by Gabriel Winant · 23 Mar 2021 · 563pp · 136,190 words
working class into a new form, starting with Black workers. The process by which people underwent this transition in turn established their position in the postindustrial economy. At the bottoms of the valleys, Black workers generally lost their minimal foothold in social citizenship over the course of the 1960s and were already
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, Employment, and Budgetary Restraint: The Trilemma of the Service Economy,” World Politics 50, no. 4 (July 1998), 507–546; Gøsta Esping-Andersen, Social Foundations of Postindustrial Economies (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 96. 8. Rachel E. Dwyer, “The Care Economy? Gender, Economic Restructuring, and Job Polarization in the U.S. Labor Market
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, “Equality, Employment, and Budgetary Restraint: The Trilemma of the Service Economy,” World Politics 50, no. 4 (July 1998), 513; Gøsta Esping-Andersen, Social Foundations of Postindustrial Economies (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999); Kathleen Thelen, Varieties of Liberalization and the New Politics of Social Solidarity (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014). 92. Baum
by Kathi Weeks · 8 Sep 2011 · 350pp · 110,764 words
while the oppositional class category of the industrial period—the “working class”—may accurately describe most people’s relation to waged labor even in a postindustrial economy, it is increasingly less likely to match their self-descriptions. The category of the middle class has absorbed so many of our subjective investments that
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the class ladder in part on the energies of racism, ethnicity, and nationalism. The racialization of the work ethic also played a role in the postindustrial economy by facilitating the acceptance of white-collar work. Indeed, C. Wright Mills notes that, despite the fact that most of such work was routinized and
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nonproductive domestic practices, and a refusal of the gendering of the division between production and reproduction. But in the move from an industrial to a postindustrial economy, from Keynesian to neoliberal regimes of governance, from Taylorist to post-Taylorist labor processes and management strategies, and from a Fordist wage relation predicated on
by Bethany Moreton · 15 May 2009 · 391pp · 22,799 words
remains of 1,700 fetal bodies and a trash incinerator in Wichita sending€up hundreds more in smoke, like the victims of Auschwitz.90 The postindustrial economy’s accelerated drive to render people functionally obsolete was figÂ�ured in the imagery of the political Left as the dispossessed, the economic refugees, the
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revolution in California. Blending their privileged vision as “comprehensive designers” with the decentralized technologies they developed, this loose fraternity marked an entire wing of the postindustrial economy with their conviction that their new tools made them “as gods.” From the Berkeley Free Speech Movement’s rebellion against the university as “knowledge factory
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households of second-generation factory workers, the descendants of the late-nineteenth-century immigration wave. For some of them, the increasingly visible shift to a postindustrial economy produced a renaissance on the Left: If the industrial working class was to be replaced by sci�en�tific technocrats running automated industries, as theorists
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Vice President for us some day. Thank you for giving us exposure to such talent.”9 Students like these were the shock troops of the postindustrial economy: the first mass college-Â�educated generation in history, their childhoods largely underwritten by farms or oil wells, but their futures deÂ� penÂ�dent on
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intense focus on entrepreneurial heroism and government profligacy, Malone College’s 1987 projÂ�ect stood out for its explicit reference to the basis of the postindustrial economy. The program they presented that year in more than thirty elementary, junior high, and high schools was boldly titled “Consumer Sovereignty.” It “explored the importance
by Fred Turner · 31 Aug 2006 · 339pp · 57,031 words
the entrepreneurs of the Whole Earth group preserved these hopes by welding them to the computer technologies and flexible organizational practices of the rapidly emerging postindustrial economy. By the 1990s, it seemed to many as if the digital networks on [ 256 ] Chapter 8 which that economy increasingly depended would in fact bring
by J. David Woodard · 15 Mar 2006
from Dixon, Illinois, to Hollywood and the White House. With him as actor the country was one vast stage. He translated the complexities of a postindustrial economy into phrases and stories that people could understand. Often the stories, while compelling from a political standpoint, were pure fiction. Reagan confused scenes from movies
by Michael Shellenberger and Ted Nordhaus · 10 Mar 2009 · 454pp · 107,163 words
politics of limits, progressives must understand how a half century of prosperity and changing social values challenges materialist liberalism. Globalization and the transition to a postindustrial economy have generated remarkable material wealth, but they have also brought outsourcing, downsizing, and instability. The result is that Americans have seen their wealth and spending
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involves understanding the consequences of prosperity. Food today is cheaper than it has ever been. As part of our transition from an industrial to a postindustrial economy, Americans are using and moving their bodies less than they ever have. Jobs require less physical labor and longer commutes. When not working or commuting
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and more insecure at the same time? Part of the answer is that American society has undergone a profound transformation, from an industrial to a postindustrial economy. The economic boom of the late 1990s was characterized by both extraordinary economic expansion and massive corporate downsizing and outsourcing. The new jobs, however high
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of our vulnerability.48 8. The problems of insecure affluence are exacerbated by America’s failure to create a new social contract appropriate for our postindustrial economy. For the last twenty-five years, conservatives have led the political effort to cut America’s industrial-era social safety net. Democrats, progressives, and liberals
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control and security that must be met in order to create the cultural conditions for creative thought, innovation, and inventiveness—the highest values of the postindustrial economy that in the coming years virtually every American will join. Not incidentally, they are also the conditions necessary to imagine and build the new clean
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-capital terms”—but what Florida would characterize as a community grounded more in weak ties than strong ones. Saddleback is a postmaterialist church for a postindustrial economy and, as such, it holds many lessons for how to create pre-political institutions that address our most strongly felt needs. Before starting Saddleback, Warren
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only that liberals have failed to advance—and fight aggressively for—a vision of the common good, principally a new social contract appropriate for our postindustrial economy, but that they have also failed to speak to the pursuit of uncommon greatness, which is a fundamental aspect of the American character. Americans are
by David Goodhart · 7 Sep 2020 · 463pp · 115,103 words
Baldwin There are two fundamental reasons why cognitive ability has become so central to status and reward in modern societies. First, the industrial and then postindustrial economy and society has simply demanded more highly qualified professional people with above-average levels of cognitive ability. Second, appointing, promoting, and rewarding people according to
by Joseph E. Stiglitz · 22 Apr 2019 · 462pp · 129,022 words
not a power grab by politicians, but because we had to, if we were to have a dynamic, well-functioning twenty-first-century innovative, urban, postindustrial economy. None of our successes in managing these issues arose from each individual going it alone. All involve cooperation—and in time, that cooperation has expanded
by Thomas Frank · 15 Mar 2016 · 316pp · 87,486 words
they didn’t genuinely like: because professionals are supposed to answer to a spirit more noble than personal gain.7 With the rise of the postindustrial economy in the last few decades, the range of professionals has exploded. To use the voguish term, these are “knowledge workers,” and many of them don
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, Andrew Daley, Bill Davis, Lanny Dayton, Ohio Death of the Liberal Class (Hedges) death penalty de Blasio, Bill Decatur, Illinois Defense Department deindustrialization. See also postindustrial economy Delaware DeLay, Tom Democratic Leadership Council (DLC) Democratic National Convention 1968 1972 1992 1996 2004 Democratic Party. See also McGovern Commission; New Deal; New Democrats
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) Perot, Ross pharmaceutical industry Philadelphia Inquirer Phillips, Kevin PhRMA lobby PIMCO Pixar Plankenhorn, Royal Plouffe, David Politico Politics of Rich and Poor, The (Phillips) populism postindustrial economy poverty deep and extreme microlending and welfare reform and Powell Memo presidential nomination campaigns. See also elections, presidential 1984 2007–8 2015–16 President We
by Jonathan Haskel and Stian Westlake · 4 Apr 2022 · 338pp · 85,566 words
the ones we have. This institutional failure is the second part of the intangibles crisis. What Is an Intangibles-Rich Economy? Knowledge, Relationships, and the Postindustrial Economy Since we first wrote about the intangible economy over a decade ago, we’ve spoken about it to a wide range of businesspeople, journalists, investors
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that it doesn’t. In particular, we found that people associated intangible investment with other modern economic phenomena, such as the knowledge economy or the postindustrial economy. They also often associated it with the tech sector, or in some cases with a sort of dystopian modernity. These associations are misleading, so let
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salient. But equating intangibles with the knowledge economy is a misleading shorthand, obscuring the importance of relational and expressive capital in the modern economy. The Postindustrial Economy People sometimes describe the intangible economy as postindustrial, a phrase coined by French sociologist Alain Touraine and popularised by Daniel Bell in the 1970s. People
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Plath, Robert, 123 policy: competition, 15; financial and monetary, 14, 162–74, 168f, 170f political bargains, 16 politics, institutions and, 110–12 Posner, Eric, 98 postindustrial economy, 56–59 postmodernism, 7 Preston model, 205 prices, 220–27 priming, 129–30 productivity, 17, 24, 30f, 37, 39–43, 45, 67–70, 68f, 187
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