superstar cities Concepts

Who's Your City?: How the Creative Economy Is Making Where to Live the Most Important Decision of Your Life

by Richard Florida · 28 Jun 2009 · 325pp · 73,035 words

ARE The Means Migration Chapter 7 - JOB SHIFT Geeks and Grunts Working Smarter Come Together Making the Scene Jack White Goes to Nashville Chapter 8 - SUPERSTAR CITIES Everything Has Its Price Star Struck “Bohemian Today, High Rent Tomorrow” When a Place Gets Boring . . . PART III - THE GEOGRAPHY OF HAPPINESS Chapter 9 - SH

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them at a price we are willing and able to pay. For most of us, the place where we live is our single largest investment. Superstar cities like London, Paris, Tokyo, Shanghai, or New York come with a hefty price tag, and others such as San Francisco, Amsterdam, Chicago, Toronto, Vancouver, Copenhagen

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we pay for our house, it has an even bigger impact on how fast and how much our biggest investment will grow over time. 8 SUPERSTAR CITIES THE BIGGEST INVESTMENT MOST PEOPLE EVER MAKE IS their house. But housing prices in Vancouver, London, Moscow, Tokyo, New York, and San Francisco far exceed

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a bigger and bigger factor in real estate; housing prices increasingly vary by location. Leading real estate economists have charted the rise of so-called superstar cities, where prices have appreciated in excess of the national average. And the most dynamic of these real estate superstars are located in the leading megaregions

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gauge, Wharton real estate expert Joseph Gyourko and his colleagues Todd Sinai and Chris Mayer of Columbia University identified the rise of what they call “superstar cities” (comprising central cities and their suburbs) across North America.4 According to Gyourko and his collaborators, the dramatic real estate appreciation in

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superstar cities is a long-term trend. In the short run, real estate prices in superstar cities experience significant ups and downs, but over time they will consistently appreciate in value. But some may ask

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there can. The price many people are willing to pay to live in this small set of superstar cities says something powerful about their economic importance. Of course, housing markets fluctuate and bubbles burst, but superstar cities possess a remarkable staying power that dates back at least half a century. They are, Gyourko says

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skilled and wealthy households. In Darwinian fashion, richer households move in over time, and lower-income households are forced out. Because demand for space in superstar cities is so great and because there is a limited supply of it, Gyourko and his collaborators argue, all it takes is an increase in national

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over time and local ones where prices are stable or, in some cases, decline. However, not all economists think that high real estate prices in superstar cities are here to stay. Among those who see this trend ending is Yale economist Robert Shiller, author of the best-selling Irrational Exuberance, which predicted

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-ed, Shiller asked, “Why should home values in glamour cities increase forever?” 5 To be sure, there is no way to increase the size of superstar cities like New York or London. But “in every case,” Shiller writes, “there are vast amounts of land where a new city could be started,” as

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Ryan Avent points out.8 Living and working in New York, London, Toronto, or Hong Kong is nothing like living and working in smaller places. Superstar cities have advantages in production and consumption other cities can’t replicate. Moreover, newcomers to these places are likely to increase those advantages, not reduce them

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elsewhere, and the gap between New York and London’s advantages and those in other cities will continue to widen. The clustering force and the superstar city work together to sort people geographically. “Bohemian Today, High Rent Tomorrow” As with any investment, the key to getting a great return on real estate

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if highly desirable areas or places with complex or strict zoning rules experience a rise in residents’ incomes, prices will increase and values will appreciate. Superstar cities command a premium because of their limited supply of housing. There is no single national real estate market, and there are many reasons why certain

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desirable, and to a greater number of people. When a Place Gets Boring . . . As usual, not everyone benefits from this kind of growth. Housing in superstar cities has become prohibitively expensive for all but the truly wealthy. My research with Mellander highlights the factors behind the affordability problem. Housing has become disconnected

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Economic Research, August 2005. 8 Richard Florida, “Where the Brains Are,” Atlantic Monthly, October 2006, p. 34. 9 Joseph Gyourko, Christopher Mayer, and Todd Sinai, “Superstar Cities,” National Bureau of Economic Research, Working Paper no. 12355, July 2006. Chapter 7 1 Dan Pink, Free Agent Nation, Warner Books, 2001. 2 Peter Drucker

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Annual Wealth Report: Prime Residential Property, Knight Frank UK, 2008. 4 Joseph Gyourko, Christopher Mayer, and Todd Sinai, “Superstar Cities,” National Bureau of Economic Research, Working Paper no. 12355, July 2006. 5 Robert Shiller, “Superstar Cities May be Investors’ Superstardust,” Shanghai Daily, May 22, 2007, www.taipeitimes.com/News/editorials/archives/2007/05/20

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. For an interesting perspective on bubbles in general, see Daniel Gross, Pop! Why Bubbles Are Great for the Economy, Collins, 2007. 8 Ryan Avent, “Are Superstar Cities Super Investments?” The Bellows, May 22, 2007. Available at www.ryanavent.com/blog/?p=403. 9 Richard Florida and Charlotta Mellander, “There Goes the Neighborhood

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Hong-Zhen(fig.) Honolulu Hoog, Tom Hou-Orleans(fig.) Housing community happiness and creative sector and London and moving and Portland and prices of(fig.) superstar cities and wealth and Houston Human capital measuring personality traits in in United States(fig.) Human clustering Huntington, Samuel Hurricane Katrina Hyderabad IBM Iceland Iggy Pop

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Economics Quebec City Queen’s University Raconteurs, The Railroads Ratner, Albert Real estate globalization of innovation and mobility limited by price factors in stickiness of superstar cities and unemployment and Real Networks REI Relationships, happiness and Relocating Rentfrow, Jason Research in Motion Research Triangle Retirees Reykjavik(fig.) Ricardo, David Rio de Janeiro

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University Starbucks Staying power Stevenson, Betsy Stockholm (fig.) Stolarick, Kevin Strollerville Stumbling on Happiness (Gilbert) Stuttgart Substance of Style, The (Postrel) Superlinear scaling Super-megaregions Superstar cities advantages of housing costs and Sweden Switzerland Sydney (fig.) Symbolic amenities Syracuse, New York Syracuse University Taipei(fig.) Talent importing/exporting of Tampa Tan, Kim

The New Urban Crisis: How Our Cities Are Increasing Inequality, Deepening Segregation, and Failing the Middle Class?and What We Can Do About It

by Richard Florida · 9 May 2016 · 356pp · 91,157 words

became increasingly clear to me that the same clustering of talent and economic assets generates a lopsided, unequal urbanism in which a relative handful of superstar cities, and a few elite neighborhoods within them, benefit while many other places stagnate or fall behind. Ultimately, the very same force that drives the

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lost their economic footing as a result of globalization, deindustrialization, and other factors. The second dimension is the crisis of success that vexes these same superstar cities. These winners face extraordinarily high and increasingly unaffordable housing prices and staggering levels of inequality. In these places, mere gentrification has escalated into what some

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blue-collar and service workers, along with the poor and disadvantaged, who face the direst economic consequences. These groups are being driven out of the superstar cities, and they are being denied the economic opportunities, the services and amenities, and the upward mobility these places have to offer. It’s hard

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the most important and innovative industries and the most talented, ambitious, and wealthiest people are converging as never before in a relative handful of leading superstar cities and knowledge and tech hubs.2 This small group of elite places forges ever forward, while many—if not most—others struggle, stagnate, or fall

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4 Cities have also been caught up in this winner-take-all phenomenon. Just as superstar talent in our economy garners disproportionate rewards, superstar cities tower above the rest. Superstar cities generate the greatest levels of innovation; control and attract the largest shares of global capital and investment; have far greater concentrations of leading

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industry and talent. It’s a powerful, ongoing feedback loop that compounds the advantages of these cities over time.5 The gap between these superstar cities and other cities around the world—from the older, stagnating industrial cities of the United States and Europe to the impoverished and economically disconnected cities

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regional financial and economic centers with key global functions. Boston, Washington, DC, and San Francisco play additional roles as specialized knowledge and tech hubs. Superstar cities, in effect, form a league of their own, often sharing more in common with each other than they do with other cities across their own

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nations.7 Superstar cities have unique kinds of economies that are based on the most innovative and highest value-added industries, particularly finance, media, entertainment, and technology.8

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a city’s residents become, on average, 15 percent more innovative, 15 percent more productive, and 15 percent wealthier.9 The advantages that accrue to superstar cities are substantially more enduring than those that accrue to superstar talent. No matter how big the name, talent rises and falls. Professional athletes have relatively

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economy: these peaks thrive, while the smaller hills stagnate; and the plains and valleys, which are large, suffer. A skeptic might point out here that superstar cities like New York, London, and LA, and knowledge hubs like San Francisco, Washington, DC, and Boston, haven’t experienced the levels of population growth

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pressure off the real estate prices. But, as the next chapter will show, there is little evidence that high-tech industries are decentralizing away from superstar cities and tech hubs; if anything, they are becoming even more concentrated in the superstars. Real estate prices provide a clear indicator of the dominant

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of the average SoHo apartment could have bought 30 residences in Parkchester, for instance, where the average home would have cost just $107,067. Superstar cities fall victim to a winner-take-all urbanism of their own, as they, too, are divided into a small number of extremely advantaged superstar districts

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Prize–winning economist Robert Lucas formalized her insights about talent clustering into a theory of economic growth based on what he called human capital externalities. Superstar cities push together talented people from all corners of the world across lines of ethnicity, race, national origin, and sexual orientation. Anywhere from a third

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of technology, and so on.” In other words, these gains are pure rents to location. Simply put, land and real estate owners in expensive superstar cities and tech hubs have been capitalism’s biggest winners. Their trophy penthouses, luxury townhomes, and other real estate holdings amount to the visible, geographic manifestation

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to live, and the poor are packed into areas of concentrated disadvantage. Still, it highlights the extent to which certain highly prized areas of superstar cities are being turned into gilded enclaves for a global plutocracy of largely absentee owners.8 It’s not just wealthy plutocrats who are buying into

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Amman in the Middle East (see Table 3.1). There is considerable overlap between the world’s leading startup cities and its most important superstar cities. The two preeminent superstar cities, New York and London, rank fourth and seventh, respectively, for venture capital investment, and Los Angeles is fifth. San Francisco, Boston, Washington,

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the likelihood that children would end up in a higher income bracket than their parents. Despite the high housing costs and extreme wage inequality of superstar cities and knowledge hubs, the poor and working classes have better prospects for upward mobility in them than in other places. Many people, including many

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highly charged conflicts. But has it blunted cultural creativity in those cities, as some have charged? In a word, no: the creative strengths of superstar cities have actually increased. New York’s comeback after the 2008 financial crisis was driven not by its traditional strengths in finance, banking, or even real

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for by far the largest share of employment growth in the United Kingdom’s creative industries.28 The concentration of creative industries and jobs in superstar cities goes far beyond what their large size alone can account for. When my colleagues and I examined the geography of America’s creative economy

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and the engineers. Hits are unpredictable: many more releases fail than succeed, and it takes many, many bets to create just one big winner. Large superstar cities have the best hit-makers, the most complete support structures required to launch them, and the fast metabolisms needed to process many bets quickly and

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percent of all US metros—19 out of 364—stand out as having high-performing, fully functional creative economies across these domains. These include the superstar cities of New York and LA along with the knowledge and tech hubs of San Francisco, San Jose, Boston, Washington, DC, Seattle, and Austin. Besides

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the gritty and crowded with the renovated and spacious. Although gentrification is growing across the United States, it is a much bigger problem in expensive superstar cities and tech hubs. In three-quarters of America’s fifty-five largest metros, less than 10 percent of the neighborhoods had gentrified, and in

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Institute, based on data from Daniel Hartley, Gentrification and Financial Health, Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland, 2013. The fact that gentrification takes place mainly in superstar cities is a big part of the reason it attracts so much attention to begin with. These are the places where the most influential writers, journalists

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individual homeowners or renters, that hit hardest at the urban poor. Philadelphia’s experience is instructive, but the ripple effects of gentrification are magnified in superstar cities and tech hubs, where re-urbanization is happening at a much faster pace and on a larger scale. In New York City, for example,

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ever more expensive space continues to accelerate. Even though direct displacement has not been a big problem in the past, it may become one in superstar cities as housing prices rise and more neighborhoods are transformed. As gentrification ramps up, not only will the most vulnerable suffer, but the tensions between

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than gentrification and remains the most troubling issue facing our cities. Gentrification gets a lot of attention, and it is a significant problem in expensive superstar cities and tech hubs. In these places, the pain that gentrification causes is real and needs to be taken seriously. But the even more pressing

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Philadelphia, Phoenix, Kansas City, and Nashville (see Table 6.1). Aside from New York, which lies just outside of the top ten on income segregation, superstar cities and tech hubs like LA, Boston, DC, and San Francisco have lower levels of income segregation. That said, our broader statistical analysis finds that across

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, whose ranks of factory, construction, and transportation workers have been declining for decades, is roughly similar to the pattern for the creative class, with superstar cities and tech hubs high on the list, as Table 6.9 shows. Los Angeles ranks as the most segregated large metro on this metric, followed

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cluster around subway stops and transit lines that allow them to save time and limit long car commutes. This factor is especially important in dense superstar cities and knowledge hubs with expensive housing and extensive transit systems. The third factor is proximity to major universities and other knowledge-based institutions. Historically,

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districts. Despite their differing economic fortunes, these metros are more spread out, are more car-dependent, and have much less mass transit than the superstar cities and knowledge hubs discussed above. The back-to-the-city movement has also been more limited in these metros than in the cities previously covered

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Global South. The first group includes the world’s richest and most economically advantaged metros. These are the biggest winners of winner-take-all urbanism, superstar cities like New York, London, Los Angeles, Paris, Singapore, and Hong Kong; knowledge hubs like San Francisco, Boston, and Washington, DC; and a handful of

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a whole are splintering into a patchwork of concentrated advantage and concentrated disadvantage. The New Urban Crisis is much more than an isolated crisis of superstar cities and tech hubs; it is the central crisis of today’s urbanized knowledge capitalism. Its effects are being felt all across the entire United

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States, from superstar cities and tech hubs to the former industrial powerhouses of the Rustbelt and the sprawling metropolises of the Sunbelt. Figure 10.1 illustrates its extent, showing

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places is starting to hinder their ability to reproduce themselves and keep their economies running. The problem of housing affordability may be most acute in superstar cities and tech hubs, but it extends far beyond them. Too many Americans across the country, especially low-income renters, are spending too much of

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clustered and affordable condos and rental apartments. But it still will not be enough to make housing affordable for less advantaged groups, especially in expensive superstar cities. Not surprisingly, a 2016 study of the San Francisco Bay Area found that a combination of building more private-market-rate housing and more

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the past, dominated by images of deindustrialization, economic decline, high crime, the hollowing out of cities, and rampant suburbanization. Urban divergence is the reality today—superstar cities like New York are thriving like never before while other cities continue to languish. Suburban communities are also tackling problems once thought unique to cities

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Gizmodo, October 11, 2013, http://gizmodo.com/sneak-peek-of-simcity-cities-of-the-future-1443653857. 2. As far as I can tell, the phrase superstar cities was introduced in a 2013 study by economists Joseph Gyourko, Christopher Mayer, and Todd Sinai to identify US cities where housing prices consistently outpaced prices

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in other cities and appreciated at a rapid clip. See their article “Superstar Cities,” American Economic Journal: Economic Policy 5, no. 4 (2013): 167–199. 3. Robert Frank and Philip J. Cook, The Winner-Take-All Society: Why

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The Atlantic, February 15, 2015, www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2015/02/for-great-american-cities-the-rich-dont-always-get-richer/385513. 6. The Superstar City Index uses five measures: The first is Economic Power, based on economic output and economic output per capita from the Brookings Institution’s Global Metro

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Mississippi, Missouri, Montana, New Mexico, North Dakota, Texas, Utah, and Wyoming. Still, Zillow provides a useful perspective into the enormous gaps in housing prices between superstar cities and superstar neighborhoods and much of the rest of the country. 13. On clustering, see Alfred Marshall, Principles of Economics (London: Macmillan, 1890); Jane Jacobs

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Buy Every Home in America?” Zillow Blog, December 30, 2015, www.zillow.com/research/total-housing-value-2015-11535. 17. Gyourko, Mayer, and Sinai, “Superstar Cities.” 18. These data are from Anna Scherbina and Jason Barr, “Manhattan Real Estate: What’s Next,” Real Clear Markets, February 8, 2016, www.realclearmarkets.com

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parasitic, 26 policymakers neglecting, 185–186 refugee, 210–211 3Ts of economic development in, xv See also knowledge hubs; Rustbelt cities; startup cities; Sunbelt cities; superstar cities; specific cities Cities of Tomorrow, 13 The City (Park, Burgess, and McKenzie), 126 class. See creative class; middle class; service class; working class class

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181–183 conservatism, 112, 190, 204, 222 Cook, Philip J., 14 corporations, real estate owned by, 39 cost of living minimum wage and, 205 in superstar cities, 18–19 Council of Cities, 211 Cowen, Tyler, 192 crabgrass frontier, 190 creative class advantages of, xviii, 108, 149 attacks on, xvi defined, 217 economic

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.) urban land nexus conflicts caused by, 33 effective development of, 191–192 geography shaping, 28–30, 29 (fig.) New Urban Luddism and, 26–28 in superstar cities, 9, 21–29, 24 (fig.), 33 urban policy for gentrification, 78 global, 210–211 politics and, 185–186 urban productivity, 175–177, 177 (fig.)

Age of the City: Why Our Future Will Be Won or Lost Together

by Ian Goldin and Tom Lee-Devlin · 21 Jun 2023 · 248pp · 73,689 words

textiles in Manchester or metalworks in Sheffield. In subsequent knowledge-based economies, these forces have become even more significant, giving rise to a number of ‘superstar’ cities, including San Francisco, New York, London, Paris and Shanghai. These cities have captured the lion’s share of economic growth in recent decades. The first

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the importance of intellectual property in many of the industries driving economic growth in rich countries today, it is unsurprising companies are drawn towards those superstar cities where they are more likely to be able to absorb cutting-edge ideas. A third reason for the growth of

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superstar cities in recent decades is the growth of superstar firms. The benefits of scale for firms are stronger than ever in today’s knowledge economy. US

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research and development.29 The increasing consolidation of industries and domination of a growing number of sectors by superstar firms has bolstered the rise of superstar cities. In 1980, St Louis was home to 23 Fortune 500 companies. Today, that figure is down to eight.30 While some of these businesses simply

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that have a critical mass in both industries, further adding to the gravitational pull of these places. With the growing number of skilled workers in superstar cities has come increased jobs for low-skilled workers too. To understand why, it is helpful to differentiate between the ‘tradeable’ and ‘non-tradeable’ sectors of

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, but also because they are often time poor and more likely to eat out and spend on services such as household cleaning. The growth of superstar cities has been further reinforced by their role as magnets for foreign migrants, both skilled and unskilled. While London contains 13 per cent of the UK

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middle-class manufacturing or administrative jobs created many opportunities for a better life in more prosperous areas. Now, less educated workers looking to relocate to superstar cities are typically only able to secure low-paid service jobs. And while wages for these jobs tend to be higher in thriving cities, the difference

The Third Pillar: How Markets and the State Leave the Community Behind

by Raghuram Rajan · 26 Feb 2019 · 596pp · 163,682 words

estimate that the dispersion in wages across US cities in 2009 was twice as large as in 1964, in part because of the emergence of superstar cities like New York, San Francisco, and San Jose.10 They argue that simply reducing the stringent zoning regulations in New York, San Jose, and San

The Big Sort: Why the Clustering of Like-Minded America Is Tearing Us Apart

by Bill Bishop and Robert G. Cushing · 6 May 2008 · 484pp · 131,168 words

patents and technology were expanding again; the older cities that made things—Buffalo, Cleveland, Toledo, Detroit—were reporting continuing declines.48 The Rise of the Superstar Cities People migrate to maximize their economic returns. At least that's been the most common explanation for why people move. They pull up stakes to

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in that time, but the average house price rose by a factor of nine, from $60,162 to nearly $550,000. Gyourko dubbed these places "superstar cities," metro areas where residence had become, in essence, a luxury good.53 People paid for the privilege of being in cities such as San Francisco

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17, 2007, p. A1. 52. Glaeser and Gottlieb, "Urban Resurgence and the Consumer City," pp. 13–15. 53. Joseph Gyourko, Christopher Mayer, and Todd Sinai, "Superstar Cities" (National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper No. 12355, July 2006). 54. Glaeser and Gottlieb, "Urban Resurgence and the Consumer City." 55. Richard Florida, "Cities

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," City and Community, March 2003, pp. 3–19. 56. Terry Nichols Clark, The City as Entertainment Machine (Oxford: Elsevier, 2004). 57. Gyourko, Mayer, and Sinai, "Superstar Cities," p. 2. 58. Data collected by the Bus Project in Portland, Oregon, and provided to the author. 7. Religion: The Missionary and the Megachurch 1

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Two Americas Our Current Political Deadlock and How to Break It. New York: St. Martin's Press, 2004. Gyourko, Joseph, Christopher Mayer, and Todd Sinai. "Superstar Cities." National Bureau of Economic Research. Working Paper No. 12355, July 2006. Hacker, Jacob S., and Paul Pierson. Off Center: The Republican Revolution and the Erosion

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education, [>]–[>], high-tech cities, [>]–[>], [>], [>], [>], [>] n, [>]–[>], [>]–[>], [>] n, [>] n, Jacobs on economy of, [>]–[>], and new theory of growth, [>]–[>], in nineteenth century, [>], resurgence of, in 1990s, [>]–[>]; rise of superstar cities, [>]–[>], and Urban Archipelago, [>], and weak ties for social interactions, [>]–[>]. See also specific cities Civic engagement and civic organizations, [>], [>]–[>], [>]–[>], [>] Civil rights movement, [>], [>]–[>], [>], [>], [>], [>] Clark, Terry Nichols, [>], [>], [>], [>] n

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of migration, [>]–[>]; and high-tech cities, [>]–[>], [>], [>], [>], [>] n, in 1990s, [>]–[>], and occupation, [>], [>]–[>]; and patents, [>], politics of, [>]–[>], [>]–[>], [>]–[>], [>], and power couples, [>] n; and race, [>], [>]–[>]; research evidence on, [>]–[>], and superstar cities, [>]–[>]; Tiebout theory of, [>]–[>], of U.S. population generally, [>]–[>], [>]–[>], [>]–[>], and wages, [>], and white flight, [>], [>], [>]–[>] Milbank, Dana, [>] Milgram, Stanley, [>] n Mill, John Stuart, [>] Miller, Arnold, [>], [>] n Miller

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-tech city, [>] n, [>], lifestyle of, [>]–[>], [>]; marketing expert in, [>]–[>], [>]–[>]; migration to, [>], [>], [>], political party membership in, [>]–[>]; presidential campaign of 2004 in, [>] n, [>]–[>]; and presidential election (2004), [>], [>]; as superstar city, [>]; transportation in, [>], [>]–[>] Portland Oregonian, [>] Post-industrial society, [>] Post-materialism and advertising, [>]; characteristics of, [>]–[>], and cultural creatives, [>]–[>], and families, [>], geography of, [>]; and high-tech cities, [>], of

The Warhol Economy

by Elizabeth Currid-Halkett · 15 Jan 2020 · 320pp · 90,115 words

internship. Couple that with the exorbitant rise in cost-of-living in the world’s leading cities—particularly those known as global cultural capitals. These “superstar cities,” as the economists Joseph Gyourko, Christopher Mayer, and Todd Sinai have dubbed them, have become increasingly homogenized as the only influx of new human capital

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2005. 31. Ibid. 32. Center for an Urban Future 2003. 33. Please see Gyourko et al. 2006 for a complete discussion and analysis of the superstar cities concept in United States metropolitan areas. 34. Rollins 2006. 35. Waxman 2006. 36. Steinhauer 2005. 37. Fried 2006. 38. Rabin and Rasiej 2004. 39. Ibid

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-to-Work: A Century of Industry and Immigrants in Paris and New York. Durham: Duke University Press. Gyourko Joseph, Christopher Mayer, and Todd Sinai. (2006). Superstar Cities. National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper. Hager, Steven. (1986). Art After Midnight: The East Village Scene. New York: St. Martin’s Press. Halbfinger, David

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–79; Saxenian on, 71–74; scenes and, 102–10; securities and, 56–57; service sector and, 57–65; spillover and, 89; subsidies and, 178–79; superstar cities and, 169–70; symbolic capital and, 35, 40; taxes and, 11, 164, 173, 177–78; urban policy and, 164–69; Wall Street mega-bonuses and

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, 220nn42, 43; service sector and, 57–65; skilled labor and, 51–53, 59–65, 89–90, 164; spillover and, 89; subsidized work and, 178–79; superstar cities and, 169–70; urban policy and, 164–69; weak ties and, 75–86 hypersocialization, 79 indie music, 91–92, 137–39 Industrial Revolution, 95 innovation

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’s cultural, 164–69; Nuisance Abatement Law and, 174; public funding and, 177–78, 184–85; rent issues and, 178–79; subsidies and, 179–80; superstar cities and, 169–70; supporting nightlife and, 172–77; tax, 177–78; zoning issues and, 175 politics: activism and, 40–41; “Andre the Giant Has a

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, 149 Style Wars (Silver), 30, 37 stylists, 143–44 Subculture: The Meaning of Style (Hebdige), 103 subsidies, 178–79 Subway (Art), 136 Sunday Styles, 108 superstar cities, 169–70 Surface to Air, 93, 96, 144 Swank, Hilary, 140–41, 143 Swindle magazine, 91, 114, 121 symbolic capital, 35, 40 Table 50, 96

Better, Stronger, Faster: The Myth of American Decline . . . And the Rise of a New Economy

by Daniel Gross · 7 May 2012 · 391pp · 97,018 words

the unemployment rate was 30 percent in July 2011, can’t easily sell their homes and move to North Dakota, where jobs are plentiful. The “superstar cities” thesis, advanced by Christopher Mayer of Columbia University and Joseph Gyourko and Todd Sinai of the University of Pennsylvania, explains why real estate values in

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certain cities around the world have held up well. Superstar cities have lots of people, big industries, and limited land and zoning regulations that help stop massive development. Crucially, they also have big transportation networks that

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Plan Association’s study can be seen at http://www.rpa.org/2010/07/arc-to-raise-home-values-by-18-billion.html. 9. The “superstar cities” paper can be seen at http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=921741; Dana Rubinstein, “Rail Stations Drive Demand,” Wall Street Journal, June

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Apple and, 199–201 employment and, 199–201, 203–7, 209–11 infrastructure and, 202–14 networks and, 199, 201–4, 206–9, 211–13 superstar cities thesis, 212–13 Swift, Earl, 207 Syria, 227 Taphandles, 177–78 Target, 58, 177 Tata, Ranan, 117 Tata Consultancy Services, 172 taxes, taxpayers, 46, 83

The Survival of the City: Human Flourishing in an Age of Isolation

by Edward Glaeser and David Cutler · 14 Sep 2021 · 735pp · 165,375 words

in less-educated cities, and since that was where less-educated workers typically lived, they earned no more than in rural America. The more-educated “superstar” cities, like New York, Boston, and Seattle, reinvented themselves as capitals of the information age—at least until the COVID-19 pandemic. Wages are higher there

One Billion Americans: The Case for Thinking Bigger

by Matthew Yglesias · 14 Sep 2020

stubbornly lower in these places than in the rich coastal metros. One often hears that economic activity has become more concentrated in a handful of “superstar” cities. But as Jed Kolko, an economist specializing in urban labor markets who now works for the job site Indeed, has shown, this is a mistake

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. What’s happening is that average incomes are becoming more unequal as superstar cities pull away from the pack. But because the superstar cities are growing so much slower than the power sun belt boomtowns, their share of overall national output isn’t actually growing

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. We have essentially two growth models. The superstar cities attract skilled workers from all around the country (and, indeed, the world) but then eject working-class residents due to housing scarcity. The sun belt

The Price of Everything: And the Hidden Logic of Value

by Eduardo Porter · 4 Jan 2011 · 353pp · 98,267 words

Pickett, The Spirit Level: Why More Equal Societies Almost Always Do Better (New York: Bloomsbury Press, 2010); and Joseph Gyourko, Christopher Mayer, and Todd Sinai, “Superstar Cities,” NBER Working Paper, July 2006. 125-127 The Vanishing Middle: The discussion of the impact of education on income growth draws from Claudia Goldin and