by Tyler Cowen · 15 Oct 2018 · 140pp · 42,194 words
citizens in East Asia, South Asia, and Latin America have seen significant gains in their standard of living, and much of this has been a trickle-down effect from the earlier growth of the wealthier countries. Much of Africa is now following suit, bolstered in part by China’s demand for raw materials
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supporting immigration and producing new technologies with global reach, such as cell phones and new methods for boosting agricultural productivity. Many people mock the term “trickle-down economics,” but most social benefits do take a trickle-down form. We should of course prefer a flood to a trickle, which brings us back to
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believed, then the rich earn higher returns on their accumulated wealth, as has been argued by the French economist Thomas Piketty. If we combine the trickle-down effect from the wealth of the wealthy with a zero rate of discount, it is easy to generate scenarios in which utilitarianism would recommend the redistribution
by Kurt Andersen · 14 Sep 2020 · 486pp · 150,849 words
and immediately win. Wanniski made up a legitimate-sounding name—supply-side economics. For anyone else to benefit, what Democrats since the Depression had called trickle-down economics also had to operate—that is, the supply-side tax cuts (and deregulation) would have to make businesses boom and rich people profit so gloriously
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went up, no trickle-down benefits after they went down. We’ve now had four decades to judge the failure of laissez-faire supply-side trickle-down economics for most Americans, yet the right sticks to its story, unrevised. As Republicans rewrote the tax code in 2017—cutting the tax rate on all
by Mehrsa Baradaran · 7 May 2024 · 470pp · 158,007 words
ideas refuse to die, a phenomenon commentators have called zombie economics. Among these undead ideas are the standard neoclassical economic models: the efficient market hypothesis, trickle-down economics, deregulation, and privatization. According to critics of zombie economics, these ideas need to be replaced with new and better “living ideas,” like democratic socialism, progressive
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Clinton’s tax and spending cuts, from Supreme Court decisions to Congress’s embrace of Chicago School economics, neoliberalism became the software of the state. Trickle-down economics was economics; shareholder maximization was the point of corporate law; government benefits were socialism, but corporate benefits were capitalism. The acts of legislation that helped
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homes lost through default. Homes they rented back to the people who had lost their mortgages when the banks had gone bust—a sort of trickle-down economics that tended, always, to point debt down and capital gains up. When Treasury Secretary Paulson asked Congress to authorize the $700 billion for TARP in
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, 200, 253, 258, 261, 269, 277, 285, 286, 289, 290–95, 301–3, 305–10, 358 Treasury bonds, 28, 257, 298 “Treaty of Detroit,” 75 trickle-down economics, 128, 231, 299, 349 “tricycle in the park,” 131 Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP), 307–8, 315 trucking rules, 232 Truman, Harry, and administration, 15
by Naomi Klein · 12 Jun 2017 · 357pp · 94,852 words
redistribution of wealth from top to bottom and would mean challenging the neoliberal playbook. On the campaign trail, Clinton mocked her opponent’s “Trumped-up trickle-down economics,” but her own philosophy is what we might call “trickle-down identity politics”: tweak the system just enough to change the genders, colors, and sexual
by Ha-Joon Chang · 26 May 2014 · 385pp · 111,807 words
Bang’ transition back to capitalism), through to the disasters of ‘austerity’ policies in most European countries following the Great Depression, down to the failures of ‘trickle-down economics’ in the US and the UK during the 1980s and the 1990s, history is littered with radical policy experiments that have destroyed the lives of
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they created more wealth, it was argued, the rich would spend more, creating more jobs and incomes for everyone else; this is known as the trickle-down theory. At the same time, subsidies to the poor (especially in housing) were cut and the minimum wage frozen so that they had a greater incentive
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tendency to assume that there is a fixed pie, that one party can gain only at the expense of another.’1 The belief in the trickle-down effect has prompted many governments to employ – or at least has provided them with the political cover for – pro-rich policies in the last three decades
by David Rothkopf · 18 Mar 2008 · 535pp · 158,863 words
, twenty-five years after the term was coined, even as compelling evidence has built up that, as Cornell University economist Robert H. Frank has written, trickle-down theory is “supported neither by economic theory nor by empirical evidence.” NOT JUST A CHILEAN PARADOX Our taxi finally arrived at our destination, a modern white
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terror Thain, John Thani, Sheikh Hamad bin Thamer Al- Thatcher, Margaret think tanks Thomas-Graham, Pamela Thucydides Tillerson, Rex W. trade liberalization Trichet, Jean-Claude trickle-down theory Trilateral Commission Trump, Donald Tsouli, Younis Tucker, James Turner, Mike Twilight of Sovereignty, The (Wriston) Tymoshenko, Yuliya Tyson, Laura Unger, Craig United Defense company United
by Robert H. Frank · 3 Sep 2011
’s only a matter of degree.”2 But it’s not just libertarians who believe taxes inhibit economic growth. Variations of that view, often called trickle-down theory, have been repeated so often by so many people across the political spectrum that it has acquired an air of settled truth. 157 158 CHAPTER
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’t tell us anything about what would happen if we increased actual tax rates on top earners, which are nowhere close to 100 percent. For trickle-down theory to be of interest, then, it must assert something like this: At the tax rates actually observed in modern industrial countries, further rate hikes on
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before. Economic theory tells us nothing—absolutely nothing—about of which of these opposing effects might prevail. If economic theory provides no justification for the trickle-down doctrine, what do the numbers say? Here as well, the doctrine finds little support. One test is suggested by the observation that if lower real wages
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trickledown theory, then, Americans should be working significantly longer hours now. Yet the current American workweek is only about half what it was in 1900. Trickle-down theory also predicts shorter workweeks in countries with lower real after-tax pay rates. Yet here, too, the numbers tell a different story. For example, even
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less than one-fifth as much as American CEOs and face substantially higher marginal tax rates, they actually work longer hours than their American counterparts. Trickle-down theory’s emphasis on incentives has led many to predict that greater income inequality should be positively correlated with economic growth rates. The idea here is
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growth rates.3 Time after time, the pattern is the opposite of the one predicted by trickledown theory. The Small Business Fallacy Another variant of trickle-down theory was invoked by George W. Bush in 2001, and then again by John McCain in 2008, as the two men sought to defend reduced taxes
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him no matter how big a tax cut he got. In sum, neither economic theory nor available empirical evidence provides support for either variant of trickle-down theory. We have no persuasive reasons to believe that higher taxes on top earners would inhibit economic growth. And yet, as noted, this claim is often
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, 157–58; and income inequality, correlation between, 159–60; lower taxes as inhibitor of, 162–64, 167–68, 213; from taxes on harmful activities, 158; trickle-down theory of, 157–62; after World War II, 1 economic models: context-free, 27–29, 69–72; of human motivation, 24–25; of retirement saving, 54
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rank, 126–31 income tax cuts: under Bush (George W.), 3, 119, 155, 170; as inhibitor of economic growth, 162–64; temporary, effectiveness of, 83; trickle-down theory of, 157–62 income transfers: in efficient public policies, 104, 111–18, 123–26; libertarian objections to, 104, 111, 117, 123–26 indirect harm, 11
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., 150–51 slippery slope argument, 193 slogans, antitax, 168–71, 194–95 small businesses: job creation by, 160–62; as labor-managed firms, 32; in trickle-down theory, 160–62 Smith, Adam: versus Darwin, as intellectual father of economics, 16–17; skepticism about good market outcomes, 7, 18; on task specialization, 43, 203
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, 6, 168–69, 202; slogans opposing, 168–71, 194–95; as social engineering, 13–14, 122–23; as theft, 6, 119, 154, 168–69, 202; trickle-down theory of, 157–62. See also specific types tax(es), on harmful activities, 13–15, 172–93; alcohol taxes as, 185–87; causing indirect harm, 187
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; tobacco taxes as, 184–85; versus useful activities, 13–15, 122. See also consumption tax, progressive; pollution taxes tax cuts: payroll tax, 13, 14, 112; trickle-down theory of, 157–62. See also income tax cuts tax rates: capital gains, 163; for hedge fund managers, 163, 167; marginal, 77; on top earners, impact
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-take-all markets, 164–68 transaction costs: Coase on, 91, 137, 178; definition of, 91 Transparency International, 56 transportation, public, 171. See also infrastructure spending trickle-down theory, 157–62 unemployment: in economic downturn of 2008, 2, 53–55; payroll tax cuts and, 13, 14 240 INDEX United States government. See government University
by Ben Rhodes · 4 Jun 2018 · 470pp · 148,444 words
that he would give the following day in Colorado. “Make it the final verdict on a certain approach,” he said, referring to the mix of trickle-down economics and deregulation that had dominated American political discourse since Reagan. “But make sure you run the language by these guys first.” It was a good
by Linsey McGoey · 14 Apr 2015 · 324pp · 93,606 words
richest 1 per cent so they have more to spend on charity is trickle-down theory in its baldest form. Bishop and Green have made this clear: ‘Today’, they write approvingly in Philanthrocapitalism, ‘Carnegie would be called a believer in trickle-down economics. As he argued, it is “much better this great irregularity than universal squalor
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when establishing his own foundation. But what is surprising about Bishop and Green’s praise for Carnegie is their openly approving use of the phrase ‘trickle-down economics’. And not in an ironic manner. The economist J. Kenneth Galbraith used to scornfully liken trickle-down policies to what he described as the ‘horse
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struck a sensitive chord with those on the right. Long deployed by most commentators in a pejorative manner, no political party has ever openly advocated trickle-down economics – not even those assumed to have most embraced its spirit: the Republicans under Reagan or the Conservatives under Thatcher. While Thatcher once famously proclaimed ‘it
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themselves with supply-side economics, a tradition in macroeconomics that suggests low taxes and reduced regulation will foster more production, consumption and economic growth. But ‘trickle-down’ economics has never been explicit, publicly vocalized party policy, perhaps because many on the right are canny enough to realize that making it an official doctrine
by Joseph E. Stiglitz · 10 Jun 2012 · 580pp · 168,476 words
growing together.19 This was true not only in the decades after World War II but, even in more recent times, in the 1990s.20 Trickle-down economics Inequality’s apologists—and they are many—argue to the contrary that giving more money to the top will benefit everyone, partly because it would
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lead to more growth. This is an idea called trickle-down economics. It has a long pedigree—and has long been discredited. As we’ve seen, higher inequality has not led to more growth, and most Americans
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have actually seen their incomes sink or stagnate. What America has been experiencing in recent years is the opposite of trickle-down economics: the riches accruing to the top have come at the expense of those down below.21 One can think of what’s been happening in
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a very big slice, about a fifth of the entire pie. But that means everyone else gets a smaller slice. Now, those who believe in trickle-down economics call this the politics of envy. One should look not at the relative size of the slices but at the absolute size. Giving more to
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2010.24 (Median income is the income such that half have an income greater than that number, half less.) We’ll show later that whereas trickle-down economics doesn’t work, trickle-up economics may: all—even those at the top—could benefit by giving more to those at the bottom and the
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first is that globalization will increase the country’s overall output as measured, for instance, by GDP. The second is that if GDP is increased, trickle-down economics will ensure that all will benefit. Neither argument is correct. It is true that when markets work perfectly, free trade allows people to move from
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might be viewed as economic mechanisms, reinforced and shaped by politics and public policy. But there are deeper, distorting effects of inequality on our society. Trickle-down economics may be a chimera, but trickle-down behaviorism is very real. People below the top 1 percent increasingly aspire to imitate those above them. Of
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than just luck. Other ideas (the importance of incentives and incentive pay) suggest that there would be a high price to reducing inequality. Still others (trickle-down economics) suggest that high inequality is not really that bad, since all are better off than they would be in a world without such a high
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dollar. Hence making the tax system more progressive not only reduces inequality but stimulates the economy as well. Trickle-up economics can work, even when trickle-down economics doesn’t. Even the rich can benefit from the increased GDP, in some cases even enough to offset the increased taxes they would have to
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, such programs are perhaps even more important there than elsewhere. Restoring sustainable and equitable growth A growth agenda, based on public investment. We explained why trickle-down economics doesn’t work: growth doesn’t automatically benefit all. But growth does provide the resources with which to tackle some of society’s most intractable
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