description: the forced transportation of enslaved African people, mainly to the Americas, from the 16th to the 19th century.
155 results
by Michael Kimmage · 21 Apr 2020 · 378pp · 121,495 words
exploration occupy the first of the three history galleries. They are what enabled the fifteenth-century European encounter with Africa, which in turn fostered the transatlantic slave trade and the horrors of the Middle Passage, all of the history that the 1893 Chicago World’s Fair deliberately ignored. Another exhibition room depicts
by Adam Tooze · 13 Nov 2014 · 1,057pp · 239,915 words
that of any of the other states in the world system. Indeed, given the underlying fissures within a formerly colonial society, originating in the triangular Atlantic slave trade, expanded by means of the violent appropriation of the West, peopled by a mass migration from Europe, often under traumatic circumstances, and then kept
by Simone Browne · 1 Oct 2015 · 326pp · 84,180 words
consideration has yet to be given to the racial subject in general, and to the role of surveillance in the archive of slavery and the transatlantic slave trade in particular. It is through this archive and that of black life after the Middle Passage that I want to further complicate understandings of
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promoting the ABOLITION of slavery.”89 Capitalization of all letters in “abolition” served an express purpose here, from the call for an end to the transatlantic slave trade to one for the abolition of slavery itself. Further, in this version the making of premature death through the stowage arrangements was described in
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biometric information technology and question its role in the racial framing of blackness as property. What I am suggesting here is that branding in the transatlantic slave trade was a biometric technology, as it was a measure of slavery’s making, marking, and marketing of the black subject as commodity. The first
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, provides a discussion of the practice of branding and its role in the making of the racial subject as commodity at the ports of the transatlantic slave trade. I do this by looking to narratives, some written by abolitionists, others by slave merchants and owners. As well, I look at the uses
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will you know me? How will you know me? Mark me, too,” I said. —SETHE IN TONI MORRISON’S Beloved What can branding during the transatlantic slave trade tell us about the production of racial difference? In her influential 1987 essay “Mama’s Baby, Papa’s Maybe: An American Grammar Book,” Hortense
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Spillers emphasizes that the trafficking of humans in the transatlantic slave trade marked a violent “theft of the body,” rendering the captive body “a territory of cultural and political maneuver.”7 Branding was a practice through
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’s remaking of MasterCard’s Priceless campaign. With B®anded comes Thomas’s interrogation of advertising and the commodification of blackness, urban violence, and the transatlantic slave trade. In its appropriation of the signs and language of the popular MasterCard campaign, Priceless #1 instead gives us an image of a community in
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brand worked not only to identify or verify but also as a mark of the mass marketing of the black subject as commodity during the transatlantic slave trade, I was able to draw connections between this early instantiation of biometric information technology and the ongoing biometric surveillance of the racial body. The
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in the Black Atlantic Imagination (PhD diss., Yale University, 2002); Rediker, The Slave Ship; Walvin, Black Ivory; Wood, Blind Memory. 65. “List of Voyages,” Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database, accessed August 2, 2011, http://www.slavevoyages.org/tast/database/search.faces. 66. Clarkson, The History of the Rise, Progress, and Accomplishment of
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Evidence of Sundry Persons, 77. 35. Ibid., 77. 36. Hartman, Lose Your Mother, 79. 37. Postma, The Dutch in the Atlantic Slave Trade; Hartman, Lose Your Mother. 38. Postma, The Dutch in the Atlantic Slave Trade, 368. 39. Ibid., 52–53. 40. Williams, Dessa Rose, 229. 41. Morrison, Beloved, 73. 42. Ibid. 43. In
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in June 1823, Clarkson, The Argument That the Colonial Slaves Are Better Off, writes that branding was not occasioned solely at the factories of the transatlantic slave trade, but took place in the colonies as a form of punishment and an identification practice by planters “that they may know them again” should
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Ship’s lower Deck with Negroes stowed in the Proportion of only One to a Ton. Plymouth, England, 1789. Postma, Johannes. The Dutch in the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1600–1815. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990. Pugliese, Joseph. “In Silico Race and the Heteronomy of Biometric Proxies: Biometrics in the Context of Civilian
by T M Devine · 25 Aug 2011
. Duffill, ‘The Africa Trade from the Ports of Scotland 1706–66’, Slavery and Abolition, 24 (December, 2004), pp. 102–22; D. Eltis et al., The Transatlantic Slave Trade. A database on CD-ROM (Cambridge, 1999). This low rate of participation was not caused by any ethnic or moral opposition to the trade
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(Edinburgh, 1988). Anon., ‘Demographic Trends in Scotland: A Shrinking and Ageing Population’. ESRC Seminar Series, Mapping the Public Policy Landscape (2004). Anstey, Roger I., The Atlantic Slave Trade and British Abolition, 1760–1810 (London, 1965). Anthony, Richard F., Herds and Hinds: Farm Labour in Lowland Scotland, 1900–1939 (Edinburgh, 1997). Armitage, David
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Historical Journal, 47 (2002). Inikori, Joseph E., Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England (Cambridge, 2002). Inikori, Joseph E. and Stanley L. Engerman, eds., The Atlantic Slave Trade (Durham, N. C., 1992). Irving, Washington, Astoria or Anecdotes of an Enterprise beyond the Rocky Mountains (Norman, Okla., 1964 edn). Jackson, Gordon and Charles
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, 2006). Richardson, David, ed., Bristol, Africa and the Eighteenth Century Slave Trade to America, Vol. 3 (Bristol, 1991). Richardson, David, ‘The British Empire and the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1660–1807’, in P. J. Marshall, ed., The Oxford History of the British Empire. Vol. 2, The Eighteenth Century (Oxford, 1998). Richter, Daniel K
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British Capital Formation in the Eighteenth Century: A comment on the Williams Thesis’, Business History Review, 46 (1972), pp. 430–43; Roger I. Anstey, The Atlantic Slave Trade and British Abolition, 1760–1810 (London, 1965), pp. 38–57; R. P. Thomas and N. Bean, ‘The Fishers of Men: The Profits of the
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and D. McCloskey, eds., The Economic History of Britain since 1700. Vol. 1 (Cambridge, 1981), p. 131. 4. David Richardson, ‘The British Empire and the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1660–1807’, in P. J. Marshall, ed., The Oxford History of the British Empire. Vol. 2: The Eighteenth Century (Oxford, 1998), p. 461. 5
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and British Growth. The Eric Williams Hypothesis’, Journal of Development Economics, 17 (1985), pp. 99–115; Joseph E. Inikori and Stanley L. Engerman, eds., The Atlantic Slave Trade (Durham, N. C., 1992); R. Blackburn, The Making of New World Slavery (London, 1997); Barbara L. Solow and Stanley L. Engerman, eds., British Capitalism
by Simon Winchester · 27 Oct 2009 · 522pp · 150,592 words
it was an extraordinarily long-lived maritime cargo-carrying phenomenon, the memory of which now scars and shames the world: the unseemly business of the transatlantic slave trade. The Trial of Black Bart’s Men, as it came to be known, took place in 1722, in the dauntingly magnificent-looking, pure white
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of this dignified old man from Benin, a ninety-four-year-old named Cudjoe Lewis, so was severed history’s final living link to the transatlantic slave trade, which had begun with the French in Florida and the English in Virginia in the beginning of the sixteenth century and had endured for
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: HMSO, 1945. Amos, William H., and Stephen H. Amos. Atlantic and Gulf Coasts. National Audubon Society Nature Guides. New York: Knopf, 1985. Anstey, Roger. The Atlantic Slave Trade and British Abolition, 1760–1810. London: Macmillan, 1975. Archibald, Malcolm. Across the Pond: Chapters from the Atlantic. Latheronwheel, Caithness, UK: Whittles Publishing, 2001. Armitage
by Tao Leigh. Goffe · 14 Mar 2025 · 441pp · 122,013 words
of hidden laboratories for Afro-Indigenous sovereignty. In many ways the warfare between West Africa and Europe is ongoing today—despite the abolition of the transatlantic slave trade in 1807—because these Maroon and Amerindian communities still exist off the grid.[2] Maroon warriors include peoples fragmented across the hemispheres, from Virginia
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that many of these scientific principles and disciplines of science emerged in the Victorian era. This was also the era of the abolition of the transatlantic slave trade, with emancipation following across the Western Hemisphere. Race science and eugenics have never been far from these advances in scientific knowledge and engineering. In
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Biblical allusion to Exodus (“unto the third and fourth generation”). He is part of the infinite number of generations living in the wake of the transatlantic slave trade. As an institution, racial indenture is a part of that wake of unfreedom. Jackson describes the kidnap as though he were there: he lives
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, xvi, xxx, 22, 62–63, 89, 95–98, 106, 108–9, 151, 159, 169, 190, 232, 244–47, 261, 269–71. See also Middle Passage; transatlantic slave trade; and specific regions enslaved, xvi, xxvii, 8–9, 12, 26, 59–63, 71, 76–79, 83, 89, 90, 100, 117, 119, 122–23, 142
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Town Maroons, 252 chattel slavery, xv–xvi, xxi, 64, 89, 96, 101, 106, 114, 151–53, 158, 168, 171, 207, 271. See also Africans, enslaved; transatlantic slave trade Chauvin, Derek, 83, 162 Chelsea Physic Garden, 76, 241 Chesapeake Bay, 100 Cheyenne, xxxv Chicago Bird Alliance, 187 Chile, 238 China, xxxiii, 3, 10
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the Scleractinian Families” (Owens), 116 Middle East, xxiv, xxx, 255 Middle Passage, 4, 60, 95–97, 102, 106, 109, 117, 142, 152, 276. See also transatlantic slave trade Midsummer Night’s Dream, A (Shakespeare), 58 Mignolo, Walter, 104 Miller, George, 195 Milwaukee, 156, 282 mining, xix, xx, 8, 11, 19, 27, 29
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, 257 Tongs, 157 Torabully, Khal, 121 Toronto Stock Exchange (TSX), 11 Tosh, Peter, xxviii, 98 “Towards the Sociogenic Principle” (Wynter), 29 Trafalgar Falls (Dominica), 52 transatlantic slave trade, xv, xxxvii, 8, 60, 62, 78, 95–96, 100, 102, 106, 109, 117, 123, 127, 141–42, 151, 173. See also Middle Passage Trinidad
by William J. Bernstein · 5 May 2009 · 565pp · 164,405 words
.83 Only after the mid-nineteenth century, when the institution was finally outlawed, did the majority of immigrants have white skin. Figure 10-2. Annual Transatlantic Slave Trade Surprisingly, only about four hundred thousand-about 4.5 percentcame to the British North American colonies. Table 10-1, which summarizes the proportions of
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: Simon and Schuster, 1999), 201-207. 72. Dunn, 112-116. 73. Ibid., 73. 74. Calculated from Eltis, 50, table 2-2. 75. Philip Curtin, The Atlantic Slave Trade (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1969), 69, 81. 76. Paul Bairoch, Economics and World History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), 146. 77. Curtin
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the first scientific census with the publication of his landmark The Atlantic Slave Trade in 1967. His basic conclusions were largely confirmed and refined by Professor Eltis; see The Rise of African Slavery in the Americas; "The Volume and Structure of the Transatlantic Slave Trade: A Reassessment," William And Marv Quarterly, 58, no. 1
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Americas (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 181-211. 82. Curtin, The Atlantic Slave Trade, from 268, table 77. For a more recent, and perhaps more accurate, quantitative assessment of the transatlantic slave flow, see Eltis, "The Volume and Structure of the Transatlantic Slave Trade: A Reassessment," 17-46. 83. Davis, Inhuman Bondage, 80. 84
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-1850," in J. F. Richards, ed., Precious Metals in the Later and Early Modern Worlds (Durham, NC: Carolina Academic Press, 1983). Curtin, Philip D., The Atlantic Slave Trade (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1969). Curtin, Philip D., The Rise and Fall of the Plantation Complex, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998
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Press, 1996). Eltis, David, The Rise of African Slavery in the Americas (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000). Ellis, David, "The Volume and Structure of the Transatlantic Slave Trade: A Reassessment," The William And Man• Quarterly 58, no. 1 (January 2001): 17-46. Eltis, David, and David Richardson, "Prices of African Slaves Newly
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Company at Amsterdam. Source Data: Kristoff Glamann, Dutch-Asiatic Trade, 1620-1740 ('s-Gravenhage, Holland: Martinus-Nijhoff, 1981), 14. Figure 10-2. page 276, Annual Transatlantic Slave Trade. Source Data: David Eltis and David Richardson, "Prices of African Slaves Newly Arrived in the Americas, 1673-1865: New Evidence on Long-Run Trends
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-1, page 277, Proportions of New World Slave Imports between 1500 and 1880, and Their Descendant Populations in 1950. Source Data: Philip D. Curtin, The Atlantic Slave Trade (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1969), 91. Table 13-1, page 343, Stolper-Samuelson Categories. Adapted from Ronald Rogowski, Commerce and Coalitions (Princeton
by T.J. Stiles · 14 Aug 2009
passengers: some fifty black men and women, all skilled artisans bound for Africa to prepare settlements for rescued slaves. Technically a federal expedition against the transatlantic slave trade, it was a thinly disguised project of the American Colonization Society which planned to ship freed slaves to Africa. Vanderbilt stepped forward and said
by David Abulafia · 2 Oct 2019 · 1,993pp · 478,072 words
of war, peasant farmers, women and children. Elmina itself had only limited holding facilities; but the Cape Verde Islands were the perfect base for a transatlantic slave trade, a collection point that lay astride one of the obvious routes to the Caribbean. Thus there was no need to go to the slave
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Portuguese Enterprise in West Africa (2 vols., London, 1942); Halikowski Smith, ‘Mid-Atlantic Islands’, pp. 73–4. 22. T. Green, The Rise of the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade in Western Africa, 1300–1589 (Cambridge, 2012), pp. 95–115; T. Hall, ed. and transl., Before Middle Passage: Translated Portuguese Manuscripts of
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Rise of the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade , pp. 99–100; cotton: Hall, ed. and transl., Before Middle Passage , pp. 36, 149, 180, 213. 25. A. Carreira, Cabo Verde: Formação e Extinção
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Difference: Creolization and the Jewish Presence in Cabo Verde 1497–1672 (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Birmingham, 2007), p. 74; Green, Rise of the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade , p. 98; Evans et al., ‘An Early Christian Church in the Tropics’, pp. 175–6; Catalans in the Atlantic: I. Armenteros Martínez, Cataluña en
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, 1992, distributed by University Microfilms International, 1992), p. 234; Hall, ed. and transl., Before Middle Passage , pp. 266, 275–6; Green, Rise of the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade , p. 101. 30. I. Cabral, A primeira elite colonial atlântica: dos ‘homens honrados brancos’ de Santiago à ‘Nobreza da Terra’, finais do séc. V
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–início do séc. XVII (Praia, 2015); Z. Cohen, Os filhos da folha (Cabo Verde – séculos XV–XVIII) (Praia, 2007); Green, Rise of the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade , pp. 103–7. 31. História geral do Cabo Verde (Lisbon and Praia de Santiago, 1991), vol. 1, pp. 264–7, 276–9; Hall, ed
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, pp. 67–71, doc. 16. 16. Hall, ed. and transl., Before Middle Passage , p. 36. 17. Ibid., p. 39; T. Green, Rise of the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade in Western Africa, 1300–1589 (Cambridge, 2012), p. 248. 18. Hall, ed. and transl., Before Middle Passage , p. 227. 19. Ibid., pp. 5, 36
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III of 1523 in Newitt, ed., Portuguese in West Africa , pp. 96–7, doc. 23. 47. H. Thomas, The Slave Trade: a History of the Atlantic Slave Trade 1440–1870 (London, 1997), p. 73. 48. Vogt, Portuguese Rule , p. 57. 49. Ibid., p. 209. 50. Escudier, ed., Voyage d’Eustache Delafosse , pp
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, Conversos, and Crypto-Jews in the Age of Mercantilism, 1500–1800 (Baltimore, 2009), pp. 75–98. 2. D. Eltis and D. Richardson, Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade (New Haven, 2010). 3. R. Smith, The Spanish Guild Merchant: a History of the Consulado, 1250–1700 (Durham, NC, 1940), pp. 103–4. 4
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, The Forgotten Diaspora: Jewish Communities in West Africa and the Making of the Atlantic World (Cambridge, 2011). 17. T. Green, The Rise of the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade in Western Africa, 1300–1589 (Cambridge, 2012). 18. J. Boyajian, Portuguese Trade in Asia under the Habsburgs, 1580–1640 (Baltimore, 1993). 19. Ibid., pp
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– C. Verde 1533–1933 (Praia, 1933; new edn as Cidade velha: Ribeira Grande de Santiago , Praia, 2013). 23. T. Green, The Rise of the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade in Western Africa, 1300–1589 (Cambridge, 2012); A. Carreira, Cabo Verde: Formação e Extinção de uma Sociedade escravocrata (1460–1878) (3rd edn, Praia de
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. da Silva Horta, The Forgotten Diaspora Jewish Communities in West Africa and the Making of the Atlantic World (Cambridge, 2011); Green, Rise of the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade ; Carreira, Cabo Verde , pp. 55–78, 146. 27. Duncan, Atlantic Islands , p. 215. 28. Ibid., pp. 219–24. 29. Ibid., pp. 207, 210. 30
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. 47. R. Allen, European Slave Trading in the Indian Ocean, 1500–1850 (Athens, Oh., 2014), p. 59; D. Eltis and D. Richardson, Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade (New Haven, 2010), pp. 4–5, map 1; pp. 18–19, map 11; pp. 154–5, maps 107–9. 48. Allen, European Slave Trading
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. Rogoziński, Brief History of the Caribbean , p. 69; Higman, Concise History of the Caribbean , pp. 98–109; P. Jones, Satan’s Kingdom: Bristol and the Transatlantic Slave Trade (Bristol, 2007), pp. 12–13. 19. C. G. Pestana, The English Conquest of Jamaica: Oliver Cromwell’s Bid for Empire (Cambridge, Mass., 2017); L
by Ada Ferrer · 6 Sep 2021 · 723pp · 211,892 words
by the Spanish. Equally important, the 700 people held in slavery included not only Natives, but also Africans, who had begun arriving through the nascent transatlantic slave trade, to which we will turn a little later.28 Not every Spaniard left, of course, and not every Indigenous person died. A few Native
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places where the original population had been largely decimated by conquest. Because sugar required massive amounts of labor, it was the major impetus to the transatlantic slave trade. Roughly two-thirds of the almost eleven million Africans forcibly landed in the New World ended up working in sugar. Produced in massive quantities
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access to cheap labor would propel them to greater prosperity. At the time, the British were the main players in the lucrative business of the transatlantic slave trade. And British traders knew two things about Havana: there was an untapped market for African captives, and buyers had ready cash in silver. According
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a textile manufacturer and merchant; he also owned a rum distillery and a bank. A very significant part of his fortune, however, derived from the transatlantic slave trade. In fact, DeWolf was among the most notorious slave traders in the country. Announcing his election to the Senate, one Pennsylvania newspaper ventured that
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major force against the slave trade (though it would cling to slavery in its own Caribbean colonies until 1834). In 1807, it had illegalized the transatlantic slave trade to its territories and by its citizens. Its navy captured slaving vessels on the high seas, and its statesmen negotiated treaties with foreign powers
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did most of the labor. The United States had prohibited its citizens from selling human beings in foreign countries in 1800, and it outlawed the transatlantic slave trade to US territory in 1807. Spain, by a treaty signed with Britain, ended the slave trade to Cuba in 1820 (and then again in
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1835, because the first ban was so ineffectual). Yet the vast majority of Africans brought to the island through the transatlantic slave trade arrived after the trade to Cuba became illegal. Indeed, of all the Africans forcibly transported there over three and a half centuries, more than
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least the 1820s. By the time of King’s Cuban inauguration in 1853, it had fully matured. A cornerstone of the system was the illegal transatlantic slave trade to Cuba, which boomed after 1850, when the trade to Brazil ended, leaving Cuba as the single American market for African captives. In the
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seem like the Africans had all been born in Cuba, rather than brought there in violation of all the laws and treaties that made the transatlantic slave trade illegal. Every single one of those people was implicated, and each of them charged a fee. José Martí, today the foremost icon of Cuban
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mobilize the enslaved had done the same. By 1868, however, the world was a different place. Slavery in the United States was dead. The illegal transatlantic slave trade had ended, and the prospect of protecting the institution of slavery in Cuba was almost nil. That the war of 1868 began with a
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the Cuban Revolution. Chapter 31 OTHER CUBAS? In Lisbon, capital of the empire that at the dawn of the sixteenth century launched the world’s transatlantic slave trade, young men from Portugal’s African colonies made their home at a boardinghouse aptly called the Imperial Students’ House. They gathered regularly to talk
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of North Carolina Press, 2018), 274–75; de la Fuente, Havana and the Atlantic, 107; The website slavevoyages.org has three databases: the Transatlantic Slave Trade Database (hereafter TSTD), the Transatlantic Slave Trade Estimates Database (TSTD-E), and the Intra-American Slave Trade Database (IASTD). TSTD, https://slavevoyages.org/voyages/mPTF8byb. 17. De la
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Quincy Adams, Comprising Portions of his Diary from 1795 to 1848 (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1875), 5:486; Leonardo Marques, The United States and the Transatlantic Slave Trade (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2016), 28–32; Marcus Rediker, The Slave Ship: A Human History (New York: Penguin, 2007), 343–46; Lowell
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