urban renewal
description: program of land redevelopment in cities, often where there is urban decay
336 results
Business Lessons From a Radical Industrialist
by Ray C. Anderson · 28 Mar 2011 · 412pp · 113,782 words
enough? My right brain seemed inadequate for the challenge. Fortunately, our guest speaker that night, Majora Carter, a visionary voice in city planning who views urban renewal through an environmental lens, had a lot to say to us about some of these things. Carter was awarded a 2005 MacArthur “genius” grant after
J.K. Lasser's Your Income Tax 2016: For Preparing Your 2015 Tax Return
by J. K. Lasser Institute · 19 Oct 2015
loan under the Disaster Relief Act is treated as a partial reimbursement of the loss and reduces the amount of the loss. Payments from an urban renewal agency to acquire your damaged property under the Federal Relocation Act of 1970 are considered reimbursements reducing the loss. Insurance payments for the cost of
J.K. Lasser's Your Income Tax
by J K Lasser Institute · 30 Oct 2012 · 2,045pp · 566,714 words
loan under the Disaster Relief Act is treated as a partial reimbursement of the loss and reduces the amount of the loss. Payments from an urban renewal agency to acquire your damaged property under the Federal Relocation Act of 1970 are considered reimbursements reducing the loss. Insurance payments for the cost of
The Lost Decade: 2010–2020, and What Lies Ahead for Britain
by Polly Toynbee and David Walker · 3 Mar 2020 · 279pp · 90,888 words
had lost 50 per cent of its government grant, and yet he felt he needed to talk positively about the social programmes, housebuilding, growth and urban renewal. Duality marked Rees’s own story as a mixed-race Bristolian. ‘When I was growing up, there was plenty of abuse,’ he remembers. But now
The Making of an Atlantic Ruling Class
by Kees Van der Pijl · 2 Jun 2014 · 572pp · 134,335 words
his successor to win final congressional approval. In his own lifetime, Kennedy succeeded in having passed an improved minimum wage, low-cost housing projects and urban renewal, as well as a $900 million public works programme.78 Employment was still recovering from the 1958 and 1959/60 recessions when Kennedy came to
EuroTragedy: A Drama in Nine Acts
by Ashoka Mody · 7 May 2018
grants for first- time home buyers, mortgage- interest deduction, and tax breaks 178 e u r o t r a g e d y on urban-renewal schemes and capital gains.93 In 1996, the IMF had noted the disturbingly rapid increase in property prices and had warned against policy measures to
The Third Industrial Revolution: How Lateral Power Is Transforming Energy, the Economy, and the World
by Jeremy Rifkin · 27 Sep 2011 · 443pp · 112,800 words
, Albuquerque, and Almeda. The basic idea is that the province would use the revenue generated from property taxes in the newly developed areas to finance urban renewal projects in the older sectors of the city. However, because the end goal of these initiatives is economic, the programs often receive criticism for being
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too much like a Robin Hood scheme—stealing from the rich and giving to the poor. But if the notion of urban renewal also included energy savings and environmental protection for the whole region, “energy financing” would ultimately benefit both the rich and the poor. The property tax
The Metropolitan Revolution: The Rise of Post-Urban America
by Jon C. Teaford · 1 Jan 2006 · 395pp · 115,753 words
the remaining dwelling units for middle-class occupants. In 1955 demolition began, and the following year the commission secured approval for $26 million in federal urban renewal funds. The neighborhood was not to be lily-white; middle-class blacks were not excluded. But Hyde Park was to remain a bastion against
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newspaper, “hooted, shouted and screamed its protest amid tears, accusations and charges of collusion.” Dolores Rubillo, a leader of the Eastwick forces, called “this urban-renewal program as used in Philadelphia a socialistic move against the many for the capitalistic gain of the few. We revolt against it.”63 During the
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seconded these sentiments, for they were likewise proposing the destruction of black slums located too near downtown. Protesting the exclusion of blacks from Tampa’s urban renewal decision making, a Florida civil rights leader observed that “the practice here has been to plan for rather than with local minority groups.”73
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means for reversing these figures was to redevelop West Oak-land, the center of black population in the city. Oakland’s renewal plan emphasized that “urban renewal in West Oakland … should reinforce the vitality of the downtown area, creating new job opportunities and a new tax base.” Some West Oakland blacks,
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in which to live and work” was middle class and overwhelmingly white. In a number of cities of the trans-Mississippi West, federally financed urban renewal proved so unacceptable that it never was implemented. Although business leaders in Omaha’s chamber of commerce were eager to apply federal dollars to that
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Committee for Protection of Property Rights led the crusade against government condemnation of blighted properties. In a 1966 referendum, Fort Worth conservatives decisively consigned urban renewal to oblivion when voters rejected it by a 4 to 1 margin.77 Nearby Dallas was equally offended by the prospect of federal assistance and
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and a handful of drab townhouses looking for occupants.”82 Unfortunately, the West End was not an isolated instance of the heartlessness of urban renewal. By early 1963, federal urban renewal projects had already evicted approximately 609,000 people, and federal authorities anticipated displacing over 3 million more by 1972.83 Renewal agencies were
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West End residents were not the only ones who suffered socially from the penurious relocation program. A 1966 study of those displaced by the Southwest urban renewal project in Washington, D.C., found that in the five years since relocation one-quarter of the evicted had not made one new friend
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notion that renewal produced grief, higher rents, and substandard housing for a substantial number of the poor could only add to growing doubts about the urban renewal crusade. Small businesses likewise bore an undue burden in the fight to preserve a single central focus to the metropolis. By the close of
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1961, federal urban renewal projects had already evicted 21,439 businesses, and authorities were predicting the dislocation of 300,000 firms by 1970.87 A study of businesses displaced
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by highway or urban renewal projects in Providence, Rhode Island, from 1954 through 1959 found that about 40 percent of the firms in renewal areas and 30 percent in
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light plane pilots to assume the city was constructing a landing strip for them next to its busiest retail area.”93 FIGURE 3.7 Vacant urban renewal site in the center of Detroit, 1950s. (Walter P. Reuther Library, Wayne State University) By the early 1960s, private investors in renewal projects were
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-subsidized effort to reinforce the urban core. During the second decade after World War II, New Haven, Connecticut, was a much admired showcase of urban renewal with plans for redevelopment that were the envy of public officials and downtown leaders throughout the nation. Yet in 1962, the primary private developer of
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for new apartments, excessive red tape, delays owing to political meddling, and the cumbersome review process mandated by federal officials all meant that an urban renewal project was a risky investment at best. One could make more money with less hassle by building shopping malls in suburbia. The most notable foe
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from the renewal bulldozers. In February 1961, New York’s mayor, Robert Wagner, proposed that the West Village be designated a blighted area targeted for urban renewal. Confronting this threat, Jacobs assumed leadership of the Committee to Save the West Village. “The aim of the committee is to kill this project
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?”88 In the working-class Charlestown district of Boston, the opposition was virtually as intense. Charlestown whites had earlier fought the physical engineering plots of urban renewal authorities to disrupt their enclave, and now they mobilized against the social engineers of busing. In fact, whites throughout the city opposed busing, and
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the early twentieth century. A grimy assortment of ramshackle structures, Pike Place was saved from destruction in 1971 when Seattle’s voters rejected a proposed urban renewal project for the market’s site. During the 1970s, Pike Place was carefully rehabilitated, its original down-at-the-heels ambience being preserved. Unlike
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and through the building of sleek, new office towers that supplanted the grimy remnants of the Victorian era. Desiring to erase the dirty past, these urban renewal schemes had aimed at breakneck modernization. But this strategy had failed. The central city lost its unchallenged preeminence and became simply the oldest and largest
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not as bad off as Detroit. Yet the adverse signs of decentralization marked many other inner cities and downtowns. By the late 1990s, the urban renewal shopping mall that was intended to revive central New Haven was largely empty, Macy’s having vacated its anchor store in 1993. In 2004 the
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: The City that Quick-Changed from Unbelievable Ugliness to Shining Beauty in Less than Half a Generation,” Holiday, March 1959, p. 80. 10. Report on Urban Renewal in Cleveland (Cleveland: Cleveland Advertising Club, 1955), p. 3. See also Teaford Rough Road to Renaissance, p. 48. 11. Katharine Lyall, “A Bicycle Built
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Highway Politics, 1939–1989, rev. ed. (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1990), p. 65. 18. Thomas H. O’Connor, Building a New Boston: Politics and Urban Renewal, 1950–1970 (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1993), pp. 82–88. 19. John W. Stamper, “Making the Mile Magnificent,” Chicago History 30 (2001): 19. 20.
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), p. 12; William B. Dickinson, This Is Greater Philadelphia (Philadelphia: Bulletin Company, 1954), p. 25. 29. Martin Anderson, The Federal Bulldozer: A Critical Analysis of Urban Renewal, 1949–1962 (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1964), p. 98. 30. Rose, Interstate, p. 65; “Can the Big Cities Come Back?” p. 77. 31. Teaford,
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Twentieth-Century Atlanta, p. 83. 48. Sugrue, Origins of the Urban Crisis, pp. 84–85. 49. William D. Jenkins, “Before Downtown: Cleveland, Ohio, and Urban Renewal, 1949–1958,” Journal of Urban History 27 (2001): 488–89. 50. Arnold R. Hirsch, Making the Second Ghetto: Race and Housing in Chicago, 1940–1960
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Ibid., p. 207; James H. Andrew, “Leisure Power,” Planning, November 1999, pp. 4, 6–7. 63. Guian A. McKee, “Liberal Ends Through Illiberal Means: Race, Urban Renewal, and Community in the Eastwick Section of Philadelphia, 1949–1990,” Journal of Urban History 27 (2001): 556–57. 64. Chicago Tribune, 14 February 1961, pt
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the 1960s and 1970s (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1991), pp. 121, 122; Thomas H. O’Connor, Building a New Boston: Politics and Urban Renewal, 1950–1970 (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1993), p. 219. 66. O’Connor, Building a New Boston, pp. 220–21. 67. Joseph A. Rodriguez, City
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American West (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1993), p. 45. 79. Adde, Nine Cities, p. 181. 80. Chester Hartman, “The Housing of Relocated Families,” in Urban Renewal: The Record and the Controversy, ed. James Q. Wilson (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1966), p. 306. 81. Marc Fried, “Grieving for a Lost Home:
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Psychological Costs of Relocation,” in Urban Renewal, ed. Wilson, p. 360. 82. Wolf Von Eckardt, “Bulldozers and Bureaucrats,” New Republic, 14 September 1963, p. 15. 83. Martin Anderson, The Federal Bulldozer:
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, “Housing of Relocated Families,” pp. 305, 310, 318–20. 87. Anderson, Federal Bulldozer, pp. 68–69. 88. Basil Zimmer, “The Small Businessman and Relocation,” in Urban Renewal, ed. Wilson, p. 382. 89. Frieden and Sagalyn, Downtown, Inc., p. 35. 90. Anderson, Federal Bulldozer, p. 70. 91. Ibid., pp. 73, 90. 92.
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., pp. 192–93. 97. New York Times, 27 February 1961, p. 29; 4 March 1961, p. 11. 98. J. Clarence Davies III, Neighborhood Groups and Urban Renewal (New York: Columbia University Press, 1966), p. 88. 99. Ibid., p. 94. 100. New York Times, 19 October 1961, p. 1. 101. Davies, Neighborhood
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Groups and Urban Renewal, p. 104. 102. New York Times, 7 December 1962, p. 32. 103. Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities (New York: Random
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gentrification; and housing discrimination; in new towns; population of, in cities; in public housing; and racial violence; and school integration; and segregation; in suburbs; and urban renewal Akron, Ohio Allegheny Conference on Community Development Allen, Frederick Lewis Anaheim, Calif. Anderson, Marion Anderson, Martin antisprawl measures antisuburban literature Arlington, Tex. Arlington, Va. Arlington
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in; highways in; manufacturing in; North End; office employment in; office space in; parking in; population of; pornography in; retailing decline in; school integration in; urban renewal in Bradley, Tom Bronxville, N.Y. Brookline, Mass. Brooklyn, Ill. Brown, Les Brown v. Board of Education Buffalo, N.Y. Burger, Warren Byrne, Jane
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of; boomburbs near; department stores in; edge city near; gated communities near; hotels in; office buildings in; postwar planning in; racial discrimination in; suburbs of; urban renewal in Daly City, Calif. Davis, Mike Day, Doris Dayton, Ohio Dearborn, Mich. Denver, Colo.; African American population of; boomburbs near; department stores in; downtown
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living in; Hispanics in; hotels in; office buildings in; rehabilitation of old commercial areas in; sprawl in; urban renewal in Des Plaines, Ill. Detroit, Mich.; abandoned property in; African American district of; African American employment in; African American empowerment in; African American population of
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in; population of; postwar planning in; racial discrimination in; racial violence in; school integration in; shopping malls near; sports teams in; suburbs of; theaters in; urban renewal in; Wal-Mart in Didion, Joan Dinkins, David Duany, Andres East Los Angeles, Calif. East Saint Louis, Ill. Easterbrook, Greg edge cities: Arlington, Va.;
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discrimination at; in suburbs Houston, Tex.; African American population of; downtown living in; new town near; racial discrimination in; shopper preferences in; shopping mall near; urban renewal in Hoyt, Homer Hsieh, Frederic Hubbard, Orville Huxtable, Ada Louise Ice Cube Indianapolis, Ind. Irvine, Calif. Irving, Tex. Jackson, Leola Jackson, Maynard Jacksonville, Fla.
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-African American relations in; office buildings in; parking in; race relations in; racial discrimination in; racial violence in; railroad station in; suburbs of; theaters in; urban renewal in; welfare recipients in Louisville, Ky. Mamaroneck, N.Y. Mandela, Nelson Manhasset, N.Y. manufacturing Maple Heights, Ohio Marietta, Ga. Mayfield Heights, Ohio Mayweathers,
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Moore; new town near; office buildings in; population of; pornography in; retailing decline in; shopping malls near; sports facilities in; suburbanization of corporate headquarters near; urban renewal relocatees in Mobile, Ala. Monterey Park, Calif. Montgomery, Ala. Moore, Mary Tyler Moscone, George Moses, Robert New Haven, Conn. New Orleans, La. new towns:
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; manufacturing decline in; municipal finances of; population of; postwar planning in; racial discrimination in; racial violence in; revitalization boosters in; shopping mall near; suburbs of; urban renewal opponents in Phoenix, Ariz. Pike Place (Seattle, Wash.) Pittsburgh, Pa.; African American population of; air pollution in; foreign born in; Gateway Center; highways in;
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; population of; postwar planning in; public housing in; racial discrimination in; railroad station in; retailing decline in; revitalization boosters in; sports facilities in; suburbs of; urban renewal in Saint Paul, Minn. Salt Lake City, Utah San Antonio, Tex. San Bernardino, Calif. San Clemente, Calif. San Francisco, Calif.; African American population of;
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opponents in; homosexuals in; office buildings in; postwar planning in; public housing in; racial discrimination in; racial violence in; shopping mall near; and Silicon Valley; urban renewal in; and War on Poverty San Juan Capistrano, Calif. San Marino, Calif. San Mateo, Calif. Sanders, Harland Scala, Florence Scarsdale, N.Y.; building restrictions
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Act (1949) Title VII, of Housing and Urban Development Act (1970) Toledo, Ohio Tysons Corner, Va. Underground Atlanta Union City, N.J. University of Chicago urban renewal: and African Americans; business support for; legislation for; newspaper support for; opposition to; planning for; projects for; as response to blight; shortcomings of Utt,
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population, share of; new towns near; newspaper support for renewal of; racial discrimination in; racial integration in; railroad station in; shopping mall near; suburbs of; urban renewal critics in Waters, Ethel Webb, Del Wellesley, Mass. West Hollywood, Calif. West Miami, Fla. West New York, N.J. West Palm Beach, Fla. Westminster,
Cape Town After Apartheid: Crime and Governance in the Divided City
by Tony Roshan Samara · 12 Jun 2011 · 252pp · 13,581 words
Journal of Southern African Studies 31, no. 1 (March 2005): 209–27. Portions of chapters 3 and 4 were previously published as “Policing Development: Urban Renewal as Neoliberal Security Strategy,” Urban Studies 47, no. 1 (January 2010): 197–214. Cartography by Steve McClure, George Mason University Copyright 2011 by the Regents
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Crime Prevention and the Reintegration of Offenders NIS National Intelligence Service NNP New National Party Nodoc National Operations Coordinating Mechanism NP National Party NURP National Urban Renewal Programme PAGAD People Against Gangsterism and Drugs POCA Prevention of Organized Crime Act POPCRU Police and Prison Civil Rights Union RDP Reconstruction and Development
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perceived relationship between security and socioeconomic development and the role of this perception in shaping governance. Second, they provide a glimpse of the meaning of urban renewal in the imaginations of urban elites and the myriad ways in which young people—young men in particular—be they students, workers, gangsters, or
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or neoliberal economic development, but in fact is essential to this approach. Neoliberal governance and its definition of development and related security requirements shape urban renewal in both the sprawling townships and the concentrated downtown–suburban core, though in quite distinct ways that link each of them to rich and poor
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many cities, and a narrowing range of options as a consequence of changes at the national and global scales. Here, as elsewhere, development and urban renewal have been subsumed under and articulated through neoliberalism, which, although appearing in many guises, means for all cities under its sway renewed and reinvigorated tensions
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the merging of specific security and development agendas under a pervasive logic of neoliberalism that is global in scope and varied in its many manifestations. Urban renewal in Cape Town is one case of this global phenomenon, whereby certain challenges linked to failed or underdeveloped states 8╇ ·â•‡ Introduction are coded
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see, the governance of these two areas is part of a coherent and rational governing ideology expressed through the language of development or, more specifically, urban renewal, but there are stark differences between them in the actual meaning and practice of security. The differences are rarely, if ever, mutually exclusive, and
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relationship with the history and development of Cape Town, their relative size, and their central position in public debates and personal nightmares around crime and urban renewal in the city, are the focus of this study. Through their participation in the area’s Introduction╇ ·â•‡ 21 economy, their pervasiveness in
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poor communities, and their mobilization of many young people, the gangs of the Cape Flats coloured communities figure prominently in existing urban renewal efforts and have become a convenient and popular scapegoat on which to pin both the crime crisis and the failure of meaningful socioeconomic development. Coloured
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international legitimacy, financing, and expertise. The second section of the chapter addresses these issues with regard to Cape Town specifically and demonstrates how neoliberal urban renewal and the war on crime have come to underpin governance in the postapartheid city. Chapter 2 is focused on street children in the affluent, disproportionately
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the transition and the emergence of crime as a governmental category through which to represent marginalized young people of color. As the chapter reveals, urban renewal is central to this process, functioning as a dominant discourse and mechanism through which security governance is conceived and implemented. It does so by
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, white collar crime, gender/ child violence, intergroup violence, vehicle theft and hijacking, and corruption in the criminal justice system. The NCPS and the National Urban Renewal Programme (NURP), introduced three years later, were the two primary national initiatives intended to address the twin challenges of crime reduction and social development, and
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how through categories and vocabularies of neoliberal governance, the black threat is rearticulated in ways more appropriate to a democratic era. The emergent narrative of urban renewal and revitalization—and threats to them—contains embedded, locally understood racial codes that remain central to maintaining tight control over urban space. The state
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mission would be. From the very beginning, city authorities insisted that establishing security had to precede redevelopment, setting the tone for the following years of urban renewal. The turnaround process was institutionalized through the formation of the Cape Town Partnership in 1999, the same year as the ill-fated Operation Reclaim.
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as new ways to talk about old problems, interests, and conflicts in ways that reflect new sensibilities, a concern that frequently appears in criticisms of urban renewal by NGOs, researchers, and community groups. One Cape Town parastatal organization, the Western Cape Provincial Development Council (WCPDC), commenting on the draft Integrated Development
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old. What is noteworthy, however, are the ways these patterns of panic and repression are becoming intertwined within discourses and practices of social crime prevention, urban renewal, and development in a city committed to urban entrepreneurialism and a country committed to multiracial democracy. There emerges a “split personality” of sorts, as
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NCPS. As the following discussion details, however, even in the early stages signs emerged that what had been conceived of as an integrated, multipronged urban renewal approach was slipping into a narrowly focused crime control and security campaign that did not adequately address the developmental needs of the communities generally and
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point secure, and could in fact weaken if police have access to resources to “go straight and . . .” The implications for urban renewal on the Cape Flats is significant, as urban renewal is steadily becoming a process of disciplining youth who have been largely abandoned by other, more supportive state initiatives. The police become
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of youth workers I spoke with, as we will see in the next chapter, indicating a potentially counterproductive consequence of aggressive policing in anticrime and urban renewal programs that, in theory, are meant to center social crime prevention and development. The prevalence of conflict between poor communities and police and the
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and the wave of urban terror were brought under control, they survived, morphing into the anticrime and antigangsterism initiatives that continue to structure current urban renewal strategies on the Cape Flats. The four operations carried out during the Cape War are described in a monograph published by the Institute for Security
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discourses newly available with the opening of the country to the global marketplace, all within the complex and contradictory contexts of criminal justice reform and urban renewal, the pressure to end the violence and the legacy of apartheid policing, and fractured relationships between communities and the police. At the same time,
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as integral elements social development and social crime prevention measures to soften its hard edge and harmonize the operation with the principles of the new urban renewal program. In this sense it was a bridge of sorts, linking the antiterror operations to the increasingly central anticrime operations. The last major operation
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of criminality that still infuse South African society, legitimated by their basis in “international” law enforcement practice and operationalized in the antigangsterism focus of urban renewal. Not only does a war on crime funnel more young black men into the prison system, the antigangsterism crackdowns also mean that more youth in
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operations conducted against the antiapartheid movement. De Kock also figures in another interesting case of apartheid-era holdovers who were linked to recent anticrime and urban renewal efforts on the Cape Flats. In his testimony before the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, he detailed a long list of counterinsurgency operations in which
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this form of security governance has survived the transition from apartheid to neoliberalism, how it produces insecurity, and the consequences for communities and the broader urban renewal agenda. In this final chapter we turn to the other piece of the governance equation, the relationship of the local neoliberal state to underdevelopment.
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provincial leaders to fortify the neoliberal core and simultaneously impose a form of neoliberal discipline in the townships. This securitization of development has subsequently generated urban renewal initiatives that produce criminality and reproduce insecurity. 153 154 ╇ ·â•‡ The Production of Criminality on the Urban Periphery We have examined the role
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the Kennedy Road settlement in Durban the next year—but they are especially relevant here because they are between the formal governance structures responsible for urban renewal in their official capacity and township communities.1 Mirroring the response to remobilized communities across the nation, the local state has not only been
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townships. Chaos and Community: Policing Underdevelopment The contradictions between social development, fiscal austerity associated with municipal neoliberalism, and the central role of law enforcement in urban renewal came to a head in September 2001: They [police] went about shooting at women and children without an ounce of remorse, and then one
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benefit from the demise of the apartheid system when they organize to demand change and accountability. The Tafelsig water war underscores the extent to which urban renewal is an often bitterly contested ground over which the state and communities regularly conflict, sometimes violently. It also suggests that the issue of police
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relations is not limited by the issues of crime and gangsterism but, as the renewal strategies implicitly acknowledge, is in fact central to the entire urban renewal and development project. It is not difficult to believe that the frequent clashes between communities and security forces, whether public or private, around socioeconomic
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With the exception of responses related to the campaign itself, including questions about how representative the sample is, the areas covered the whole range of urban renewal and development challenges and problems facing the city’s residents. The four most common responses, in descending order of priority, were: availability and upgrading
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and authorities over development issues. However, although the rift between communities and the state over service delivery constitutes the biggest fault line beneath the urban renewal process and the most intense expression of conflict generated by neoliberal governance, there are also a number of administrative and political problems in the actual
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contend. The distinction may appear semantic but it is a difference of emphasis that too often is absent in practice in anticrime and urban renewal strategies. An urban renewal strategy whose primary focus was comprehensive youth development rather than the arrest of gang leaders would not only cut the legs out from under
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of basic changes to address the many facets of youth involvement with gangsterism has yet to emerge. Tensions between the state and the communities around urban renewal, as discussed previously, are provoking conflict pitting residents against the state, and in key renewal communities, a number of these are specific to youth
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Whereas clashes between the government and residents around socioeconomic development occur all too frequently, gangs continue to provide youth with many of the services that urban renewal has yet to deliver, and in a sustained and multipronged manner. Although on the one hand conflicts between residents and the state over the
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like “Ready to Govern.” In the townships of the Cape Flats, this is most evident in the steady morphing of counterterrorist operations into anticrime/urban renewal operations under the guise of democratic police reform as defined in large part internationally by the United States, and the complementary underdevelopment of sustained socioeconomic
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police, paramilitary police, intelligence gatherers, or accomplices of the gangs they are meant to fight. Conclusion Apartheid, Democracy, and the Urban Future Policing and urban renewal in Cape Town today are part of a lineage of governance strategies bound up with unresolved social tensions that have evolved over decades. These tensions
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without substantial resistance at times, and rearticulated; taken for granted injustices of the “past” are imbued with new meanings through overlapping discourses of crime, urban renewal, and world class cities, which are then deployed to manage them in ways that acknowledge this past while ignoring it. Economic and political leaders continue
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Americans gang leader that committing crime in the CBD has become more difficult and the campaign against street children both speak to the success of urban renewal initiatives in operationalizing these politics and simultaneously naturalizing outcomes that are produced only through great effort and great neglect. The danger and anxiety that
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:// www.tomdispatch.com/post/1386/mike_davis_on_the_pentagon_s_urban_war_ planning (accessed November 11, 2010). 36.╯Tony Roshan Samara, “Policing Development: Urban Renewal as Neoliberal Security Strategy,” Urban Studies 47 no. 1 (2010): 197–214; Samara, “Development, Social Justice and Global Governance”; Michel Foucault, “Governmentality,” in The
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South Africa’s Metropolitan Cities (Johannesburg: Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation, December 2002), 9, 12. 33.╯Western Cape Provincial Development Council, Urban Renewal Strategy for the Cape Town Unicity: 33. 34.╯Ibid., 35. 35.╯Clifford Shearing, “Toward Democratic Policing: Rethinking Strategies of Transformation,” from the
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Transformation 1.╯Judy Damon, “Urban Terror Slashed, Now for Gangsters,” Cape Times, March 29, 2001. 2.╯Janine Rauch, Thinking Big: The National Urban Renewal Programme and Crime Prevention in South Africa’s Metropolitan Cities (Johannesburg: Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation, December 2002), 23. A skepticism toward
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International Affairs 2001, 171. 45.╯Law Enforcement and the Criminal Justice System, Goedgedacht Forum for Social Reflection. 46.╯Western Cape Provincial Development Council, Urban Renewal Strategy for the Cape Town Unicity, 43. 47.╯Interview, July 2002. 48.╯Ben Roberts, “Between Trust and Skepticism: Public Confidence in Institutions,”
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28, 2002. 20.╯Ibid., July 8, 2002. 21.╯Ntabazalilia, “Frustration Fuels Anti-Eviction Campaign.” 22.╯Janine Rauch, Thinking Big: The National Urban Renewal Programme and Crime Prevention in South Africa’s Metropolitan Cities (Johannesburg: Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation, December 2002), 18. 23.╯Interview
J.K. Lasser's Your Income Tax 2014
by J. K. Lasser · 5 Oct 2013 · 1,845pp · 567,850 words
loan under the Disaster Relief Act is treated as a partial reimbursement of the loss and reduces the amount of the loss. Payments from an urban renewal agency to acquire your damaged property under the Federal Relocation Act of 1970 are considered reimbursements reducing the loss. Insurance payments for the cost of
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