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The Revolutionary Center: The Lost Genius of Liberalism

by Adrian Wooldridge  · 7 Apr 2026  · 342pp  · 129,097 words

Mutiny: The Rise and Revolt of the College-Educated Working Class

by Noam Scheiber  · 6 Apr 2026  · 399pp  · 120,332 words

The Insatiable Machine

by Trevor Jackson  · 15 Mar 2026  · 270pp  · 104,133 words

trade made it highly volatile from voyage to voyage, hence the preference for upstarts seeking their fortunes. Those who failed were replaced by new aspiringly upwardly mobile arrivals, but that means our surviving records reflect the successes more than the failures. If we move from the slave trade specifically to slavery more

The Information State: Politics in the Age of Total Control

by Jacob Siegel  · 24 Mar 2026  · 348pp  · 103,246 words

Like, Follow, Subscribe: Influencer Kids and the Cost of a Childhood Online

by Fortesa Latifi  · 7 Apr 2026  · 240pp  · 89,773 words

-Morton’s mind? “They wanted too much money. They did a thing that Americans do, which is that they decided that they wanted to become upwardly mobile, and they could do that. The opportunity to get richer, we’re constantly inundated with images of what our lives would be like if we

Snakes and Ladders: The Great British Social Mobility Myth

by Selina Todd  · 11 Feb 2021  · 598pp  · 150,801 words

had afforded; and ambivalence about the kudos attached to climbing a ladder that classified their relatives and friends as ‘beneath’ them. The experiences of the upwardly mobile illuminate the obstacles that prevented more people from following them. Many felt ashamed of their background, or experienced social unease, when confronted with colleagues or

fit in socially. Wives and mothers were chiefly responsible for negotiating this. Women’s appearance, accent and home decoration were all markers by which newly upwardly mobile couples were judged by their neighbours and colleagues. In downwardly mobile households, women were responsible for ‘keeping up appearances’, and striving to ensure that children

Northcote–Trevelyan Report. In 1853, William Gladstone, then Chancellor of the Exchequer, commissioned this report into the organisation of the Civil Service. Gladstone, himself the upwardly mobile son of a merchant, had great sympathy with the argument that government should be in the hands of hard-working men who owed their positions

employers. Caricatures of them as deferential and snobbish certainly had some basis in truth but such behaviour was provoked by the suspicions and sneers that upwardly mobile clerks faced from those higher up the ladder. In search of affluence, respect and dignity, they often found themselves treated as unwelcome outsiders. They

and professionals fell.61 The growing demand for well-educated clerks meant that investing money and time in a child’s upbringing was increasingly important. Upwardly mobile parents were particularly conscious that smaller families could offer children a better start in life. They knew from personal experience the expense that larger families

were fired by compulsory schooling but dampened by the cost of secondary and higher education. These benefits compensated for the hostility and suspicion that many upwardly mobile young people had to encounter from those who feared that their own position was threatened. This hostility, and the insecurity of their position, explains

likely to go to secondary school.29 Interwar governments encouraged the unemployed to migrate to where the work was. Geographic mobility was to make them upwardly mobile – or at least prevent them falling into poverty. In 1927, Stanley Baldwin’s Conservative government introduced an official migration scheme, which placed unemployed men

little patience with such ‘abrasive and unhelpful’ behaviour.3 Albert Halsey greatly respected Jean Floud’s ‘vivacious intelligence’. But he classed Jean and her few upwardly mobile contemporaries as ‘assimilators … in dress and speech to the culture of the higher metropolitan professionals.’ He didn’t realise that Jean Floud’s accent and

… has not collapsed under the new purpose – the training of enough able people to man our technological society’ they wrote. The success of some upwardly mobile men did not, Jackson and Marsden argued, legitimate social hierarchy; it simply replaced one outdated pecking order with another equally arbitrary one. What was more

with whom they worked.23 These differences of opinion highlight that ‘meritocracy’ remained controversial into the 1960s, with some of the upwardly mobile themselves pointing out its weaknesses and limits. These upwardly mobile men did not knock more privileged people off their rung of the ladder. Instead, they owed their rise to new opportunities

research in sociology at Swansea University. Here he studied geographic and social mobility, influenced by the work of the breakthrough generation. As he suggested, the upwardly mobile social scientists of the 1950s and 60s set out to ‘create the role of sociological research worker’ as a respected scholar, whose work informed policy

.26 But women of the breakthrough generation rarely enjoyed the same success. The upwardly mobile writers and social researchers were almost all men. They gave women only a supporting role in their stories and studies. Typically, Richard Hoggart described them

too was the growth of private industry in the 1950s. Public-employment expanded further when Labour held power once more between 1964 and 1970. The upwardly mobile members of the golden generation went into clerical, engineering, technical and managerial work just as the breakthrough generation had done. But they were also increasingly

such backgrounds ‘would probably become leaders in every branch of national life’, and therefore required an education that fitted them for this.16 But some upwardly mobile social scientists, most prominently Jean Floud and Albert Halsey, powerfully challenged this view. By the mid-1950s, they proved that middle-class children benefited

strikes by council tenants, and student rebellions in Britain’s universities.1 Among the agitators both on and off campus, journalists identified a new group: upwardly mobile young people apparently biting the hand that fed them. When the periodical New Society interviewed demonstrators against the Vietnam War, the tabloids leapt on its

to grammar school was ‘the big, big breaking ground’ that divided his Conservative-voting mother’s aspirations – she was determined that her children ‘should be upwardly mobile’ – from his own growing commitment to equality. Andrew ‘felt a failure’, but the chasm between the expectations that his secondary modern school had for him

on the Manchester Evening Chronicle for a year and then moved to Fleet Street. Like his contemporaries in television, he was interested in showcasing other upwardly mobile young men. When he took over the Sunday Times’ ‘Atticus’ gossip column, he ‘dumped all interviews and stuff about bishops and establishment figures’, focusing

-education colleges and comprehensive schools did not notice such a difference).56 Most of this group did not experience the social anxiety that many other upwardly mobile people endured. Those in the most socially mixed environments experienced least stress and anxiety. When Ruth Hirst arrived at Ruskin College, ‘I couldn’t

with lone parents, pensioners, and unemployed dockers living alongside black families and a significant minority of students, hippies, social workers and trainee teachers.105 Many upwardly mobile professionals agreed with Lyn O’Reilly, who believed that ‘we weren’t that different to other workers’. Lyn believed she was still ‘part of the

was then embodied in a different form by the Conservatives’ championing of free enterprise in the 1980s. As society became a more unequal place, the upwardly mobile magpies could find their own journeys perilous and stressful, their outcome uncertain. * Of all the generations featured in this book, the magpies were the least

generations’ endeavours were the foundation on which their own easier lives and better prospects were constructed. But for young women, the effort and energy of upwardly mobile parents could provide an inspiration. In Tracey’s neighbourhood and at her comprehensive school ‘no one really expected much’ of her or her friends. ‘

generation, and younger people, too. But the mass unemployment that corroded many people’s futures helped a few, including Morrissey, to realise their dreams. These upwardly mobile magpies, like those who climbed the ladder via education and public-sector work, experienced mobility as a collective enterprise. They did not see themselves as

youth soon closed in, many of the magpies benefited from the optimism of the 1960s and 70s. For those whose parents had been upwardly mobile, and for those who were upwardly mobile themselves, Britain appeared a reasonably fair place, with plenty of opportunity. A minority made a career in the expanding finance sector, or

manual work or with the profession. As Thatcher’s children and the millennials embarked on adult life, many of them believed that only by being upwardly mobile could they be successful. Politicians encouraged this. Older strategies for collectively improving people’s lives were weakened or destroyed. Blair retained Thatcher’s anti-trade

-needed boost to the former.40 These reforms further eroded the conditions and status of teaching – the profession that had long been the destination of upwardly mobile graduates, especially women. Teachers lost much of their remaining autonomy, and their working conditions were eroded, for the owners of academy chains and free

The Class Ceiling: Why It Pays to Be Privileged

by Sam Friedman and Daniel Laurison  · 28 Jan 2019

book – social mobility not just into but within elite occupations, from ‘getting in’ to ‘getting on’. Specifically, we ask three linked questions. First, do the upwardly mobile attain the same levels of earnings or seniority as those from privileged backgrounds? Second, if not, does a ‘class ceiling’ persist even when we compare

. We also find that many conventional indicators of ‘merit’ go little way in explaining the pay gap. We find no evidence, for example, that the upwardly mobile work fewer hours, have less training or have less experience than their privileged colleagues. One marker of ‘merit’ is important, however – educational attainment. Those from

likely to have degrees and less likely to have attended prestigious universities, both of which are associated with higher earnings. Yet, tellingly, even when the upwardly mobile do achieve the highest credentials, including Oxbridge degrees and/or first 21 The Class Ceiling class84 grades, they are not able to convert them into

more able to assert their voice or opinion. But, again, our analysis revealed confidence to be a somewhat misleading explanation. For example, many of the upwardly mobile interviewees who told us they lacked confidence in such settings talked of other environments where they were very much at ease, such as with family

0,0 -£1 0 ,00 -£5 £- 0 ,00 £5 00 0,0 £1 0 0 5,0 £1 Intermediate origins Note: Class pay gaps between upwardly mobile (working-class or intermediate origin) and professional-managerial-origin people in each of our 19 elite occupational groups. Average earnings differences are statistically significant at

p<0.05 for one or both upwardly mobile groups in finance, law, medicine, chiefs of fire, ambulance and police, management consulting, accountancy, corporate senior management, public sector senior management, and IT. Source: LFS

-£5,000 -£6,000 -£7,000 -£8,000 -£9,000 No controls Demographic controls Intermediate origins Working-class origins Note: Predicted class pay gaps between upwardly mobile and professional-managerial-origin people, with no controls, and in a regression model with controls for demographics – racial-ethnic group, country of birth, age, gender

,000 -£6,000 -£7,000 -£8,000 -£9,000 Demographics only Intermediate origins All education measures Working-class origins Note: Predicted class pay gaps between upwardly mobile and professional-managerial origin people, with only demographic controls, and in a regression model with controls for demographics and educational attainment: highest degree attained, and

-£7,000 -£8,000 -£9,000 Demographics only All education measures Intermediate origins Adding ‘merit’ measures Working-class origins Note: Predicted class pay gaps between upwardly mobile and professional-managerial origin people, with only demographic controls, in a model with controls for demographics and educational attainment, and in a model that includes

-£9,000 Demographics only All education measures Intermediate origins Adding ‘merit’ measures Adding regions of UK Working-class origins Note: Predicted class pay gaps between upwardly mobile and professional-managerial origin people, with only demographic controls, in a model with controls for demographics and educational attainment, in a model that includes demographics

Demographics All education Adding ‘merit’ Adding regions only measures measures of UK Intermediate origins Adding sorting Working-class origins Note: Predicted class pay gaps between upwardly mobile and professional-managerial origin people, with only demographic controls, in a model with controls for demographics and educational attainment, in a model that includes demographics

this creative route – the dream of making, directing or producing television. However, although these initial orientations were similar, we were struck by the number of upwardly mobile interviewees who had then either deliberately chosen not to follow the ‘creative’ pathway, or who had left the track in the early or mid-section

to fight my way there. This process of occupational sorting represents a key driver of the class ceiling in television. It means that very few upwardly mobile individuals actually reach the appropriate ‘pool’ to be considered for senior creative roles in places like 6TV. Instead, their creative talents often go unrealised as

Ceiling also fundamental bases on which we evaluate “merit”. Indeed, consciously or not, gatekeepers may use cultural similarities when evaluating others and distributing valued rewards.’ Upwardly mobile staff at TC, particularly those who were women and/or members of racial-ethnic minority groups, described very different pathways to becoming a Partner. As

analysis so far is that it tilts too far towards issues of ‘demand’ rather than ‘supply’. We have thus interrogated various barriers that hold the upwardly mobile back but have neglected how the mobile themselves may be implicated in the class ceiling. What about their actions, decisions, aspirations? In Giles’s experience

tell us, people need to “really want it”, need to be “comfortable 171 The Class Ceiling asserting themselves”, need to handle “robust discussion”. But the upwardly mobile, he argues, “sometimes, not always, but sometimes shy away from that.” This is not an isolated view. Over the course of this project we spoke

views on the topic. We did find some empirical support for ‘supply-side’ explanations of the class ceiling. In particular, we found evidence that the upwardly mobile do fail to seek out leadership positions as readily as those from privileged backgrounds. This did not necessarily apply to all, or even the majority

. Yet we strongly challenge the idea that this points towards intrinsic class differences in confidence or aspiration. Instead we argue in this chapter that the upwardly mobile often commit acts of ‘self-elimination’ in elite occupations. This term is normally associated with Bourdieu, and specifically his analysis of class inequalities in the

-elimination to education, we argue that it is equally important for understanding the decisions and strategies of those negotiating the elite labour market. Here the upwardly mobile tend to self-eliminate in three ways. First, in some cases, they simply opt out of concrete progression or promotion opportunities. Second, in other instances

on to explore now. 178 Self-elimination The price of the ticket Many tend to presume that upward social mobility is a positive experience. The upwardly mobile are routinely presented as the ‘winners’ of meritocracy, romanticised figures who have made it ‘against the odds’. Popular culture abounds with such heroic tales, particularly

demonstrated the potential of this method for capturing the stickiness of class origin. Examining career trajectories within the Norwegian upper class, Toft shows that the upwardly mobile tend to have much less stable careers at the top, arriving later than their privileged colleagues and often failing to ‘stay up’.51 Unfortunately, the

already outlined – economic uncertainty, feeling less supported, or anxieties and ambivalences about ‘fitting in’. All these factors profoundly impacted the ‘career imaginations’10 of our upwardly mobile interviewees, of what they saw as possible in their careers. In Figure 11.111 we return to the heuristic diagrams that closed Chapters Three and

‘merit’ is not just affected by a person’s class background. On the contrary, we find strong evidence – and the first we know of – that upwardly mobile women and (certain) racial-ethnic minority groups face a double (and even sometimes triple) earnings disadvantage in elite occupations. Black British women from working-class

their execution of dominant behavioural codes. Our understanding of this type of mobility experience remains highly restricted. It is telling, for example, that it was upwardly mobile women and Black and Minority Ethnic actors who described their typecast as most offensive and caricatured, of trotting out the same old stereotypes – the battered

other words, acts as an energy-saving device, allowing some to get further with less effort. Equally, the metaphor also visualises the experience of those upwardly mobile individuals operating ‘against the wind’. It is not that such individuals cannot move forward, or never reach the top; just that, generally, it takes longer

further. And one question kept coming up – why? What mechanisms may be driving the class pay gap? People suggested a range of hypotheses – maybe the upwardly mobile are the victims of class discrimination, maybe they have lower aspirations, maybe they are less likely to negotiate over pay, or maybe they enter less

, see Dews and Law (1995); and van Galen and van Dempsey (2009). Some studies have also reversed this focus, looking at the specific experiences of upwardly mobile men. This work has underlined the significant emotional, intellectual and interactive work men from workingclass backgrounds must produce to combat the misalignment between masculine dispositions

focused on how ethnic bonds can actually act to inhibit (or de-incentivise) social mobility (Srinivansan, 1995; Bourdieu, 1987b). Nicola Rollock, for example, describes how upwardly mobile Black Caribbean people are often forced to abandon embodied markers associated with their ‘Blackness’ in order to gain acceptance in the white-dominated middle class

process itself tends to produces meaningful dispositions for individuals (Burawoy, 1982). This illustrates what Bourdieu (2008, p 510) calls the ‘contradictions of succession’, where the upwardly mobile experience ‘success as failure’, as a betrayal of those family and friends who have nurtured and created them. There is currently a lively academic debate

on this topic. While the work of Goldthorpe et al (1980), Marshall and Firth (1999) and more recently Chan (2017, 2017) find that the upwardly mobile often have psychologically smooth transitions, others such as Castagné et al (2016) and Hadjar and Samuel (2015) have deployed different data (qualitative and quantitative) 307

in terms of the relationship between mobility and inequality, suggesting that high inequality increases the distances one has to travel within social space to be upwardly mobile, and therefore increases the likelihood that a mobility experience will be difficult. Fischer and Voss (1996); Atkinson (2015). Skeggs (1997); Lareau (2011). The highest ‘big

why is this the case? Drawing on 175 interviews across four case studies – television, accountancy, architecture, and acting – they explore the complex barriers facing the upwardly mobile. This is a rich, ambitious book that demands we take seriously not just the glass but also the class ceiling. Sam Friedman is Associate Professor

Uneasy Street: The Anxieties of Affluence

by Rachel Sherman  · 21 Aug 2017  · 360pp  · 113,429 words

million. These stay-at-home mothers described themselves as privileged even when they did not have especially liberal politics or diverse social networks. They were “upwardly mobile” in the sense that they had been raised upper-middle-class but were now much more wealthy than that. More important, I think, was that

. Unlike those who aspired to the middle, these interviewees were usually either inheritors of wealth who worked in creative-class jobs or earners who were upwardly mobile (or, in a few cases, married to people in creative occupations). Partly for these reasons, as I discuss later, their social, professional, and familial networks

this wider range of choices.” Ultimately, discomfort of this type might be one reason people end up with increasingly homogenous social worlds over time. For upwardly mobile people, family of origin was a significant referent. Miriam, a banker earning over $1 million annually, said she currently spent social time with “probably mostly

, and they were like, ‘Do you know how many people in the world that could feed?’ So there is that type of guilt as well.” Upwardly mobile earners talked more about feeling privileged than did those earners who were not significantly wealthier now than they had been growing up. Raised middle-class

her lifestyle exactly because she and her husband have worked hard for it, but she invokes the work itself as a legitimator. Again like Paul, upwardly mobile earners alluded to their upward trajectory as evidence of hard work and intelligence and hence of merit. As we have seen, Miriam earned over $1

From Peoples into Nations

by John Connelly  · 11 Nov 2019

The invitation to Czechs did not exclude Germans, yet because Prague was mostly Czech and those who attended were from the social margins, Czechs (especially upwardly mobile students) formed the core constituency. The Germans among the early revolutionary leaders tended to be radicals, who, for the sake of social change, were willing

-fifth of the large landholders were Jews, and over one-fifth of the deputies in parliament were of Jewish parentage.52 Tens of thousands of upwardly mobile Jews also excelled in patriotism, and as teachers, journalists, and professionals went into Slovak and Romanian areas spreading Magyar culture. Numerically, Magyarized Jews made the

Communists radically opposed ethnic discrimination.9 In fact, Communists were a small minority among Jews, who tended to support Zionist, moderate socialist, and traditional parties. Upwardly mobile ethnic Romanians who aspired to urban careers believed that Jews unfairly usurped middle-class jobs: 80 percent of textile industry engineers, 51 percent of doctors

The Upside of Inequality

by Edward Conard  · 1 Sep 2016  · 436pp  · 98,538 words

poor children. Completing high school on time is a strong indication that a student will be a reliable worker—the kind of worker who is upwardly mobile. Failing to complete high school, even if a student later earns a General Educational Development (GED) certificate, has a significant effect on

The Long Twentieth Century: Money, Power, and the Origins of Our Times

by Giovanni Arrighi  · 15 Mar 2010  · 7,371pp  · 186,208 words

The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers: Economic Change and Military Conflict From 1500 to 2000

by Paul Kennedy  · 15 Jan 1989  · 1,477pp  · 311,310 words

The Upswing: How America Came Together a Century Ago and How We Can Do It Again

by Robert D. Putnam  · 12 Oct 2020  · 678pp  · 160,676 words

The Coming of Neo-Feudalism: A Warning to the Global Middle Class

by Joel Kotkin  · 11 May 2020  · 393pp  · 91,257 words

Uncomfortably Off: Why the Top 10% of Earners Should Care About Inequality

by Marcos González Hernando and Gerry Mitchell  · 23 May 2023

The Rise and Fall of American Growth: The U.S. Standard of Living Since the Civil War (The Princeton Economic History of the Western World)

by Robert J. Gordon  · 12 Jan 2016  · 1,104pp  · 302,176 words

Arrival City

by Doug Saunders  · 22 Mar 2011  · 366pp  · 117,875 words

The Great Divergence: America's Growing Inequality Crisis and What We Can Do About It

by Timothy Noah  · 23 Apr 2012  · 309pp  · 91,581 words

What Went Wrong: How the 1% Hijacked the American Middle Class . . . And What Other Countries Got Right

by George R. Tyler  · 15 Jul 2013  · 772pp  · 203,182 words

Global Inequality: A New Approach for the Age of Globalization

by Branko Milanovic  · 10 Apr 2016  · 312pp  · 91,835 words

Wealth, Poverty and Politics

by Thomas Sowell  · 31 Aug 2015  · 877pp  · 182,093 words

The Coming Plague: Newly Emerging Diseases in a World Out of Balance

by Laurie Garrett  · 31 Oct 1994  · 1,293pp  · 357,735 words

The Tyranny of Merit: What’s Become of the Common Good?

by Michael J. Sandel  · 9 Sep 2020  · 493pp  · 98,982 words

The Captured Economy: How the Powerful Enrich Themselves, Slow Down Growth, and Increase Inequality

by Brink Lindsey  · 12 Oct 2017  · 288pp  · 64,771 words

Why the West Rules--For Now: The Patterns of History, and What They Reveal About the Future

by Ian Morris  · 11 Oct 2010  · 1,152pp  · 266,246 words

Wealth and Poverty: A New Edition for the Twenty-First Century

by George Gilder  · 30 Apr 1981  · 590pp  · 153,208 words

The Great Leveler: Violence and the History of Inequality From the Stone Age to the Twenty-First Century

by Walter Scheidel  · 17 Jan 2017  · 775pp  · 208,604 words

Head, Hand, Heart: Why Intelligence Is Over-Rewarded, Manual Workers Matter, and Caregivers Deserve More Respect

by David Goodhart  · 7 Sep 2020  · 463pp  · 115,103 words

Equal Is Unfair: America's Misguided Fight Against Income Inequality

by Don Watkins and Yaron Brook  · 28 Mar 2016  · 345pp  · 92,849 words

The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined

by Steven Pinker  · 24 Sep 2012  · 1,351pp  · 385,579 words

Social Class in the 21st Century

by Mike Savage  · 5 Nov 2015  · 297pp  · 89,206 words

After the New Economy: The Binge . . . And the Hangover That Won't Go Away

by Doug Henwood  · 9 May 2005  · 306pp  · 78,893 words

Our Kids: The American Dream in Crisis

by Robert D. Putnam  · 10 Mar 2015  · 459pp  · 123,220 words

The American Dream Is Not Dead: (But Populism Could Kill It)

by Michael R. Strain  · 25 Feb 2020  · 98pp  · 27,609 words

Immigration worldwide: policies, practices, and trends

by Uma Anand Segal, Doreen Elliott and Nazneen S. Mayadas  · 19 Jan 2010  · 492pp  · 70,082 words

The Survival of the City: Human Flourishing in an Age of Isolation

by Edward Glaeser and David Cutler  · 14 Sep 2021  · 735pp  · 165,375 words

The Empathic Civilization: The Race to Global Consciousness in a World in Crisis

by Jeremy Rifkin  · 31 Dec 2009  · 879pp  · 233,093 words

The Origins of Political Order: From Prehuman Times to the French Revolution

by Francis Fukuyama  · 11 Apr 2011  · 740pp  · 217,139 words

The Meritocracy Myth

by Stephen J. McNamee  · 17 Jul 2013  · 440pp  · 108,137 words

Empire of Things: How We Became a World of Consumers, From the Fifteenth Century to the Twenty-First

by Frank Trentmann  · 1 Dec 2015  · 1,213pp  · 376,284 words

Democracy and Prosperity: Reinventing Capitalism Through a Turbulent Century

by Torben Iversen and David Soskice  · 5 Feb 2019  · 550pp  · 124,073 words

The New Class Conflict

by Joel Kotkin  · 31 Aug 2014  · 362pp  · 83,464 words

Slouching Towards Utopia: An Economic History of the Twentieth Century

by J. Bradford Delong  · 6 Apr 2020  · 593pp  · 183,240 words

Dream Hoarders: How the American Upper Middle Class Is Leaving Everyone Else in the Dust, Why That Is a Problem, and What to Do About It

by Richard V. Reeves  · 22 May 2017  · 198pp  · 52,089 words

Greece

by Korina Miller  · 1 Mar 2010

Creating Unequal Futures?: Rethinking Poverty, Inequality and Disadvantage

by Ruth Fincher and Peter Saunders  · 1 Jul 2001  · 267pp  · 79,905 words

Winner-Take-All Politics: How Washington Made the Rich Richer-And Turned Its Back on the Middle Class

by Paul Pierson and Jacob S. Hacker  · 14 Sep 2010  · 602pp  · 120,848 words

The Spirit Level: Why Greater Equality Makes Societies Stronger

by Richard Wilkinson and Kate Pickett  · 1 Jan 2009  · 309pp  · 86,909 words

Reskilling America: Learning to Labor in the Twenty-First Century

by Katherine S. Newman and Hella Winston  · 18 Apr 2016  · 338pp  · 92,465 words

The New Urban Crisis: How Our Cities Are Increasing Inequality, Deepening Segregation, and Failing the Middle Class?and What We Can Do About It

by Richard Florida  · 9 May 2016  · 356pp  · 91,157 words

Political Order and Political Decay: From the Industrial Revolution to the Globalization of Democracy

by Francis Fukuyama  · 29 Sep 2014  · 828pp  · 232,188 words

The Complacent Class: The Self-Defeating Quest for the American Dream

by Tyler Cowen  · 27 Feb 2017  · 287pp  · 82,576 words

Work: A History of How We Spend Our Time

by James Suzman  · 2 Sep 2020  · 909pp  · 130,170 words

Unhealthy societies: the afflictions of inequality

by Richard G. Wilkinson  · 19 Nov 1996  · 268pp  · 89,761 words

Nixonland: The Rise of a President and the Fracturing of America

by Rick Perlstein  · 1 Jan 2008  · 1,351pp  · 404,177 words

Squeezed: Why Our Families Can't Afford America

by Alissa Quart  · 25 Jun 2018  · 320pp  · 90,526 words

Respectable: The Experience of Class

by Lynsey Hanley  · 20 Apr 2016  · 230pp  · 79,229 words

The Sum of Small Things: A Theory of the Aspirational Class

by Elizabeth Currid-Halkett  · 14 May 2017  · 550pp  · 89,316 words

White Trash: The 400-Year Untold History of Class in America

by Nancy Isenberg  · 20 Jun 2016  · 709pp  · 191,147 words

Tightrope: Americans Reaching for Hope

by Nicholas D. Kristof and Sheryl Wudunn  · 14 Jan 2020  · 307pp  · 96,543 words

Super Pumped: The Battle for Uber

by Mike Isaac  · 2 Sep 2019  · 444pp  · 127,259 words

Whiteshift: Populism, Immigration and the Future of White Majorities

by Eric Kaufmann  · 24 Oct 2018  · 691pp  · 203,236 words

The Meritocracy Trap: How America's Foundational Myth Feeds Inequality, Dismantles the Middle Class, and Devours the Elite

by Daniel Markovits  · 14 Sep 2019  · 976pp  · 235,576 words

The Aristocracy of Talent: How Meritocracy Made the Modern World

by Adrian Wooldridge  · 2 Jun 2021  · 693pp  · 169,849 words

Enlightenment Now: The Case for Reason, Science, Humanism, and Progress

by Steven Pinker  · 13 Feb 2018  · 1,034pp  · 241,773 words

The Second Machine Age: Work, Progress, and Prosperity in a Time of Brilliant Technologies

by Erik Brynjolfsson and Andrew McAfee  · 20 Jan 2014  · 339pp  · 88,732 words

The Rational Optimist: How Prosperity Evolves

by Matt Ridley  · 17 May 2010  · 462pp  · 150,129 words

Surfaces and Essences

by Douglas Hofstadter and Emmanuel Sander  · 10 Sep 2012  · 1,079pp  · 321,718 words

Lonely Planet China (Travel Guide)

by Lonely Planet and Shawn Low  · 1 Apr 2015  · 3,292pp  · 537,795 words

Imagining India

by Nandan Nilekani  · 25 Nov 2008  · 777pp  · 186,993 words

The Road to Somewhere: The Populist Revolt and the Future of Politics

by David Goodhart  · 7 Jan 2017  · 382pp  · 100,127 words

Evil Geniuses: The Unmaking of America: A Recent History

by Kurt Andersen  · 14 Sep 2020  · 486pp  · 150,849 words

Economic Dignity

by Gene Sperling  · 14 Sep 2020  · 667pp  · 149,811 words

Migrant City: A New History of London

by Panikos Panayi  · 4 Feb 2020

Triumph of the Yuppies: America, the Eighties, and the Creation of an Unequal Nation

by Tom McGrath  · 3 Jun 2024  · 326pp  · 103,034 words

Trust: The Social Virtue and the Creation of Prosperity

by Francis Fukuyama  · 1 Jan 1995  · 585pp  · 165,304 words

Breakout Nations: In Pursuit of the Next Economic Miracles

by Ruchir Sharma  · 8 Apr 2012  · 411pp  · 114,717 words

Wall Street: How It Works And for Whom

by Doug Henwood  · 30 Aug 1998  · 586pp  · 159,901 words

Work Won't Love You Back: How Devotion to Our Jobs Keeps Us Exploited, Exhausted, and Alone

by Sarah Jaffe  · 26 Jan 2021  · 490pp  · 153,455 words

The Idea of Decline in Western History

by Arthur Herman  · 8 Jan 1997  · 717pp  · 196,908 words

The Cost of Inequality: Why Economic Equality Is Essential for Recovery

by Stewart Lansley  · 19 Jan 2012  · 223pp  · 10,010 words

The American Way of Poverty: How the Other Half Still Lives

by Sasha Abramsky  · 15 Mar 2013  · 406pp  · 113,841 words

The Origins of the Urban Crisis

by Sugrue, Thomas J.

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Andrew Carnegie

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Quicksilver

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USA Travel Guide

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Two Nations, Indivisible: A History of Inequality in America: A History of Inequality in America

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The History of the Future: Oculus, Facebook, and the Revolution That Swept Virtual Reality

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God Is Back: How the Global Revival of Faith Is Changing the World

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Capitalism, Alone: The Future of the System That Rules the World

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The Code: Silicon Valley and the Remaking of America

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Sleeping Giant: How the New Working Class Will Transform America

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Rough Guide to San Francisco and the Bay Area

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Evicted: Poverty and Profit in the American City

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Pedigree: How Elite Students Get Elite Jobs

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Servant Economy: Where America's Elite Is Sending the Middle Class

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Debt of Honor

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Triumph of the City: How Our Greatest Invention Makes Us Richer, Smarter, Greener, Healthier, and Happier

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Capital Without Borders

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The Working Poor: Invisible in America

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The Unbanking of America: How the New Middle Class Survives

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1,000 Places to See in the United States and Canada Before You Die, Updated Ed.

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Capitalism in America: A History

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Behemoth: A History of the Factory and the Making of the Modern World

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Red November: Inside the Secret U.S.-Soviet Submarine War

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Power and Progress: Our Thousand-Year Struggle Over Technology and Prosperity

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Happy City: Transforming Our Lives Through Urban Design

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Business Adventures: Twelve Classic Tales From the World of Wall Street

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Vanishing Frontiers: The Forces Driving Mexico and the United States Together

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Factory Girls: From Village to City in a Changing China

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World Cities and Nation States

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The Color of Money: Black Banks and the Racial Wealth Gap

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Make Your Own Job: How the Entrepreneurial Work Ethic Exhausted America

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Flight of the WASP

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The World Beyond Your Head: On Becoming an Individual in an Age of Distraction

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Digital Wars: Apple, Google, Microsoft and the Battle for the Internet

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Currency Wars: The Making of the Next Gobal Crisis

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Chicken: The Dangerous Transformation of America's Favorite Food

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Evil by Design: Interaction Design to Lead Us Into Temptation

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Because Internet: Understanding the New Rules of Language

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Economic Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy

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Pound Foolish: Exposing the Dark Side of the Personal Finance Industry

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Lonely Planet Scotland

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