by Kathi Weeks · 8 Sep 2011 · 350pp · 110,764 words
important means, but often the only avenues for imagining a politics of work, we are left with few possibilities for marshaling antiwork activism and inventing postwork alternatives. What amounts in all these instances to a depoliticization of work is precisely what I want to think through and challenge in this contribution
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. There are, nonetheless, a number of exceptional cases or even whole subtraditions within each of these fields that have much to offer antiwork critiques and post-work imaginaries. But rather than organize this introductory discussion around a rehearsal of the project’s more specific theoretical debts, I want to structure it instead
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level of abstraction—between the category of antiwork used to signal the deconstructive moment of this critique of the work society, and the concept of postwork offered as a place holder for something yet to come. WORK AND CLASS Whereas the distinction between work and labor will be suspended for the
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is, the collectivities that might coalesce around its issues and the divisions that might develop in the interstices of antiwork struggles and in relation to postwork imaginaries—remains an open question. To the extent that the concerns it raises carry the potential to cut across traditional class divisions, a politics against
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currently imposed on us and to their ethical defense, and a struggle for a different relationship to work born from the collective autonomy that a postwork ethics and more nonwork time could help us to secure. As a simultaneous way to insist on work’s significance and to contest its valuation
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on the basis of subordinated knowledges, resistant subjectivities, and emergent models of organization. At least some of this literature focuses on both antiwork politics and postwork imaginaries. This model of utopian politics that can “make the creation of prefigurative forms an explicit part of our movement against capitalism” and challenge the
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by way of the sometimes rather different commitments and imaginaries referenced by the categories of work, freedom, social reproduction, life, the refusal of work, and postwork. I will thus use work as a point of entry into the territory of class politics; freedom to supplement and redirect an anticapitalist political theory
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confront work’s overvaluation; the field of social reproduction as part of a struggle to wrest more of life from the encroachments of work; and postwork utopianism to replace socialism as the horizon of revolutionary possibility and speculation. CHAPTER OVERVIEWS The questions raised and points of focus elaborated above are meant
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the autonomists might describe it, a practice of separation and process of self-valorization—an analysis that is committed at once to antiwork critique and postwork invention. In keeping with this dual focus of the refusal of work, chapter 3 marks a shift in the project from the critical charge I
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just described to the task of constructing possible alternatives, from the development of an antiwork critique to the incitement of a postwork political imaginary. More specifically, the argument shifts at this point from a focus on the refusal of work and its ethics to the demands for
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(a category I explore in more detail in Chapter 5) is one of the ways I want to conceive the relationship between antiwork analysis and postwork desire, imagination, and will as they figure in the practice of political claims making. Utopian demands, including demands for basic income and shorter hours,
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topics that they neglected. I begin with two points of clarification. First, my preference for politics over ethics as the terrain of antiwork struggle and postwork speculation raises a question about the relationship between politics and ethics that the analysis presumes. Also meriting discussion is a second relationship, between the project
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a life.” The rubric of life against work is, I propose, both capacious and pointed enough to frame a potent antiwork politics and fuel a postwork imagination. In the epigraph above, C. Wright Mills laments the fact that we measure the satisfaction of jobs only against the standard of other jobs
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history, the analysis that follows attempts to do something else: to identify and explore some theoretical resources that might illuminate and enrich antiwork politics and postwork imaginaries. MARXISM AND PRODUCTIVISM These theoretical tools are drawn from the Marxist tradition, admittedly both an obvious and a curious resource for a critical, let
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substantial social change, is essential. THE ABOLITION OF WORK (AS WE KNOW IT) The vision of an alternative that marks the transition from antiwork to postwork in autonomist thought is offered as a contrast to socialism, which is defined as a system that would redeem work through public ownership. In this
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the abolition of work serves not as blueprint, not even precisely as content; instead it is a marker of the disjunction between antiwork critique and postwork possibility. The same logic of imagination that conceives the relation between the refusal of work and its abolition in terms of difference and rupture grounds
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it also in tendency and potential. Tendencies that point to the possibility of a postwork future include the perennial conflict generated by a system that expands the needs and desires of its subjects while simultaneously striving to minimize their wages
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of a social form in which work does not serve as the primary force of social mediation (1996, 49), an antiwork critique grounded in a postwork potential. The refusal of work as both a practical demand and a theoretical perspective presupposes an appreciation of the potentially immense productive power of the
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of human activities which have escaped from labor’s domination” (Berardi 2009, 60). Theirs is not only a postindividualist vision of the possibility of a postwork organization of production, it is also a postscarcity vision. The productive force of the accumulated powers of social labor has always had the potential to
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of the refusal of work encompasses both as sites and objects of refusal. This broader project of refusal poses challenges both for antiwork critique and postwork imagination. Feminist antiwork critique would need to accomplish several things at once: to recognize unwaged domestic work as socially necessary labor, contest its inequitable distribution
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distributing it more equitably is not enough—the organization of unwaged reproductive labor and its relationship with waged work must be entirely rethought. For feminist postwork imagination, it raises the following question: if we refuse both the institution of waged work and the model of the privatized family as the central
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AND THE NEW JERUSALEM We have arrived at a crossroads of sorts. At this point, the focus of the analysis shifts from antiwork critique to postwork politics, moving away from the earlier concentration on the refusal of work and its ethics toward an exploration of demands that might point in the
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the timing of its distribution. As I will explain, to be both a worthy alternative to wages for housework and a substantive contribution to a postwork political project, the income demanded should be sufficient, unconditional, and continuous. The level of income considered “basic” is the first and perhaps most significant
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that lies “beyond the sphere of material production proper” (1981, 959). The demand can serve thus as a provocation to imagine the possibilities of a postwork alternative in which the structures, relations, values, experiences, and meaning of work might be substantially refigured. But perhaps the most provocative aspect of the demand
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-based benefits are harder to come by, a guaranteed basic level of revenue offers a more rational way to allocate income. The authors of “The Post-Work Manifesto” argue that “what has been called utopian in the past must now be recognized as “a practical necessity” (Aronowitz et al. 1998, 69). By
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focus of the last chapter; here I want to address more directly the demand for shorter working hours as a locus of antiwork politics and postwork imaginaries. Toward this end, a second aspect of the legacy of wages for housework will be important as well: the recognition of the links
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. An inspired example of this approach can be found in “The Post-Work Manifesto” by Stanley Aronowitz et al. (1998). Their call for a thirty-hour week of six-hour days without a reduction in pay is part of a broader postwork vision and agenda that the authors propose as a response to
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glorified” (40). Arguing that we must think critically about the work ethic and imaginatively about possibilities for the future, the authors attempt to outline a post-work political agenda animated by a vision of “shorter working hours, higher wages, and best of all, our ability to control much more of our own
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is very different from that of the family-centered approach. In contrast to the vision of nonwork time devoted to family, the authors of “The Post-Work Manifesto” present a far more expansive set of possibilities, including time for family, community, and polity (70). I will discuss the specific advantages of this
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people’s lives, but to use state power to enable citizens to have the resources that they need to make real choices” (13). Both “The Post-Work Manifesto” and Queer Family Values suggest how the demand for shorter hours could be made not in the name of the family but in the
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the present ideals and conditions of work and family life. This conception of the value of shorter hours is also an important element in “The Post-Work Manifesto.” Its authors refer to the prospects of a “self-managed life” and time away from “the impositions of external authority,” envisioning what it would
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the project of “smashing the family” and seeking alternatives was largely abandoned in favor of achieving a more inclusive version of the still privatized model; postwork militancy was eclipsed by the defense of the equal right to work balanced with family; and anticapitalist agendas were overshadowed by the urgency of rear
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less extensive and systematic. The demands for basic income and shorter hours offer neither full-blown critiques of the work society or maps of a postwork alternative; they prescribe neither a vision of a revolutionary alternative nor a call for revolution, serving rather to enlist participants in the practice of inventing
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might be called to the project remains an open question. Just as demands are more directional—to recall Trott’s term—than prefigurative of a postwork society, the antiwork political subject that might coalesce around the demand or set of demands is less likely to be a vanguard than a coalition
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a broader political project. But before we get there, two aspects of the analysis call for further explication: first, the prescription of a politics (a postwork politics) to counter the power of an ethic (the work ethic); and second, the defense of limited demands as tools for radical change. The one
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CHANGE I will begin here: why counter the power of the work ethic with a post-work politics and not with a postwork ethic? One could, after all, imagine the contours of a postwork ethic as something distinct from a postwork morality—a matter, to cite Virno’s formulation, of “common practices, usages and customs
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on the question of how we might live together, both operating in private and public spheres and suffusing at once structures and subjectivities. Indeed, postwork politics and postwork ethics are mutually constitutive, each part of what produces and sustains the other. Nonetheless, because ethics remains more closely tethered than politics to the
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I want to explore the political project of “life against work” as a general rubric within which to frame the kinds of antiwork critiques and postwork imaginaries represented here by the demands for basic income and shorter hours. As a way to publicize and politicize the relationship between social reproduction and
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work can also be posed in familiar colloquial terms—in this case, as the mandate to “get a life.”2 As the authors of “The Post-Work Manifesto” declare, “it is time to get a life” (Aronowitz et al. 1998, 40), and in the brief discussion that follows, I want to speculate
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of the provocation to get a life lies in its capacity to pose a political project that it does not stipulate and to open a postwork speculative horizon that it cannot fix in advance. My claim is that these commitments to difference, futurity, and excess might render the political project
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(Mathers 1999; Gray 2004), and mobilizations around EuroMayDay (http://www.euromayday.org/). 2. See also Maria Milagros López’s rich and interesting discussion of emerging postwork subjectivities in postindustrial Puerto Rico, decried by some as a kind of “entitlement attitude” on the part of recipients of state support, but which López
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link as well. 8. I draw here in part on Drucilla Cornell’s (1998) discussion of freedom. 9. Indeed, many of the negative responses to postwork demands, like the demand for shorter hours, are themselves interesting. Lynn Chancer, for example, argues that the incredulity that the demand for a basic income
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Future: Sci-Tech and the Dogma of Work. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Aronowitz, Stanley, Dawn Esposito, William DiFazio, and Margaret Yard. 1998. “The Post-Work Manifesto.” In Post-Work: The Wages of Cybernation, edited by Stanley Aronowitz and Jonathan Cutler, 31–80. New York: Routledge. Bakker, Isabella, and Stephen Gill, eds. 2003. Power
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Caws, xix–xxxi. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. Chancer, Lynn. 1998. “Benefiting from Pragmatic Vision, Part I: The Case for Guaranteed Income in Principle.” In Post-Work: The Wages of Cybernation, edited by Stanley Aronowitz and Jonathan Cutler, 81–127. New York: Routledge. Christopherson, Susan. 1991. “Trading Time for Consumption: The Failure
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: The (Im)possibility of Satisfying the Boss’s Desire.” Organization 17 (2): 131–49. Cutler, Jonathan, and Stanley Aronowitz. 1998. “Quitting Time: An Introduction.” In Post-Work: The Wages of Cybernation, edited by Stanley Aronowitz and Jonathan Cutler, 1–30. New York: Routledge. Dalla Costa, Mariarosa. 1975. “A General Strike.” In All
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Work, edited by Sharon Harly and the Black Women and Work Collective, 146–63. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press. López, Maria Milagros. 1994. “Post-Work Selves and Entitlement ‘Attitudes’ in Peripheral Postindustrial Puerto Rico.” Social Text 38:111–33. Los Angeles Wages for Housework Committee. 1975. “Sisters Why March?” In
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of women’s studies at Duke University. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Weeks, Kathi The problem with work : feminism, Marxism, antiwork politics, and postwork imaginaries / Kathi Weeks. p. cm. “A John Hope Franklin Center Book.” Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-8223-5096-5 (cloth : alk.
by Peter Frase · 10 Mar 2015 · 121pp · 36,908 words
to keep working more in order to accumulate more and more stuff, probably many others would not. Even if we can never reach the pure post-work utopia, we can certainly move closer to it. Decreasing the work week from forty hours to thirty would move us in that direction. So would
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specific purpose of this book. Politics in Command Why, the reader might ask, is it even necessary to write another book about automation and the postwork future? The topic has become an entire subgenre in recent years; Brynjolfsson and McAfee are just one example. Others include Ford’s Rise of the
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to inject into this debate, is politics, and specifically class struggle. As Mike Konczal of the Roosevelt Institute has pointed out, these projections of a postwork future tend toward a hazy technocratic utopianism, a “forward projection of the Keynesian-Fordism of the past,” in which “prosperity leads to redistribution leads to
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of Whuffie or any other currency makes all the difference in the world. The book’s story mostly takes place in Disneyland, which in the postwork society is now run by volunteers. But there still needs to be some hierarchy and organization, which is determined according to Whuffie. The drama of
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2015; Farhad Manjoo, “Will Robots Steal Your Job?,” Slate.com, September 26, 2011; Drum, “Welcome Robot Overlords.” 21Mike Konczal, “The Hard Work of Taking Apart Post-Work Fantasy,” NextNewDeal.net, 2015. 22Thomas Piketty, Capital in the Twenty-First Century, trans. Arthur Goldhammer, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2014. 23Thom Andersen, Los Angeles
by Nick Srnicek and Alex Williams · 1 Oct 2015 · 357pp · 95,986 words
condition. In the following chapters, we argue that the contemporary left should reclaim modernity, build a populist and hegemonic force, and mobilise towards a post-work future. Folk-political attempts at prefiguration, direct action and relentless horizontalism are unlikely to achieve this, partly because they misrecognise the nature of their opponent
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on waged labour and capitalist accumulation will need to be transcended first. A left modernity will, in other words, require building a postcapitalist and post-work platform upon which multiple ways of living could emerge and flourish. The next two chapters will set out both the necessity and desirability of this
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recovered and consolidated itself in a renewed and sharpened form. The left must instead prepare for the next opportunity.3 This chapter explains why a post-work world is an increasingly pressing option. The first section outlines the emerging crisis of work – the breakdown of stable jobs in developed countries, the
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by the state. Today, the crisis of work threatens to overrun these traditional tools of control, laying the social conditions for the shift to a post-work world. VIRTUAL PAUPERS While work is common to every society, under capitalism it takes on historically unique qualities. In pre-capitalist societies, work was
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economic and social forces. From the social democratic consensus to the neoliberal consensus, our argument is that the left should mobilise around a post-work consensus. With a post-work society, we would have even more potential to launch forward to greater goals. But this is a project that must be carried out
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therefore attend to these longer-term strategic goals, and rebuild the collective agencies that might eventually bring them about. By directing the left towards a post-work future, not only will significant gains be aimed for – such as the reduction of drudgery and poverty – but political power will be built in
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of labours. A first approach would agree that such labour has moral value and should be carried out by humans rather than machines. In a post-work society, however, care labour could be given greater value, turning society away from the privileged status bestowed upon profitable labour. The free time that
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societies organise domestic, reproductive and care labour.49 All of this, it must be stressed, would still require a political movement to achieve; a post-work world may facilitate change, but it cannot guarantee it. A more radical approach, however, argues that automating much of this labour should be a
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a newfound equality between the sexes. We will not adjudicate on these paths here, but simply set them out as options opened up by a post-work world. Whatever approach is taken, though, the point is that labour will not be immediately or entirely eliminated, but instead progressively reduced. Full automation
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spending on the military, cutting industry and agriculture subsidies, and cracking down on tax evasion.122 The most difficult hurdles for UBI – and for a post-work society – are not economic, but political and cultural: political, because the forces that will mobilise against it are immense; and cultural, because work is
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competitive subjects. Orbiting around this subject is a constellation of images related to self-reliance and independence that necessarily conflict with the programme of a post-work society. Our lives have become increasingly structured around competitive self-realisation, and work has become the primary avenue for achieving this.126 Work, no
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transformation of the system. Actions to make precarity and joblessness an increasingly visible political problem would go some way to generating the support for a post-work society. (In the same way that Occupy raised awareness of inequality, and UK Uncut highlighted tax evasion.)132 Perhaps most importantly, there is already
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increase as companies turned towards machinery in order to expand.137 These goals resonate with each other, magnifying their combined power. And a new post-work hegemony would be resistant to reversion, having created a mass constituency benefiting from its continuation.138 The ambition here is to take back the future
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a battle cry demanding full unemployment. But let us be clear: there is no technocratic solution, and there is no necessary progression into a post-work world. The struggles for full automation, a shorter working week, the end of the work ethic and a universal basic income are primarily political
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struggles. The post-work imaginary generates a hyperstitional image of progress – one that aims to make the future an active historical force in the present. The struggles that such
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discussions of basic income and automation today often seem to assume the benevolence of elites, the political neutrality of technology and the inevitability of a post-work society. Yet an array of powerful forces is invested in the continuation of the status quo, and the left has been devastated over the
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income were achieved tomorrow, it would almost certainly be set below poverty levels and simply act as a handout to companies. To achieve a meaningful post-work society therefore requires changing the present political conditions. In turn, this requires the left to face squarely up to the dismal situation before it:
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of the world.3 However, it is worth reiterating that the problems of automation and surplus populations are global in nature, and the grounds for post-work are flourishing around the world – as demonstrated by recent experiments with basic incomes in India and Namibia, the surge in industrial automation across the
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folk politics. It requires mobilisation across different social groups,13 which means linking together a diversity of individual interests into a common desire for a post-work society. The neoliberal hegemony in the United States, for instance, came about by linking together the interests of economic liberals with those of social
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transformation of society, have been reduced down to minor tinkering at the edges of society. We believe that an ambitious left is essential to a post-work programme, and that to achieve this, the future must be remembered and rebuilt.36 Utopias are the embodiment of the hyperstitions of progress. They
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image of a better future, but also ties it to a radical critique of existing structures of oppression and a remembrance of past struggles. The post-work imaginary also contains numerous historical precedents in utopian writing, pointing to a constant striving to move beyond the constraints of wage labour. Cultural movements
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Meanwhile, chastened by the failures of previous attempts at social transformation, many have mobilised behind marginal and defensive folk-political actions.2 Yet building a post-work world will involve large-scale social transformation and require building capacity for the use of power. This chapter argues that, in order to install a
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POPULIST LEFT Perhaps the most important question for building power is the question of who will be the active agent of a post-work project. What social positions will find a post-work society in their interest? The most obvious answer is one we have already seen: the expanding surplus population. Indeed, as
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16 However, these recent experiences demonstrate that a unity built solely upon opposition tends to break down when the opponent falls. The problem for a post-work project is that, despite the underlying commonality of proletarian existence, this provides only a minimal cohesion, which can support a vast range of divergent
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green coalition, insofar as it overcomes the tensions between an economic programme of jobs and growth and an environmental programme of decreased carbon emissions. The post-work project is also an inherently feminist one, recognising the invisible labour carried out predominantly by women, as well as the feminisation of the labour
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black and other minority populations are disproportionately affected by high unemployment and the mass incarceration and police brutality associated with jobless communities. Finally, the post-work project builds upon postcolonial and indigenous struggles with the aim of providing a means of subsistence for the massive informal labour force, as well as
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between spontaneous uprisings and organisational longevity, short-term desires and long-term strategy, have split what should be a broadly consistent project for building a post-work world. Organisational diversity should be combined with broad populist unity. A quick overview of how such an ecology might operate will offer some sense
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classic demands in the face of automation, rising precarity and expanding unemployment. We believe many unions will be better served by refocusing towards a post-work society and the liberating aspects of a reduced working week, job sharing and a basic income.55 The West Coast longshoremen in the United States
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union going far beyond collective bargaining, and instead mobilising a broad social movement around the state of education in general. Moreover, shifting in a post-work direction overcomes some of the key impasses between ecological movements and organised labour. The deployment of productivity increases for more free time, rather than increased
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ecology of organisations – particularly if the traditional social democratic parties continue to collapse and enable a new generation of parties to emerge. Ensuring a post-work society for all will require more than just individual workplaces; it demands success at the level of the state as well.57 While parties are
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its social networks. In either approach, though, on-the-ground knowledge must be linked up with more abstract knowledge of changing economic conditions. A post-work world will not emerge out of the benevolence of capitalists, the inevitable tendencies of the economy or the necessity of crisis. As this and the
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previous chapter have argued, the power of the left – broadly construed – needs to be rebuilt before a post-work society can become a meaningful strategic option. This will involve a broad counter-hegemonic project that seeks to overturn neoliberal common sense and to rearticulate
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only be achieved by imagining better worlds – and in moving beyond defensive struggles. We have outlined one possible project, in the form of a post-work politics that frees us to create our own lives and communities. Triumph in the political battles to achieve it will require organising a broadly populist
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satisfy its conceptual and political demands. Equally, synthetic freedom compels us to reject contentment with the existing horizon of possibilities. To be satisfied with post-work would risk leaving intact the racial, gendered, colonial and ecological divisions that continue to structure our world.2 While such asymmetries of power would hopefully
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be unsettled by a post-work world, the efforts to eliminate them would undoubtedly need to continue. Further, we would still be seeking a systemic replacement for markets and facing
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be faced with the immense tasks of undoing other political, economic, social, physical and biological constraints. A project towards a post-work world is necessary but insufficient. Yet a post-work platform does provide us with a new equilibrium to aim at, completing the shift from social democracy to neoliberalism to a new
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to close it.3 When it is designed correctly, it succeeds precisely by allowing people to build further developments on top of it. With a post-work platform, people may begin to participate more in political processes, or perhaps they will retreat into individualised worlds formed by media spectacles. But there
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are reasons for hope, given the shift in work ethic required for a post-work society. Such a project demands a subjective transformation in the process – it potentiates the conditions for a broader transformation from the selfish individuals formed
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risk of unintended consequences and imperfect solutions. We may always be trapped, but at least we can escape into better traps.6 AFTER CAPITALISM The post-work project and, more broadly, the project of postcapitalism are progressive determinations of the commitment to universal emancipation. In practice, these projects involve ‘a controlled
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There is no ‘true’ essence to humanity that could be discovered beyond our enmeshments in technological, natural and social webs.18 The idea that a post-work society would simply inculcate further mindless consumption neglects humanity’s capacity for novelty and creativity, and invokes a pessimism based upon current capitalist subjectivity.19
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with it, from Aristotle to Robespierre to nineteenth-century labour activists. While we will not rely on it here to support the argument for a post-work society, it nevertheless has important contributions to make over and above liberal conceptions of freedom. See Raventós, Basic Income, Chapter 3; Gourevitch, ‘Labor Republicanism
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’, Issues in Science and Technology, 27 November 2013, at issues.org; Stanley Aronowitz, Dawn Esposito, William DiFazio and Margaret Yard, ‘The Post-Work Manifesto’, in Stanley Aronowitz and Jonathan Cutler, eds, Post-Work: The Wages of Cybernation (New York: Routledge, 1998), p. 48; Stefan Collini, What Are Universities For? (London: Penguin, 2012); Andrew
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Are Prisons Obsolete? (New York: Seven Stories, 2003), Chapter 6. 6. POST-WORK IMAGINARIES 1.Both explicitly and implicitly, this chapter owes much to Kathi Weeks’s work. See Kathi Weeks, The Problem with Work: Feminism, Marxism, Antiwork Politics, and Postwork Imaginaries (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2011). 2.‘Communiqué from an Absent
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, and Industrial Capitalism’, Past & Present 38: 1 (1967), p. 85; Stanley Aronowitz, Dawn Esposito, William DiFazio and Margaret Yard, ‘The Post-Work Manifesto’, in Stanley Aronowitz and Jonathan Cutler, eds, Post-Work: The Wages of Cybernation (New York: Routledge, 1998), pp. 59–60; David Graeber, ‘Revolution at the Level of Common Sense’, in
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.repec.org, p. 29. 94.Lynn Chancer, ‘Benefitting from Pragmatic Vision, Part I: The Case for Guaranteed Income in Principle’, in Aronowitz and Cutler, Post-Work, p. 86. 95.Evelyn Forget, The Town with No Poverty: Using Health Administration Data to Revisit Outcomes of a Canadian Guaranteed Annual Income Field Experiment
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Compromise’, American Journal of Sociology 105: 4 (2000), p. 962. 73.Jonathan Cutler and Stanley Aronowitz, ‘Quitting Time’, in Stanley Aronowitz and Jonathan Cutler, eds, Post-Work: The Wages of Cybernation (New York: Routledge, 1998), pp. 9–11. 74.Cynthia Cockburn, Brothers: Male Dominance and Technological Change (London: Pluto, 1991). 75
by Alexander Roy · 13 Oct 2008 · 446pp · 108,844 words
German, Russian, and Polish. All agreed he was a gifted painter, photographer, and pianist. My brother and I knew better than to interrupt his weekday postwork relaxation time, during which he plucked at the precious custom-made flamenco guitar he’d bought in Seville. He loved work, and intended to work
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most prominent table for dinner with five of the world’s most infamous road-going outlaws. The 9:30 crowd still contained the more conservative post-work drink holdovers, but somehow I knew Rawlings and his entourage wouldn’t need cars to scatter these pigeons. “Wilkommen!” I called out. “Wilkommen im der
by Dk Eyewitness · 166pp · 33,248 words
. Drop by for a pay-day treat with your workmates: the large windows and open kitchen make it a good shout for a round of post-work people-watching. » Don’t leave without bookmarking the Mangia Monday deal. This menu-for-two includes five decadent pasta entrées. g Special Occasion g Contents
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over a glass of beer or wine. » Don’t leave without trying the café’s award-winning Scarlet Espresso Martini – it’s perfect as a postwork pick-me-up. g DRINK g Contents An evening exploring Boston’s Irish pubs Everyone knows that Bostonians love talking about their Irish heritage – this
by Premilla Nadasen · 10 Oct 2023 · 288pp · 82,972 words
to personal freedom and individual autonomy so they can develop their capacities and be their best selves. Feminist philosopher Kathi Weeks, for example, advocates a post-work radical future, where people are able to pursue creative interests, to follow their hearts, and to find joy. She argues, in her book The Problem
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underpin any radical future. Thus, how we define work matters.56 Work is a broad category. Not all work is the same. Weeks and other post-work theorists are referring to paid work in the capitalist marketplace. In a radical future, exploitative paid work, as well as coerced paid and unpaid labor
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Politics of Water,” Decolonization: Indigeneity, Education & Society 7, no. 1 (2018): 1–18. 55. Kathi Weeks, The Problem with Work: Feminism, Marxism, Antiwork Politics, and Postwork Imaginaries (Durham: Duke University Press, 2011). 56. For a distinction between work and labor, see Isabella Bakker and Stephen Gill, “Ontology, Method, and Hypotheses” in
by Nicola Williams · 14 Oct 2010
-5am Thu-Sat) The perfect place to have cocktails and tapas (€3.70 to €7.10) before carrying on to the clubs of Montparnasse. A post-work crowd sinks into the comfy leather armchairs beneath oil paintings of everyday life in Cuba. Le Rosebud (Map; 01 43 35 38 54; 11bis rue
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Ville; 7am-1.30am) Trendy with an older set, this Saône-side space spans the whole spectrum of drinking: daytime café, late-afternoon lounge bar, postwork aperitif and heaving music venue. Andy Walha (Map; 04 78 30 54 48; 29 rue de l’Arbre Sec, 1er; Hôtel de Ville; 11am-3am
by Jacqueline Salomé · 165pp · 33,113 words
organic or biodynamic grapes) and the space transforms into this combination bar and bottle shop. The whole place buzzes with loud, happy conversation, as the post-work crowd kick back with a glass of the city’s finest. Ask at the Juice Bar for anything by Sunday in August. The B.C
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of the Parq Vancouver hotel, this indoor-outdoor cocktail bar is a see-and-be-seen kind of place, with swanky decor and a fashionable post-work crowd sipping drinks like the Billionaire Martini (made with truffle vermouth, no less). It’s the location that steals the show, though – the patio feels
by DK · 162pp · 32,864 words
grab the best finds. Shops tend to open around 10am, with many not closing until 7 or 8pm (so 9-to-5ers can make it post-work). A heads up: while paper bags only cost 5 cents (single-use plastic bags are banned), make like a local and carry a tote. ARTS
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massive corrugated roof (warmed by hot-as-hell heat lamps during winter) and kick back with a cheap drink. It’s a frequent hangout for post-work 9-to-5-ers and off-duty bartenders, who come here to play pool and blow off steam. » Don’t leave without checking out the
by DK · 167pp · 33,334 words
to see the sights; the building’s central location and swanky on-site cocktail bar make it a popular spot for locals eager for a post-work, sky-high martini. » Don’t leave without heading to the women’s restroom (sorry fellas), where a sneaky floor-to-ceiling window reveals breathtaking panoramas
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