description: system of economic production, consumption, and associated socio-economic phenomena in most industrialized countries since the late 20th century
30 results
by Kathi Weeks · 8 Sep 2011 · 350pp · 110,764 words
ASCETICISM”: PRODUCTIVISM MEETS CONSUMERISM AUTONOMY AND COMMAND: MANAGING INDEPENDENCE THE WORK ETHIC AND THE LABORING CLASSES RACE, GENDER, AND THE PROPAGATION OF THE WORK ETHIC POST-FORDISM AND THE WORK ETHIC MANAGING POST-FORDIST INDEPENDENCE: BEING PROFESSIONAL CONCLUSION Chapter 2: Marxism, Productivism, and the Refusal of Work MARXISM AND PRODUCTIVISM SOCIALIST MODERNIZATION
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and reproduction typical of Fordist political economies than were available elsewhere at the time, these accounts are no longer adequate to the project of mapping post-Fordism. In the classic texts from this period, production and reproduction were associated according to the logic of a dual-systems model with two different spaces
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the culmination of the Fordist period in the years following the Second World War, and a postindustrial work ethic that has accompanied the transition to post-Fordism. The analysis seeks to recognize the power of the work ethic and to identify some of its weaknesses—that is, the chapter’s goal is
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in turn helped to inform the struggles against worker alienation of the 1960s and 1970s and the consequent reorganization of work and its management under post-Fordism. But the precariousness that the antinomy generates is not only due to the static contradiction between the ideal of autonomy and the reality of submission
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, few political movements have managed to confront directly what Weber calls the “social ethic of capitalistic culture” (1958, 54). POST-FORDISM AND THE WORK ETHIC The political and economic developments associated with post-Fordism exert some new pressures on the work ethic. Current trends suggest that our attitudes toward work are of increasing importance
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may never have been so necessary. There are at least two reasons why our attitudes toward work take on renewed significance in the context of post-Fordism. First, workers’ investment in the work ethic is increasingly relevant because in many forms of work—for example, in many service sector jobs—employers want
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managers rather than simply yield to their authority (Bunting 2004, 110). Whereas Fordism demanded from its core workers a lifetime of compliance with work discipline, post-Fordism also demands of many of its workers flexibility, adaptability, and continual reinvention.21 If originally the work ethic was the means by which already disciplined
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which all waged workers were expected to approach their work industriously as if it were a calling, those in low-waged service-sector jobs under post-Fordism are asked to approach their work professionally as if it were a “career.” This professionalization of work, the expansion of what is considered a profession
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account for both the continued authority of its prescriptions and the precariousness of its dominance. The importance of the ethic persists under the conditions of post-Fordism, as does its vulnerability. The ability of work to harness desires for a life beyond work depends, perhaps now more than ever, on the power
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the mass worker of high Fordism, which joined together a broader constituency of waged workers inside and beyond the factory; to the social worker of post-Fordism, a composition that is no longer limited to waged workers but can also include those necessary to its existence and organization, like the unemployed, domestic
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1970s wages for housework literature within its historical context—in relation to other Marxist theories, and in a particular moment of transition from Fordism to post-Fordism—in the end, the point is to go back in order to bring some of the insights from the 1970s forward, to use them in
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an early contribution. Later we will return to the concept of the social factory to consider how it has been transformed under the conditions of post-Fordism, and the consequences of this for the project of mapping the social factory’s sites and relations. Here I want to continue the review of
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attempted to map becomes even more complex and the borders between them more difficult to discern. In the context of what I will summarize as post-Fordism, the distinction on which both the analysis and political project rested becomes even less tenable. Consider the relation between waged production and domestic reproduction. First
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the relations of production extend beyond the specific employment relation. The point I want to emphasize here is that in the shift from Fordism to post-Fordism, these tendencies have been multiplied and amplified—or, at the very least, have been made more obvious. As a consequence, although the present terms of
by Roberto Mangabeira Unger · 19 Mar 2019 · 268pp · 75,490 words
apprenticeship, and of dense ties in the local community, generate a setting favorable to the development of the post-Fordist knowledge economy: pre-Fordism favors post-Fordism. And indeed many of the regions where a confined form of the knowledge economy has taken hold, especially among midsized firms, such as Emilia Romagna
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to become something else, pining in the purgatory of belated Fordism, or whether it and its government could organize a direct passage from pre- to post-Fordism outside the old industrial centers of the Southeast. The former answer to this question seemed to offer no hope for all the reasons enumerated at
by Söderberg, Johan; Söderberg, Johan;
technology will be like is spread out to every computer user. Informated and Automated Production in Post-Fordist Capitalism Marxists tend to use Fordism and post-Fordism to categorise the historical transformation that elsewhere is talked about as the industrial and informational society. The categorisation of Fordism
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/post-Fordism centres on differences in the labour process, out of which technology is one component.26 Liberal commentators understand Fordism as a period when productivity in
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the resistance of workers, that spelled the end to Fordism. When workers organised against the old factory regime, Fordism became increasingly costly to keep up. Post-Fordism is a renewed attack on the positions of workers and, in this regard, it is in complete continuance with Fordism. The passing from Fordism to
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post-Fordism was first noted in the 1970s by a group of Marxist scholars known as the French Regulation School. One of the leading names of the
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the operators were levelled to the same low point. In the 1960s the power of the mass worker stood at its zenith. The beginning of post-Fordism could roughly be dated to the same decade. Capital attacked the power of the mass worker by removing its bastion of strength, the factory site
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of Science, vol. 29, no.3 (1999). 26. For a summary of different positions on post-Fordism, see ed. Ash Amin, Post-Fordism: A Reader (Oxford: Blackwell, 1994). Sceptics have objected to the sharp distinction drawn between Fordism and post-Fordism and questioned if there is solid empirical evidence for the periodisation. Andrew Sayer, “Postfordism in
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the many writers abiding to the industrial age/information age dichotomy. An analysis of contemporary capitalism is far better off starting with the concept of post-Fordism. 27. Michel Aglietta, A Theory of Capitalist Regulation (London: NLB, 1979). The French Regulation School has been criticised for theorising capitalism from an institutional horizon
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, thus failing to give due credit to the role of class struggle. see ed. Werner Bonefeld & John Holloway, Post-Fordism and Social Form—A Marxist Debate on the Post-Fordist State (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1991). 28. For a compilation of claims about the rise of a
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of Thomas Parke Huges and Agatha Chipley Huges, Cambridge Mass.: The MIT Press, 2001. Althusser, Louis. Essays on Ideology, London: Verso, 1984. ed. Amin, Ash, Post-Fordism: A Reader, Oxford: Blackwell, 1994. ed. Appadurai, Arjun. The Social Life of Things—Commodities in Cultural Perspective, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986. ed. Appleby, Joyce
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and Kosmas Psychopedis. Open Marxism, vol.I, London: Pluto Press, 1992. ——— Open Marxism, vol.II, London: Pluto Press, 1992. ed. Bonefeld, Werner, and John Holloway. Post-Fordism and Social Form—A Marxist Debate on the Post-Fordist State, Basingstoke UK: Macmillan, 1991. Bowles, Samuel, and Herbert Gintis. Schooling in Capitalist America—Educational
by Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri · 1 Jan 2004 · 475pp · 149,310 words
of post-Fordist production correspond to a certain degree to the polycentric guerrilla model, but the guerrilla model is immediately transformed by the technologies of post-Fordism. The networks of information, communication, and cooperation—the primary axes of post-Fordist production—begin to define the new guerrilla movements. Not only do the
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the hinge between the old guerrilla model and the new model of biopolitical network structures. The Zapatistas also demonstrate wonderfully how the economic transition of post-Fordism can function equally in urban and rural territories, linking local experiences with global struggles.103 The Zapatistas, which were born and primarily remain a peasant
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even more clearly destroy the divisions of the working day and expand to fill all of life. Some economists also use the terms Fordism and post-Fordism to mark the shift from an economy characterized by the stable long-term employment typical of factory workers to one marked by flexible, mobile, and
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fact, more generally, the social division between the employed and the unemployed is becoming ever more blurred. As we said earlier, in the era of post-Fordism the stable and guaranteed employment that many sectors of the working class could previously count on in the dominant countries no longer exists. What is
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. Their cultural differences and mobility divided them from the stable, core figures of labor. In the contemporary economy, however, and with the labor relations of post-Fordism, mobility increasingly defines the labor market as a whole, and all categories of labor are tending toward the condition of mobility and cultural mixture common
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series of passages that name different faces of the same shift: from the hegemony of industrial labor to that of immaterial labor, from Fordism to post-Fordism, and from the modern to the postmodern. Periodization frames the movement of history in terms of the passage from one relatively stable paradigm to another
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labor market workers have to juggle several jobs to make ends meet. Such practices have always existed, but today, with the passage from Fordism to post-Fordism, the increased flexibility and mobility imposed on workers, and the decline of the stable, long-term employment typical of factory work, this tends to become
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paradigm he viewed the characteristics of factory labor as running counter to democratic exchange and tending to form a silent and passive public. Today, however, post-Fordism and the immaterial paradigm of production adopt performativity, communication, and collaboration as central characteristics. Performance has been put to work.122 Every form of labor
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the youths in the social centers began to recognize the new paradigm of work that characterized their experiences: the mobile, flexible, precarious work typical of post-Fordism that we described in part 2. Rather than the traditional blue overalls of the old factory workers, white overalls represented this new proletariat. The White
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call for emotional labor. 15 This is the primary argument of Doug Henwood, After the New Economy. 16 For an overview of post-Fordism and flexible specialization, see Ash Amin, ed., Post-Fordism: A Reader (Oxford: Blackwell, 1994). 17 See Pascal Byé and Maria Fonte, “Is the Technical Model of Agriculture Changing Radically?” in
by Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri · 9 Mar 2000 · 1,015pp · 170,908 words
ofworld labor power opened the potential for new crises and class conflicts on an order never before experienced. The restructuring of production, from Fordism to post-Fordism, from modernization to postmodernization, was anticipated by the rise ofa new subjectiv- ity.26 The passage from the phase of perfecting the disciplinary regime to
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, ‘‘Fordism on a World Scale: International Dimensions ofRegulation,’’ Review of Radical Political Economics, 21, no. 4 (Winter 1989), 33–53; and Bob Jessop, ‘‘Fordism and Post-Fordism: A Critical Reformulation,’’ in Michael Storper and Allen Scott, eds., Pathways to Industrialization and Regional Development (London: Routledge, 1992), pp. 46–69. 20. See, for
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, 314–316, 371 242 posse, 407–411 Rosenzweig, Franz, 377 postcolonialist theories, 137–139, Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, 85, 87, 303 143–146 royal prerogatives ofsovereignty, post-Fordism, 55, 409–410 38–39, 343, 360 posthuman, 215 postmodernist theories, 137–143 Said, Edward, 125, 146 postmodernity, 64–65, 187, 237 Sartre, Jean-Paul
by David Edgerton · 7 Dec 2006 · 353pp · 91,211 words
mass production of cars in Europe and North America ceased to grow fast from the 1970s. Rapidly expanding Japanese car production became a model for ‘Post-Fordism’. But just as the significance of mass production, or ‘Fordism’, was exaggerated, so were reports of its demise. At the end of the twentieth-century
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, 44 (2003), p. 565. 35. Tim Mondavi, quoted in Independent, 8 January 2002. 3. Production 1. See Paul Hirst and Jonathan Zeitlin, ‘Flexible specialisation versus Post-Fordism: theory, evidence and policy implications’, Economy and Society, Vol. 20 (1991), pp. 1–56. 2. In the Scandinavian countries, estimates of national income from the
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lack of maintenance in 79 Popov, Alexander Stepanovitch 103 population cities of the poor world 39–40 European 39 world 39 Porta, Livio Dante 97 Post-Fordism 70 post-modernism 52 poverty cities of the poor world 39–40 new technologies of xi–xii power stations 67–8, 81, 96 Pratt & Whitney
by Ulrich Beck · 15 Jan 2000 · 236pp · 67,953 words
and political implications. The Fordist regime In the academic and wider public debate about changing structures of work, such keywords as ‘post-industrialism’, ‘post-Taylorism’, ‘post-Fordism’ or ‘neo-Fordism’ usually hold the stage. But for our purposes, we need to consider this debate only as a backdrop to the theory and
by Timothy Cresswell · 21 May 2006
: University of California Press, 1980); Ernest J. Yanarella and Herbert G. Reid, “From ‘Trained Gorilla’ to ‘Humanware’: Repoliticizing the Body-Machine Complex between Fordism and Post-Fordism,” in The Social and Political Body, ed. Theodore Schatzki and Wolfgang Natter (New York: Guilford, 1996), 181–220. Lenin cited in James Scott, Seeing Like
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); Mark Seltzer, Bodies and Machines (New York: Routledge, 1992); Yanarella and Reid, “From ‘Trained Gorilla’ to ‘Humanware’: Repoliticizing the Body-Machine Complex between Fordism and Post-Fordism.” Antonio Gramsci, “Americanism and Fordism,” in Selections from the Prison Notebooks, ed. Quintin Hoare and Geoff rey Smith (New York: International Publishers, 1971), 277–318
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/7/06 9:01:51 PM Notes • 281 16. Yanarella and Reid, “From ‘Trained Gorilla’ to ‘Humanware’: Repoliticizing the Body-Machine Complex between Fordism and Post-Fordism.” 17. Cited in Congressional Record, 63rd Congress, 3d. sess. Vol. 52, no. 69, 4905. 18. Cited in Congressional Record, 63rd Congress, 3d. sess. Vol. 52
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Geographers 37 (1947): 1–15. Yanarella, Ernest J., and Herbert G. Reid. “From ‘Trained Gorilla’ to ‘Humanware’: Repoliticizing the Body-Machine Complex between Fordism and Post-Fordism.” In The Social and Political Body, edited by Theodore Schatzki and Wolfgang Natter, 181–220. New York: Guilford, 1996. Young, Iris Marion. Throwing Like a
by Manuel Castells · 31 Aug 1996 · 843pp · 223,858 words
, was the response to the crisis of profitability in the process of capital accumulation. Others, like Coriat8 suggest a long-term evolution from “Fordism” to “post-Fordism,” as an expression of a “grand transition,” the historical transformation of the relationships between, on the one hand, production and productivity, and, on the other
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has been identified, particularly in the pioneering work of Piore and Sabel, is the transition from mass production to flexible production, or from “Fordism” to “post-Fordism” in Coriat’s formulation. The massproduction model was based on productivity gains obtained by economies of scale in an assembly-line-based, mechanized process of
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relationships between firms, but between management and workers. As Coriat argued, in the international seminar convened in Tokyo to debate the question “Is Japanese Management Post-Fordism?,” in fact, “it is neither pre- nor post-Fordist, but an original and new way of managing the labor process: the central and distinctive feature
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golden age of productivity”, Business Week, September 26: 62. Coriat, Benjamin (1990) L’Atelier et le robot, Paris: Christian Bourgois Editeur. —— (1994) “Neither pre- nor post-fordism: an original and new way of managing the labour process”, in K. Tetsuro and R. Steven (eds), Is Japanese Management
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Post-Fordism?, Tokyo: Mado-sha, p. 182. Council of Economic Advisers (1995) Economic Report to the President of the United States. Transmitted to the Congress, February 1995,
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Infrastructure, report–response to inquiry no. 5, 1993, Tokyo: May 31 (unofficial translation, July 1994). Tetsuro, Kato and Steven, Rob (eds) (1994) Is Japanese Management Post-Fordism?, Tokyo: Mado-sha. Thach, Liz and Woodman, Richard W. (1994) “Organizational change and information technology: managing on the edge of cyberspace”, Organizational Dynamics, 1: 30
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; multimedia; personal interest; third way Polyakov, L. V. Pool, Ithiel de Sola Popular Electronics Porat, Marc Porter, Michael Portes, Alejandro Portnoff, Andre-Yves Postel, Jon post-Fordism post-industrialism Postman, Neil postmodernism Poulantzas, Nicos poverty Powell, Walter W. power Powers, Bruce R. Preston, Holly H. Preston, Pascal Prigogine, Ilya printing, China privatization
by Jeremy Rifkin · 28 Dec 1994 · 372pp · 152 words
II THE THIRD INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION 4. 5. 6. 7. Crossing into the High-Tech Frontier Technology and the African-American Experience The Great Automation Debate Post-Fordism 59 69 81 90 PART III THE DECLINE OF THE GLOBAL LABOR FORCE 8. No More Farmers 9. Hanging Up the Blue Collar 10. The
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of delivery achieved by automated manufacturing. In more and more countries the news is filled with talk about lean production, re-engineering, total quality management, post-Fordism, decruiting, and downsizing. Everywhere men and women are worried about their future. The young are beginning to vent their frustration and rage in increasing antisocial
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Automation, when the world economy began to make its historic shift into the post-Fordist era, laying the organizational groundwork for a workerless future. ·7· Post-Fordism I N THE MID-1960s few Americans were aware of the sweeping changes taking place in management practices inside Japanese companies that would, in less
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cleaners, radios, electric irons, and toasters. At the same time that demand was tapering off, foreign competition for American markets was increasing. Cheap imports go Post-Fordism 91 flooded the US., dramatically cutting the market share of American companies. Between 1969 and 1979, the value of manufactured imports relative to domestic products
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trains along a single track. Keeping "track" of train movements became critical to maintaining safe passage along the line. When the Western Railroad experienced a Post-Fordism 93 series of accidents on its Hudson River rail, culminating in a head-on crash on October 4, 1841, that killed a passenger and conductor
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over the past century. They recount the story of the Honorable Evelyn Henry Ellis, a well-to-do member of the British Parliament, who in Post-Fordism 95 paid a visit to the Paris machine tool company of Panhard and Levassor to "commission" an automobile. The company's owners, Panhard and Levassor
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far less than half the needed inventory on site, results in many fewer defects, and produces a greater and ever growing variety of products."17 Post-Fordism 97 The Japanese form of lean production starts by doing away with the traditional managerial hierarchy and replacing it with multiskilled teams that work together
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and far less friction between management and workers. In most Japanese automotive factories, workers and management share a common cafeteria and parking lot. Managers as Post-Fordism 99 well as workers wear company uniforms. To encourage further openness and a closer working relationship, managers sit at open desks on the factory floor
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begun to introduce their own changes in organizational structure to accommodate the new computer technologies. Under the broad rubric of re-engineering, corporations are flattening Post-Fordism 101 traditional organizational pyramids and transferring more and more decision-making responsibilities to networks and teams. The reengineering phenomenon is forcing a fundamental overhaul in
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representatives by way of Federal Express. 28 Sales representatives were frustrated over the slow response time in processing customer requests for financing, and complained about Post-Fordism 103 customers canceling orders or finding alternative financing with other companies. Concerned over the delays, two IBM senior managers walked a customer request through all
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less than three hours. Ironically, the company has discovered through its marketing studies that its response is too quick and dampens the enthusiasm of its Post-Fordism 105 customers, so it purposely delays delivery for a week so that the customer can experience "the joy of anticipation."35 Companies across the country
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manufacturing. AUTOMATING THE AUTOMOBILE Some of the most dramatic breakthroughs in re-engineering and technology displacement are occurring in the automotive industry. As noted earlier, post-Fordism is rapidly transforming the automobile industry around the world. At the same time, post-Fordist restructuring is resulting in massive layoffs of blue collar workers
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