by Tamara Draut · 4 Apr 2016 · 255pp · 75,172 words
by Matt Taibbi · 7 Oct 2019 · 357pp · 99,456 words
). Trump promises to deliver it. The Democrats’ solution? Last week the New York Times published an article advising men with high-school educations to take pink-collar jobs. Talk about insensitivity. Her article was full of nuanced, uncomfortable observations about why working-class people voted for Trump. It clearly struck a chord
by Kathi Weeks · 8 Sep 2011 · 350pp · 110,764 words
that can sometimes alienate workers from their job and other times bind them more tightly to it. Whether it is the women informatics workers whose pink-collar status and dress code is, Carla Freeman argues, at once a disciplinary mechanism and a source of individual expression (2000, 2), or the specific model
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mythology” (2002, 36).18 Second-wave feminists were particularly interested in this second approach, insisting on revaluing feminized forms of not only domestic labor but pink-collar wage labor as well—including, for example, caring work and sex work. The proponents of the classic gynocentric ethic of care claimed that caring labor
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affirms, the “collar” metaphor has always been about clothes, and clothes in turn are key signifiers of the professional. Carla Freeman’s (2000) study of pink-collar office workers in the Caribbean focuses on how the workers were encouraged to identify themselves as professionals, an identification that centered crucially on styles of
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workers described in both Freeman’s and Ross’s accounts used clothes and style as a way to distinguish their employment sector from others (as pink-collar rather than blue-collar, or as no-collar in contrast to white-collar) and, by the same token, to display their status as individuals within
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that setting rather than merely as members of a “collared” class fraction. But as Hochschild notes in her study of flight attendants, another iconic pink-collar labor force, by defending the intensive managerial control over the workers’ appearance through “continuous reference to the need to be ‘professional,’ ” the standardized results may
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, edited by Patrick Parrinder, 72–97. Durham: Duke University Press. Freeman, Carla. 2000. High Tech and High Heels in the Global Economy: Women, Work, and Pink-Collar Identities in the Caribbean. Durham: Duke University Press. Freeman, Caroline. 1995. “When Is a Wage Not a Wage?” In The Politics of Housework, new ed
by Robert J. Gordon · 12 Jan 2016 · 1,104pp · 302,176 words
, they could plan for careers rather than jobs.”18 Women began to become accepted as career-track professionals whose progress went far beyond the traditional pink-collar occupations. In 1960, 94 percent of doctors were white men, as were 96 percent of lawyers and 86 percent of managers. By 2008 these numbers
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those within occupations. Despite the increased professionalization of female occupational choices, the occupational composition of women is still quite different than men, particularly when skilled pink-collar occupations are compared with skilled blue-collar occupations. For instance, virtually all midwives are female, and virtually all cement contractors are male. Goldin concludes that
by Gabriel Winant · 23 Mar 2021 · 563pp · 136,190 words
more distinctive pattern in Black employment, however, occurred for women. African American women found work in hospitals, laundries, and food and drink service, but a pink-collar world of jobs as secretaries, telephone operators, saleswomen, and teachers was largely closed to them. Black women were driven instead into domestic work: 42 percent
by Ruth Fincher and Peter Saunders · 1 Jul 2001 · 267pp · 79,905 words
on wages, particularly in the award-only sector, will also be unfavourable to these occupations. This will be offset to some extent by growth in ‘pink-collar’ service sector jobs (such as waiters and cashiers), but these are low-paying jobs whose future growth will not lead to higher wages. Consequently, the
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blue-collar reference person with a pink-collar spouse may find little improvement in their household’s earning situation. Blue-collar/blue-collar households face bleak earnings prospects, unless both end up working
by Carl Benedikt Frey · 17 Jun 2019 · 626pp · 167,836 words
(dataset), https://usa.ipums.org/usa/. However, the experience of women has been rather different. As is well known, the great leap forward of the “pink-collar” workforce came to an end in the 2000s, when computers began to take over more clerical work (figure 13). Just a few decades ago, people
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Harbor, attack on, 180 Pennsylvania Railroad, 208 Percy, Hiram, 165 personal computer (PC), 231 Peter the Great, Tsar, 58 Piketty, Thomas, 210, 217, 277, 361 “pink-collar” workforce, 241 plant downsizings, 255 Pliny the Elder, 36, 40 Polanyi’s paradox, 234, 304 polarization, politics of, 272–77; American dream, 280; Blue Wall
by Michelle Alexander · 24 Nov 2011 · 467pp · 116,902 words
areas—which employs primarily women—was expanding at the same time manufacturing jobs were evaporating. The fraction of black men who moved into so called pink-collar jobs like nursing or clerical work was negligible.80 The decline in legitimate employment opportunities among inner-city residents increased incentives to sell drugs—most
by William Julius Wilson · 1 Jan 1996 · 399pp · 116,828 words
lower-educated men into the growth sectors of the economy has been slow. For example, “the fraction of men who have moved into so-called pink-collar jobs like practical nursing or clerical work remains negligible.” The large concentration of women in the expanding social service sector partly accounts for the striking
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employment in 1979 to 21 percent in 1993. Lerman and Rein (forthcoming). 16 For example, “the fraction of men who have moved into so-called pink-collar jobs”: Nasar (1994). 17 The large concentration of women in the expanding social service sector: Lerman and Rein (forthcoming). 18 Between 1989 and 1993, jobs
by Jeremy Rifkin · 28 Dec 1994 · 372pp · 152 words
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