open borders

Melting Pot or Civil War?: A Son of Immigrants Makes the Case Against Open Borders

by Reihan Salam  · 24 Sep 2018  · 197pp  · 49,240 words

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Salam, Reihan, author. Title: Melting pot or civil war? : a son of immigrants makes the case against open borders / Reihan Salam. Description: New York, New York : Sentinel, [2018] Identifiers: LCCN 2018033512 | ISBN 9780735216273 (hardback) Subjects: LCSH: United States—Emigration and immigration—Government policy. | BISAC

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strange as to defy generalization or some specific public policy response. So you’d think my sympathies would be with America’s growing army of open borders activists, who call for ending all deportations and adopting ever more permissive immigration policies. Many of them are Americans like me, with recent immigration in

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their families, and I understand where they are coming from. But I noticed a contradiction in the arguments I was hearing for more open borders, which led me to part ways with the pro-immigration activists. There is a yawning chasm separating standard-issue immigration enthusiasts, who insist with a

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world of the 1890s and 1900s, not least because the number of potential migrants to America will have greatly increased, and they forthrightly acknowledge that open borders and domestic equality simply can’t coexist. Their position, in essence, is that by welcoming millions of low-skill workers who’d never be in

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as the lodestar of our immigration policy, why on earth would we set any limits at all?6 Obama’s expansive language gave succor to open borders romantics—and to the most demagogic voices on the other side of the debate, up to and including the man who succeeded him in the

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a perfectly good case for doing right by them while also embracing resolute enforcement, a case Obama gestured toward early in his presidency, yet which open borders activists came to angrily reject in its waning days. The result is that immigration policies championed by liberals and centrists as recently as the 2000s

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are now routinely denounced as unacceptably extreme. Immigration policy is not about whether to be welcoming or hard-hearted. Short of absolutely open borders, which most advocates of more open borders at least claim to reject, it is about compromise. Like it or not, we need to weigh competing interests and moral goods

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entitled to all the rights and privileges of any other citizen—you can bet Qatar’s borders wouldn’t be quite so open. From an open borders perspective, the only relevant question in immigration policy is whether the people who now enjoy the fruits of participation in our prosperous society are any

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find themselves trapped in segregated enclaves than lawful immigrants, and they and their citizen children are thus more vulnerable to racialization. To partisans of more open borders, the answer to this problem is simple: we can end unauthorized immigration by getting rid of restrictions entirely, or at least by relaxing limits on

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tend to be the kind of people who have a taste for change, which makes them more favorably disposed toward the free movement of people across borders.11 Similarly, on the other side of the political fence, immigration skeptics are often motivated by a sense of nostalgia, which

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circles, on immigration as a vehicle for the uplift of the global poor. Peters, for instance, concludes her book by offering a moral defense of open borders. Mind you, economic self-interest still plays a role in the coalition for low-skill immigration: affluent professionals, for example, greatly benefit from an abundance

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or by workers overseas. Consider the case made by Lant Pritchett, a senior fellow at the Center for Global Development and a leading advocate of open borders immigration policies. He notes that low-skill labor is one of the world’s most abundant economic resources, and that the United States could easily

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rising sectors. Indeed, this process has been the chief driver of rising productivity and prosperity throughout American history. While it would be ungenerous to describe open borders advocates as Luddites—Pritchett, for one, explicitly rejects the label—it does make sense for them to make common cause with those who fear that

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dignified lives in the United States, or that the arrival of tens of millions of low-wage workers would change the character of their communities. Open borders advocates would reply that the first objection is absurd, because the migrants in question are presumably better off than they would have been otherwise, and

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a more selective, skills-based immigration system does not make you a sinister xenophobe, and not every proponent of a large-scale amnesty is an open borders zealot. There are deals to be struck, provided we are willing to give one another an inch. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS My biggest debt in writing this book

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work of immigration scholars at the Migration Policy Institute on the left, the Center for Immigration Studies on the right, and the champions of more open borders at the Center for Global Development, whom I admire for the clarity of their thinking and the passion of their advocacy. Though I am sure

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. 48. Ruhs, Martin. The Price of Rights. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2013. 49. Matthews, Dylan. “The case for open borders.” Vox, December 15, 2014. www.vox.com/2014/9/13/6135905/open-borders-bryan-caplan-interview-gdp-double. 50. Conn, David. “Thousands of Qatar World Cup workers ‘subjected to life-threatening heat.’” The

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–7, 123, 135 of caregiving, 137–38 South Korean model, 103–4 virtual immigration, 148–50 Okun, Arthur, 118 open border advocates, 4–5, 8–11, 84, 113, 115, 188. See also immigration advocates open borders immigration policies, 59, 108–9 open vs. closed borders, 11 Page, Marianne, 178 parental leave, 47 people smuggling

Utopia for Realists: The Case for a Universal Basic Income, Open Borders, and a 15-Hour Workweek

by Rutger Bregman  · 13 Sep 2014  · 235pp  · 62,862 words

has been around for years. It’s the best plan that never happened. I’m talking about open borders. Not just for bananas, derivatives, and iPhones, but for one and all – for knowledge workers,

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on the level of movement in the global labor market, the estimated growth in “gross worldwide product” would be in the range of 67% to 172%.17 Effectively, open borders would make the whole

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dollar bills on the sidewalk.”18 An economist at the University of Wisconsin has calculated that open borders would boost the income of an average Angolan by about $10,000 a year, and

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Monetary Fund, lifting the remaining restrictions on capital would free up at most $65 billion.23 Pocket change, according to Harvard economist Lant Pritchett. Opening borders to labor would boost wealth by much more –

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are still countless mouths to feed, children to educate, and homes to build. Ethics, too, favors open borders. Say John from Texas is dying of hunger. He asks me for food, but I refuse.

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more unfair? (4) They’ll never go back. This brings us to a fascinating paradox: Open borders promote immigrants’ return.43 Take the border between Mexico and the U.S. In the 1960s,

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Arabia is fencing off the entire country. And even as the European Union continues to open borders between its member states, it is allocating millions to head off flimsy boats on the

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s no getting around migration. As Joseph Carens, one of the leading advocates of open borders, wrote in 1987, “Free migration may not be immediately achievable, but it is a goal toward which we

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“Open Borders,” National Bureau of Economic Research. http://www.nber.org/papers/w18307.pdf 20. Terrie L. Walmsley, L. Alan Winters, S. Amer Ahmed, and Christopher R. Parsons, “Measuring the Impact of the Movement

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For the original version of John’s story, see: Michael Huemer, “Citizenism and open borders.” http://openborders.info/blog/citizenism-and-open-borders 25. Branko Milanovic, “Global Income Inequality by the Numbers: in History and Now,”

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foreign-aid-what-if-it-did/ 48. Joseph Carens, “Aliens and Citizens: The Case for Open Borders,” The Review of Politics (Spring 1987). http://philosophyfaculty.ucsd.edu/faculty/rarneson/phil267fa12/aliensandcitizens.pdf 10

Let Them In: The Case for Open Borders

by Jason L. Riley  · 14 May 2008  · 196pp  · 53,627 words

. In 1952, when the United States was still under the thumb of highly restrictive immigration quotas enacted in the 1920s, Reagan gave a speech endorsing open borders. In his view, America was “the promised land” for people from “any place in the world.” Reagan said “any person with the courage, with the

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Agreement (NAFTA) took effect. But even as we liberated the cross-border flows of capital, goods, and services, we persisted in trying to stop the free movement of people. At the urging of Texas Congressman Lamar Smith, among others, the 1990s saw a tripling of the border patrol. In addition, the Clinton

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Gipper’s lead on immigration reform. Makes you wonder. No self-respecting free-market adherent would ever dream of supporting laws that interrupt the free movement of goods and services across borders. But when it comes to laws that hamper the free movement of workers who produce those goods and services, too many conservatives today

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overblown when they weren’t counterfactual. Economists across the political spectrum, from liberals like David Card to conservatives like Richard Vedder, have demonstrated that the free movement of labor adds efficiency and productivity to our economy. Hence, immigrants tend to stimulate economic growth rather than cause unemployment. Those conclusions are not cherry

Democracy and Prosperity: Reinventing Capitalism Through a Turbulent Century

by Torben Iversen and David Soskice  · 5 Feb 2019  · 550pp  · 124,073 words

the late 1970s. Closely related is the question why advanced capitalist democracies have given rise to populist political movements that oppose the very elites that grow out of the knowledge economy as well as open borders and the prosperous cities and the live-and-let-live values that they give rise to. But

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the game, as opposed to constraining domestic political choice or suborning democracy of the advanced economies. In Chandlerian companies in a Fordist regime, free trade and freedom of foreign direct investment movement are both important, as they are in knowledge economies. In knowledge economies, as knowledge competences become more decentralized, so knowledge-based MNEs

Basic Income: A Radical Proposal for a Free Society and a Sane Economy

by Philippe van Parijs and Yannick Vanderborght  · 20 Mar 2017

Instrument of Freedom 2 Basic Income and Its Cousins 3 Prehistory: Public Assistance and Social Insurance 4 History: From Utopian Dream to Worldwide Movement 5 Ethically Justifiable? � Free Riding Versus Fair Shares 6 Eco�nom�ically Sustainable? Funding, Experiments, and Transitions 7 Po�liti�cally Achievable? Civil Society, Parties, and the

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�there is no absolute priority for �either of them. In par�tic�u�lar, �there is no fundamental �human right of �free movement that must be enforced even at the cost of crushing existing redistributive systems. As long as 221 BASIC INCOME the national level is the highest

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�roÂ�pean social model. Second, a transfer Â�union is needed to secure the viability of “Schengen”—Â� that is, of the right of Â�free movement for EuÂ�roÂ�pean citizens within the EuÂ�roÂ� pean Union. Cross-Â�border reÂ�distribution would reduce not only selective migration, but migration generally

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, each member state must “have the possibility of refusing to grant social benefits to ecoÂ�nomÂ�ically inactive Union citizens who exercise their right to freedom of movement solely in order to obtain another Member State’s social assistance although they do not have sufficient resources to claim a right of residence” (Court

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for a discussion of the option of reserving the basic income for citizens in Japan. 23. Why has the Alaska scheme proved sustainable, despite free � movement within the United States and quasi-�immediate entitlement to the dividend? This has �little to do with the borders of the United States

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Preferences.” American SoÂ�cioÂ�logÂ�iÂ�cal Review 80(2): 268–298. Bregman, Rutger. 2016. Utopia for Realists. The Case for a Universal Basic Income, Open Borders and a 15-Â�Hour Workweek. Amsterdam: De Correspondent. Bresson, Yoland. 1984. L’Après-Â�salariat. Une nouvelle approche de l’économie. Paris: Economica. —Â

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.” Times Literary Supplement, August 24. Brown, Chris. 1992. “Marxism and the Transnational Migration of Â�People.” In Brian Barry and Robert E. Goodin, eds., Â�Free Movement: Ethical Issues in the Transnational Migration of People Â� and of Money, 127–144. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press. Brynjolfsson, Erik, and Andrew McAfee

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Donations, 54, 56, 107, 285n58, 288n9. See also Taxation of inheritance Douglas, Clifford H. “Major,” 80, 153. See also Social Credit movement 377 INDEX Ethical justifications. See Dworkin, Ronald; Â�Free riding; Gifts; Inheritance; Liberal-Â� egalitarian; Libertarianism; Marxism; Rawls, John; Real freedom for all; Utilitarianism Ethnic diversity, 242–244, 323n61 Eurodividend

The Rise and Fall of the Neoliberal Order: America and the World in the Free Market Era

by Gary Gerstle  · 14 Oct 2022  · 655pp  · 156,367 words

of a presidency like no other; the rise of Bernie Sanders and the resurrection of a socialist left; the sudden and deep questioning of open borders and free trade; the surge of populism and ethnonationalism and the castigation of once-celebrated globalizing elites; the decline of Barack Obama’s stature and the

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Neoliberalism is a creed that prizes free trade and the free movement of capital, goods, and people. It celebrates deregulation as an economic good that results when governments can no longer interfere with the operation of markets. It valorizes cosmopolitanism as a cultural achievement, the product of open borders and the consequent voluntary mixing

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would inculcate moral virtue in its members and especially in the young, and prepare the next generation for the rigors of free market life. The intellectual guiding lights of this movement, such as Gertrude Himmelfarb and her husband, Irving Kristol, believed that nineteenth-century Britain under Queen Victoria had achieved this

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deeply egalitarian and pluralistic. It rejected the notion that the patriarchal, heterosexual family should be celebrated as the norm. It embraced globalization and the free movement of people, and the transnational links that the neoliberal order had made possible. It valorized the good that would come from diverse peoples meeting each

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in their midst of wealth, power, and influence.27 Communists were also hostile to the internationalist capitalist economy—and to the world of free trade and free movement of people that liberals like Wilson were so eager to see emerge from the carnage of the Great War. They would not hesitate to

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African Americans in the United States who wanted to escape the Jim Crow yoke—could now more easily imagine that they could be free and self-governing. Movements for racial equality and national liberation erupted across Asia and Africa. The hardening of Cold War antagonisms in the late 1940s magnified their

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called “corporate liberalism”—a liberalism dominated by the very corporations that the New Deal had promised to bring to heel. In the demonstrations surrounding the Free Speech Movement at the University of California, Berkeley, 1964, one of the first events to bring this New Left national attention, a popular placard slogan

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accessible to all of America’s peoples, irrespective of their race or ethnicity. Sowell, one of the few African American intellectuals who embraced the free market movement, insisted again and again that blacks were as capable as Jews, Italians, Poles, and the Chinese of pulling themselves up by their bootstraps.54

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and then Europe under terms that the United States found satisfactory. The European Union (EU) came into existence in 1993 as a single market allowing free movement of goods, services, people, and capital throughout the territory controlled by member states. Its establishment could be interpreted as an achievement for the deregulatory

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identity politics) was allegedly doing to American culture. Substantial groups of Republican neoliberals had always been far more comfortable with the free movement of trade and capital than with the free movement and mixing of people. Clinton’s multicultural cosmopolitanism scared them; they were not mollified by Clinton’s efforts to crack down

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for generations to come.42 Bush shared Thomas Friedman’s faith in the power of pluralism. And he believed, with Friedman, that pluralism and the free movement of people were the keys to innovation, economic growth, and dynamic capitalism. Freedom in all its forms (to move, to mingle, to communicate, to

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“swamping” America’s white race with “inferior” people of color. It was but a short step from protesting open borders to revolting against another aspect of the neoliberal regime—the commitment to global free trade that had made America a destination for an unlimited number of “Made in China” goods. China, in

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countries. Thus, Trump had long attacked the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) for making North America a free trade zone and the World Trade Organization (WTO) for admitting China into its ranks. In his view, nothing good would result from open borders with Mexico and with China.39 Second, Trump had always

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otherwise would seem a million miles away from Trump’s pampered and gilded gold existence.”49 In each of Trump’s three beliefs—that free trade and open borders were harming America, that America should privilege its people of European descent, and that America’s true strength lay in its professional wrestling

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of America’s coastal elites—we can see an incipient attack on America’s neoliberal order. Trump’s politics challenged neoliberalism’s commitment to the free movement of goods and people across national boundaries, its celebration of the diversity of peoples, and its confidence in the wisdom of highly educated and

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the slander, personal attacks, and veiled incitement to violence that were part of Trump’s campaign arsenal. While Sanders long had harbored qualms about open borders, fearing that the arrival of too many low-skilled migrants would harm the working conditions and wages of America’s existing workers, he rejected Trump

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cuts pointed toward the maintenance of a neoliberal order, however, Trump’s assault on free trade and immigration aimed at its destruction. In Trump’s eyes, free trade among nations was harming America; so was the free movement of people across national borders. Trump wanted to build walls against both and to allow

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citizenship for millions of undocumented migrants. George W. Bush imagined a North American Union, similar to the European Union, that would have allowed the free movement of goods and people throughout the northern half of the Western Hemisphere.21 The Wall Street Journal had long regarded the

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free movement of people and a free market economy as essential components of a free society. Trump broke with these Republican traditions and, in the process, repudiated principles central to neoliberalism. America, in

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that Bernie Sanders, Elizabeth Warren, and others had been infusing with new life. Trump’s constant talk of putting tariffs on imports, stopping the free movement of people across borders, and challenging media companies had the effect of widening the space in which those engaged in politics could think more freely

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a political order that, in the eyes of majorities of Americans, on the left and right, had failed. A neoliberal order prizing global free markets and free movement of people had left too many people behind. It had favored Wall Street over Main Street; tolerated extreme levels of inequality; ignored the problem

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vast. For a sampling, see Harvard Sitkoff, The Struggle for Black Equality, 1954–1980 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1981); Robert Weisbrot, Freedom Bound: A History of America’s Civil Rights Movement (New York: W. W. Norton, 1990); David J. Garrow, Bearing the Cross: Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Southern Christian

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elected by the Mississippi Democratic Party or the delegates from the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party, a newly formed multiracial group born of the civil rights movement in the state—illuminates how Johnson struggled (unsuccessfully) to commit the nation to racial equality while keeping the white South in the Democratic Party.

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Basic Books, 1989); Rebecca Klatch, A Generation Divided: The New Left, the New Right, and the 1960s (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999). On the Free Speech Movement specifically, see W. J. Rorabaugh, Berkeley at War: The 1960s (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989); Robert Cohen and Reginald E. Zelnik, eds., The

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University of California Press, 2002); Neil J. Smelser, Reflections on the University of California from the Free Speech Movement to the Global University (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010). A key figure of the Free Speech Movement in Berkley was Mario Savio, whose impassioned speech from the steps outside Sproul Hall, Berkeley, crystallized the

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: A Vision, but a Faulty One,” National Review, July 23, 2001, 35–36. 41.Draper, Dead Certain, 147. 42.In Bush’s view, the free movement of people into the United States—and the opening of borders between the United States and Mexico and the United States and Canada—would strengthen

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45–46, 69, 108–9, 114–15, 120–21, 141, 150, 200–1 free market capitalism, 4–5, 99–100, 105, 108–9, 120–21, 133–34, 144–45, 173, 195–96, 204, 254–55 free movement of capital, 5, 186 free movement of people, 13, 31, 177, 186, 209–10, 248, 271, 275–76

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, 278, 290 Free Speech movement, 8–9, 102 “free world” zone, 28–29 freedom of speech, 75–76, 126–27 freedom of the

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1934), 23 Sanders, Bernie, 1, 230, 254–62, 278, 279 Santelli, Rick, 240 Saudi Arabia, 60 Savio, Mario, 8–9, 327n.60, See also Free Speech Movement Scalia, Antonin, 124 Schneider, Steven, 60–61 Schumer, Charles, 178 Second Reconstruction, 53–54 Second Wave economy, 160–61 Securities Act (1933), 22 Securities and

Open: The Progressive Case for Free Trade, Immigration, and Global Capital

by Kimberly Clausing  · 4 Mar 2019  · 555pp  · 80,635 words

about trade openness.4 Closed borders, and closed minds, can hurt both prosperity and peace. ________________________ 1.  Patrick J. McDonald, “Peace through Trade or Free Trade?” The Journal of Conflict Resolution 48:4 (2004), 547–572. 2.  Erik Gartzke, “Economic Freedom and Peace,” Annual Report, Economic Freedom of

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A. Clemens, “Economics and Emigration: Trillion-Dollar Bills on the Sidewalk?” Journal of Economic Perspectives 25:3 (2011), 83–106. See also John Kennan, “Open Borders,” Review of Economic Dynamics 16:2 (2013), L1–L13. 25. Peri, “Immigrants, Productivity”; Blau and Mackie, The Economic and Fiscal Consequences. 26. For

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here. Thirty percent is an increase that could be handled without creating undue stress to our infrastructure or to state and local budgets. Completely open borders are not realistic, or even desirable, but there is certainly a strong case for more immigration. 50. William N. Evans and Daniel Fitzgerald

Radicals Chasing Utopia: Inside the Rogue Movements Trying to Change the World

by Jamie Bartlett  · 12 Jun 2017  · 390pp  · 109,870 words

free elections occurred in June the following year. 17 November is a public holiday—‘Struggle for Freedom and Democracy Day’—and political movements

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movement loosely called the ‘alt-right’, which combined several of Pegida’s ideas with internet trolling culture, libertarian attitudes on free

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free love has a long history in women’s rights movements. And that he seems oblivious to the fast-growing sex-positive movement

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free love adversely affects mental or physical health. According to Amanda van Eck Duymaer van Twist, a specialist in new religious movements

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movement where they would be welcome. Traditional right-wing voters worried about the environment would, in theory, share much in common with activists. But they might not see past the obsession with intersectionality or anti-capitalist tropes about open borders

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this might change the dynamics of the movement. 42. Jonathan Freedland, ‘Post-truth

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movements tend to see each other as allies, and why you will typically see movements that have little in common marching together. Free

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movement, 255–263 coal compared to, 254 definition of, 253–254 nimbyism and activism fight against, 255–257 risks associated with, 254–255 free

The Gamble: General David Petraeus and the American Military Adventure in Iraq, 2006-2008

by Thomas E. Ricks  · 14 Oct 2009  · 509pp  · 153,061 words

produced some unexpected side benefits. “The insurgency is like a shark,” a Marine intelligence report stated, “it has to move to survive. Cut off its freedom of movement and its loses its effectiveness.” As the fighters and death squads shifted to new locations, they were forced to communicate, and signals interception enabled the

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-47s milling about,” he wrote. But he soon concluded that “they are worth their weight in gold. . . . an amazing force multiplier that denied the enemy freedom of movement in a manner we could not.” They spoke the language, they knew the area, and they knew who wasn’t from it. Higher-ups wouldn

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commitment, for as long as five decades, with enough American forces to assist the unprepared and sometimes lawless security forces while protecting the country’s open borders.” AT THE END OF THE RAINBOW? Nor, at the end of many more years of struggle, is the outcome likely to be something Americans recognize

The Haves and the Have-Nots: A Brief and Idiosyncratic History of Global Inequality

by Branko Milanovic  · 15 Dec 2010  · 251pp  · 69,245 words

percent for females. In this small sample, we see that countries that have done economically poorly would, if free migration were allowed, remain perhaps without half or more of their populations. With fully open borders, we would witness enormous migration flows that would almost empty out some parts of the globe. There is

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league after league relaxed or abandoned the limits altogether. Thus, the situation described in the opening paragraph came to be: an unfettered capitalism with full freedom of movement of labor (players and coaches) and capital. The latter is reflected in several famous club acquisitions: Italy’s Prime Minister and media tycoon Silvio Berlusconi

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of vision among its leaders, and fundamental doubts among Europeans about their own ability to face and prosper in a globalized world that would embrace free movement of not only capital and goods but people as well (see Vignettes 2.4 and 2.5). Thus, Africa will have to prosper or fail

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