti-Zionist peace camp in Israel, has provided an alternative thinking. The new movement, which is supported

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that is not the preferred one in the eyes of either the Israelis, the Palestinian Authority (PA), or the political elites of the West: the one-state solution. The activist and the scholarly depiction of Zionism as a settler-colonialist movement and the state of Israel as an apartheid state also determine the

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solution. This alternative view toward the future substitutes terms such as the peace process with decolonization and regime change and envisages some sort of a one-state solution instead of the two-state solution. These three different perspectives on the past, the present, and the future were each the focus of the conversations

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society in Israel is the source of thee key entries in our new dictionary shaping our view of the future: decolonization, regime change, and a one-state solution. The Future: Decolonization and Regime Change The invalidity of the term peace process in regards to the Israel/Palestine conflict became clear when people started

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, most of the historical examples in recent times are of nonviolent, or nearly nonviolent, regime changes. Therefore, the last entry in the new dictionary, a one-state solution, is based on the hope that a clear vision of how the future relationship between victims and victimizers is framed will indicate also the nature

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racist ideology or if convinced they would eventually accept a different democratic basis for such a state. From my perspective, thus, a support of a one-state solution is activism that promotes the whole space as one land and the people as one people. What we should not succumb to is the Zionist

Gaza in Crisis: Reflections on Israel's War Against the Palestinians

by Ilan Pappé, Noam Chomsky and Frank Barat · 9 Nov 2010 · 279pp · 72,659 words

same democratic rights. Do you think that because of the situation in Gaza and the ever-spreading settlements, the pendulum will now swing toward a one-state solution as being the only possible end point to the conflict? Two points of clarification are necessary. First, there is a crucial difference between a

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one-state solution and a binational state. In general, nation-states have been imposed with substantial violence and repression for one reason—because they seek to force varied

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of some degree of regional autonomy and cultural identity, reflecting somewhat more closely the nature of the populations. In the case of Israel-Palestine, a one-state solution will arise only on the U.S. model: with extermination or expulsion of the indigenous population. A sensible approach would be advocacy of a binational

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The demise of the Oslo Accord at the very beginning of the twenty-first century gave special impetus to the old/new idea of a one-state solution. It seems to be with us again and the interest in it grows by the day. And yet it does not appear as an item

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. This essay does not wish to recap the faults of the two-state solution, nor does it strive to argue for the advantages of the one-state solution. The purpose here is first to remind readers that although the idea today is hypothetical, theoretical, and quite abstract, it used be a concrete plan

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of Palestine for a regime change: there is now a constant quest to change the realities in the present republic of Israel, which is a one-state solution by itself (ethnically and racially oppressive toward its Palestinian citizens and subjects). It is by and large a nonviolent impulse for equality and a craving

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for normality that should be translated into a powerful agent of change for the sake of Palestinians and Israelis alike. A TROUBLED HISTORY The one-state solution has a troubled history. It began as a soft Zionist concept of Jewish settlers, some of whom were leading intellectuals in their community, who wished

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or regionally to look for a local solution and it was left to the international community to propose one. The appearance in 1947 of the one-state solution as an international option is a chapter of history very few know about or bother to revisit. The scope of this article does not allow

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. Since the support only has to be verbal and noncommittal, even right-wing parties in Israel, despite their declared ideology of a Greater Israel (a one-state solution with exclusive Jewish presence and rights) can endorse it. This was recently demonstrated by Binyamin Netanyahu’s pledge to such a solution made only in

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the two-state solution, which remains to this very moment the only interpretation, is waning. This is the main reason for the reemergence of the one-state solution. The latter was kept alive by those who always believed in it as the only moral, not just political, settlement that contains, and answers, all

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have no room in the two-state solution. The first group of one-state supporters were joined by the “desperadoes,” those who reluctantly endorse the one-state solution since they despair of any hope of implementing a two-state solution. They regard the new geopolitical realities Israel created on the ground as irreversible

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description, it is clear that only a significant erosion of the validity of the two-state solution can revert attention to the concept of a one-state solution, in whatever form. However, it is important to stress early on that the idea was kept alive not by those who despaired of the possibilities

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a large number of individuals, and not even NGOs, who stand firmly behind the idea. They are visible and have advanced the case of the one-state solution significantly in recent years by structuring the discussion and airing the outstanding issues beyond slogans and ideals. The final boost to this intellectual and public

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chaotic reality produced by a constant adherence of the international community to the two-state solution, still do not find the courage to support the one-state solution. It is really a question of how to enlarge both the core group of the movement and its base of support. The effort should be

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to produce a dramatic change of orientation or policy. This means that the first option explored above, of impacting a change of policy toward a one-state solution from among the political elites, is premature and is likely to result at this stage in total disappointment and a dangerous transformation of the one

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2009 Cairo speech acknowledged a Palestinian suffering that spans over sixty years. The struggle over historic memory is highly relevant to the debate about a one-state solution. Only the historical perspective reveals the reductionist nature of the two-state solution: the fact that “Palestine” refers to only one-fifth of the land

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evils to a close. At the academic and civil society level this realization is solid and has created fertile ground for the discussion about a one-state solution. However, this is unfortunately not the case with the mainstream media and political arena in the West or in the Arab world. There is a

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better chance to debate the historical narrative that to propagate the one-state solution at this stage in the struggle. Mainstream media and politicians reject out of hand the one-state solution, but may be willing to accept that their historical narrative so far was distorted and wrong and

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task the one-state movement should take upon itself in the near future. DECONSTRUCTING THE PEACE PROCESS The biggest contemporary obstacle for putting forward the one-state solution as a viable option is that the raison d’être of the “peace process” of the last forty years is firmly based on the vision

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comprehensive solution for the conflict. Desegregating the activity of civil society in the West, as well as inside Israel, illustrates the very essence of a one-state solution when the one-state movement is still in its embryonic stage. An activity around themes, and not according to national, religious, or ethnic identity, can

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the Israeli Jewish colonies. For the Tawaqim it was clear that a future Palestinian state meant one without these colonies. In the case of the one-state solution this is a different matter. I do not propose here a solution, but only point out to the need to discuss it now and not

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had an interesting debate on the one-state versus two-state solution in March 2008. It started with a Michael Neumann article stating that “the one-state solution was an illusion” and was followed by articles by Assaf Kfoury entitled “‘One-State or Two-State?’ A Sterile Debate on False Alternatives” and Jonathan

George Marshall: Defender of the Republic

by David L. Roll · 8 Jul 2019

sentence, the press statement said that “trusteeship does not prejudice the character of the final political settlement.” This point obviously opened the door to a one-state solution or some other political settlement that would not involve partition and a separate Jewish state. Truman was known for plain speaking. However, his press release

Can We Talk About Israel?: A Guide for the Curious, Confused, and Conflicted

by Daniel Sokatch · 18 Oct 2021 · 556pp · 95,955 words

in Palestine by this time, alongside around one million Arabs—as part of an independent Palestine governed jointly by Arabs and Jews, something like the “one-state solution” you hear people talk about today. The “White Paper of 1939” also imposed restrictions on Jewish land purchases in Palestine and, critically, announced severe limits

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Israel. So, if it’s not what either of the parties to the conflict actually wants, it doesn’t seem like this version of a “one-state solution” is likely to succeed at the moment. Still, there are more than a few people who support applying boycotts, divestment, or sanctions to Israel who

The Iron Cage: The Story of the Palestinian Struggle for Statehood

by Rashid Khalidi · 31 Aug 2006 · 357pp · 112,950 words

these projected actions for the creation of a viable Palestinian state, and therefore of the two-state solution, are ominous, and very possibly fatal. A One-State Solution The question of what state structure or structures are appropriate for Palestine and Israel has been profoundly influenced by the actions over many years of

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constituted by the Palestinian territories occupied by Israel in June 1967. This realization has in turn instigated renewed consideration of the old idea of a one-state solution, as either the ideal outcome or as the most likely default outcome, for Palestine/Israel.43 There are significant differences among those who have put

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the inevitable outcome of the extension into the immediate future of current trends. Those who hold this view, which might be termed the de facto one-state solution, see that it will come about (notwithstanding Israel’s recent withdrawal from the Gaza Strip and possible further West Bank withdrawals) when the inexorable creeping

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, or to keep that polity Jewish-dominated, as it eventually became impossible to keep South Africa white-dominated.44 Those who foresee some kind of one-state solution emerging as a default outcome of what is perceived as the current reality of only one real state, one real sovereignty, and one people enjoying

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unstable, and indeed might well be no more than a way station on the way toward some other outcome. Another strand of thinking about a one-state solution represents a throwback to the old Palestinian idea of a single unitary state in Palestine with two variations. Some see this in terms of the

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little effort to make it appealing to Israelis; indeed the violent actions, including suicide attacks on Israeli civilians, of groups like Hamas that advocate the one-state solution, make such an option even more detestable to Israelis. Others, whose views may overlap with these, and who ostensibly limit themselves to advocating the unlimited

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about all of these approaches is that they involve—so far, at least—neither very deep nor very detailed thinking about the implications of a one-state solution, whichever variety of such a solution is at issue.48 Moreover, they face a stone wall of rejection not only in Israel, but also in

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, this international anchoring of the current nature of Israel as a Jewish state would seem to be yet another obstacle to some forms of a one-state solution. There are thus major obstacles to considering the logical consequences of the continuation of present trends in the direction of a

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one-state solution. Yet these trends have perhaps been as forcefully advanced by policies of the Bush administration that undermine the possibility of a two-state solution as

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, contiguous Palestinian state ever coming into being alongside Israel. Consequently, and paradoxically, George W. Bush has given an enormous impetus to the idea of a one-state solution, even as he was the first American president to make explicit a call for an independent Palestinian state alongside Israel. This is a momentous change

Enemies and Neighbours: Arabs and Jews in Palestine and Israel, 1917-2017

by Ian Black · 2 Nov 2017 · 674pp · 201,633 words

. It also opposed any kind of ‘normalization’ with Israelis, which limited the scope for joint struggle, as did the fact that influential supporters backed a one-state solution to the conflict.25 The symbol chosen by BDS was Handala – the defiant, ageless Palestinian cartoon child drawn by Naji al-Ali. In his new

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at this time of year,’ says the passport control officer, consolingly. ‘And it’s ours.’18 Israeli right-wingers had their own variant of the one-state solution: annexation of part or all of the West Bank, with ‘autonomy on steroids’, in Naftali Bennett’s catchy formulation, rather than citizenship for its Palestinian

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condemned. The risk was of sectarian or inter-communal strife, as experienced in Lebanon, the former Yugoslavia, or, more recently, in Syria. That kind of one-state solution ‘could drag both peoples here into an endless civil war’, Haaretz warned.20 ‘Marketing the one-state idea requires the systematic understatement of the ferocity

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confront the historic legacy and lingering guilt associated with the military conquests and the ethnic cleansing Israel perpetrated in 1948.’22 Palestinian advocates of a one-state solution – the most prominent of them living in Western countries – used the language not of demographics, security and majorities but of universal human rights. Justice and

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. For some, the president was being creatively disruptive of preconceived ideas.34 Ali Abunimah, editor of the Electronic Intifada and an influential advocate of a one-state solution, leaped on Trump’s words, interpreting them – perhaps thinking wishfully – to mean that the two-state ‘delusion’ was now finally buried, and urged ‘a rights