The Radical Fund: How a Band of Visionaries and a Million Dollars Upended America
by John Fabian Witt · 14 Oct 2025 · 735pp · 279,360 words
it, a new democratic peace in labor relations would be part of a more “general movement” of the age that was “wiping out” certain antisocial private property rights in the name of the collective good. Workmen’s compensation statutes, inheritance taxes, excess profit taxes, tenement house regulations, and rent control laws—each of
Globalists
by Quinn Slobodian · 16 Mar 2018 · 451pp · 142,662 words
world economy continues to be redefined.66 As one historian notes, one of the most striking facts about the elaborate legal regime established to protect private property rights in the postwar period is that “it did not work.”67 The early twenty-first century has been marked by ever more countries refusing investment
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an international spokesperson for property rights in the second half of the 1950s. After the Society drafted an “International Convention for the Mutual Protection of Private Property Rights in Foreign Countries,” Abs made his case before the American Society of International Law in 1956 and, most influentially, in a San Francisco speech at
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to compensate for its relative weakness? As we have seen, since the 1930s the Geneva School neoliberals believed that empire could end as long as private property rights—or what I adapt Hayek to call xenos rights—were protected worldwide and the free flow of capital and goods disciplined the behavior of postcolonial
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, 271–272, 277–278, 283, 285 Geopolitics, 131, 328n119 German Society for the Protection of Foreign Investment, 138; “International Convention for the Mutual Protection of Private Property Rights in Foreign Countries” of, 139 Germany, 26, 28, 36, 42–43, 64, 92, 106, 110, 113; colonies, 27, 96; imperial, 65, 96; Nazi, 9, 99
Crack-Up Capitalism: Market Radicals and the Dream of a World Without Democracy
by Quinn Slobodian · 4 Apr 2023 · 360pp · 107,124 words
person, many votes.51 The central government would control no major revenue sources, make no major transfers between cantons, and be constitutionally bound to respect private property rights. All education and land would be privatized, and high bars would be set for constitutional changes by referendum. The outcome would be what Louw and
The Right to Earn a Living: Economic Freedom and the Law
by Timothy Sandefur · 16 Aug 2010 · 399pp · 155,913 words
to tear away those protections and concludes with an account of current controversies involving abusive licensing laws, freedom of speech in advertising, rules that override private property rights without just compensation, and more. Distributed to the trade by National Book Network www.nbnbooks.com Cato Institute 1000 Massachusetts Ave., N.W. Washington, D
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that manipulate or nullify contracts to serve subjective notions of fairness. Chapter 12 discusses regulatory takings, an area of the law where economic freedom and private property rights strongly overlap. Finally, chapter 13 looks forward to what the future might hold for the right of Americans to pursue happiness by practicing a gainful
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Marshall, William O. Douglas, Harry Blackmun, John Paul Stevens, and Byron White—many of whom refused to apply the same logic to government actions violating private property rights.51 The argument that government should not have to compensate for regulatory takings because it would restrict the discretion of bureaucrats would also justify insulating
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man is born free.’”79 If one holds that people are born free, in rightful possession of themselves and their faculties, then liberty—and the private property rights that arise from liberty—cannot be a gift of society. As with the rational basis test, the givings theory shifts the burden of proof in
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the same sorts of rights to make their own choices and the same obligations to live up to their responsibilities. Freedoms of speech and press, private property rights, and the right to earn a living in a gainful trade were seen as essentially equal kinds of claims to individual autonomy. But beginning with
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scholar at the Cato Institute and an attorney at the Pacific Legal Foundation, a nonprofit organization in Sacramento, California, dedicated to defending economic liberty and private property rights. Sandefur is also the author of Cornerstone of Liberty: Property Rights in 21st Century America. Cato Institute Founded in 1977, the Cato Institute is a
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to tear away those protections and concludes with an account of current controversies involving abusive licensing laws, freedom of speech in advertising, rules that override private property rights without just compensation, and more. Distributed to the trade by National Book Network www.nbnbooks.com Cato Institute 1000 Massachusetts Ave., N.W. Washington, D
Termites of the State: Why Complexity Leads to Inequality
by Vito Tanzi · 28 Dec 2017
required” (see Steiner, 1938, p. 91). The new Italian constitution makes no reference to the role of the market and to the importance of protecting private property rights. Inevitably, the principles expressed in it have had an important impact on Italian policies and developments. They have guided the decisions of the Italian governments
The Corruption of Capitalism: Why Rentiers Thrive and Work Does Not Pay
by Guy Standing · 13 Jul 2016 · 443pp · 98,113 words
export-led industrialisation, cut welfare spending, rush privatisation measures, reduce government spending, lower salaries of civil servants and cut their numbers and, above all, enforce private property rights. Much has been written about the disastrous consequences of this blueprint strategy. By weakening civil services while directing funds into the privatisation of crucial economic
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would be controlled by slashing public expenditure and dismantling old state structures. Privatisation was to be rushed, because otherwise there might be more socialistic reform. Private property rights were to be vigorously established. Only after these reforms was the state to be reconstructed with a new system of social protection. The outcome was
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principles were embedded in laws and practices – the Charter quietly acted as a moral break on commerce. It was a defence of common rights against private property rights. Weakened during the twentieth century, with more enclosure and commercial intrusion, it has been battered in the austerity era. It is time for a fightback
Power at Ground Zero: Politics, Money, and the Remaking of Lower Manhattan
by Lynne B. Sagalyn · 8 Sep 2016 · 1,797pp · 390,698 words
enough that the towers just get built, that is, for the ends to justify the means, with little public scrutiny? In this gray area of private property rights imbued with a clear and compelling public interest, a protocol for accountability from private-sector beneficiaries of the public’s largess was missing. Where, for
Owning the Earth: The Transforming History of Land Ownership
by Andro Linklater · 12 Nov 2013 · 603pp · 182,826 words
China, and ended in the victory of Mao Zhedong’s Red Army over Kuomintang forces led by Chiang Kai-Shek in 1949. The abolition of private property rights lay at the heart of the new regime. In Mao’s words, Chinese history was to be understood in terms of ownership of the earth
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appeared equally moribund. What he dreamed of was a fairer, more democratic way of owning the earth. Jefferson’s underlying suspicion about the scope of private property rights crystalized into outright hostility while he was minister, or ambassador, to France. The catalyst was an encounter in October 1785 with a poor woman on
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no longer found it possible to buy what had once been available to everyone. Wealth became concentrated in fewer hands, and the inequality inherent in private property rights made itself apparent. No one perceived this more clearly than the most influential critic of rural capitalism, the journalist and self-taught economist Henry George
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where land was concerned, private ownership was a direct threat to party control. The very impetus behind the Communist revolution had been the use of private property rights by landlords to exploit vulnerable peasants. In 2005, when the question first began to be seriously considered, Professor Gong Xintian, a legal expert at the
Libertarian Idea
by Jan Narveson · 15 Dec 1988 · 371pp · 36,271 words
one, or even the acquirer himself, worse off; and he concludes, after considerable analysis, that “theses about consequences are foundational to Nozick‟s defense of private property rights, and the rights he asserts consequently lack the clarity and authority he would like us to suppose they have.”14 And he proposes, for instance
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being a rational agent.37 Another False Start: An Argument from “Survival” Professor Ellen Paul, in considerable contrast to many of her fellow enthusiasts for private property rights, puts forth an explicit argument for them in her interesting study Property Rights and Eminent Domain. It will be instructive to have a brief look
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about just what we are and what we are not discussing under this heading. The market, as normally understood, is characterized by a recognition of private property rights, which identify the agents whose dealings constitute the economy— they tell us whom we have to deal with if we wish to acquire this, that
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approximate the “ideal market” in the real world by reinforcing the internalizations that define it. The morality you need consists in recognition and respect for private property rights, starting with such rights in one‟s own person (this being the fundamental “factor of production”), and of the obligation to live up to one
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‟s agreements (not really a separate principle but 191 a theorem derivable from the recognition of private property rights). But there is appreciable misunderstanding about certain of the “ideal market” properties when we turn to the task of realworld applications. I shall note some
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stimulating review, remarks that “Readers on the Right . . . will rejoice in the political coloring given Gauthier‟s Morals by Agreement by its broad commitment to private property rights, its born-again enthusiasm for the market, and its repeated denunciation of „free riders‟ and „parasites‟. . . .” But he goes on to argue that “... rejoicing on
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Laws An intriguinglv large number of people, academics among them, are all ready to point to the United States in particular as a hotbed of private property rights run amok. It should come as something of a shock to these people to realize that there are hardly any cases of genuine, full-blooded
Against Intellectual Monopoly
by Michele Boldrin and David K. Levine · 6 Jul 2008 · 607pp · 133,452 words
the Crown had enjoyed until then, with the milder temporary monopoly actual inventors would receive from Parliament. This, no doubt, represented progress in terms of private property rights and incentives to private economic initiative. Further, the range of products to which patent protection could and would be given was greatly reduced, as it
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In current parlance, the Statute of Monopolies amounted to a gigantic liberalization or deregulation of the British economy, which came together with a strengthening of private property rights, a reduction of royal power, and the establishment of restrictive – by current standards, extremely restrictive – criteria for patent grants. These historical facts are worth keeping
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share, as imitation is a powerful tool of economic development. It should be clear, in fact, that acts of imitation, carried out while respecting ordinary private property rights and the rights to personal privacy, are key components of the competitive markets that benefit us on a daily basis. Imitation may or may not
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A Short History of Progress
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The Rent Is Too Damn High: What to Do About It, and Why It Matters More Than You Think
by Matthew Yglesias · 6 Mar 2012 · 58pp · 18,747 words
Don't Even Think About It: Why Our Brains Are Wired to Ignore Climate Change
by George Marshall · 18 Aug 2014 · 298pp · 85,386 words
The Gig Economy: A Critical Introduction
by Jamie Woodcock and Mark Graham · 17 Jan 2020 · 207pp · 59,298 words
Working the Phones: Control and Resistance in Call Centres
by Jamie Woodcock · 20 Nov 2016