by Angus Deaton · 15 Mar 2013 · 374pp · 114,660 words
of California at Berkeley.24 It had long been known that the data on incomes from household surveys were not very useful for looking at very high incomes; there are too few such people to show up regularly in nationally representative surveys. (Even if approached at random, they might also be less likely
by Ruth Fincher and Peter Saunders · 1 Jul 2001 · 267pp · 79,905 words
of indigenous households and families in the top quintile of Australian incomes, the broad results indicated above remain unchanged. That is, over one-quarter of very high-income indigenous households and families have members with long-term health problems and about 10 per cent of members have been arrested. BENCHMARKING INDIGENOUS ARREST RATES
by Lucas Chancel · 15 Jan 2020 · 191pp · 51,242 words
of more than 90 percent of the world’s population. Improvements can still be made to the methodology—with regard both to adequately accounting for very high incomes and to expanding the measure of carbon dioxide to include all equivalent greenhouse gases—but the results so far obtained are illuminating. Three principal conclusions
by Thomas Piketty · 10 Mar 2014 · 935pp · 267,358 words
of all wages would be relatively small. Thus to judge the inequality of a society, it is not enough to observe that some individuals earn very high incomes. For example, to say that the “income scale goes from 1 to 10” or even “1 to 100” does not actually tell us very much
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decile owning typically 90 percent of all wealth, with 50 percent belonging to the upper centile alone). The total income hierarchy is then dominated by very high incomes from capital, especially inherited capital. This is the pattern we see in Ancien Régime France and in Europe during the Belle Époque, with on the
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somewhat different characterization). In other words, this is a very inegalitarian society, but one in which the peak of the income hierarchy is dominated by very high incomes from labor rather than by inherited wealth. I want to be clear that at this stage I am not making a judgment about whether a
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early 1980s, when the top centile’s share of national income was barely 7 percent. Again, this collapse was due solely to the decrease of very high incomes from capital (or, crudely put, the fall of the rentier). If we look only at wages, we find that the upper centile’s share remains
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sum up: the reduction of inequality in France during the twentieth century is largely explained by the fall of the rentier and the collapse of very high incomes from capital. No generalized structural process of inequality compression (and particularly wage inequality compression) seems to have operated over the long run, contrary to the
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in fact reflect very different situations, and we would never learn anything about these differences if we restricted ourselves to tax return data. Generally speaking, very high incomes from capital usually correspond to fortunes so large that it is hard to imagine that they could have been amassed with savings from labor income
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mobility is often mentioned as a reason to believe that increasing inequality is not that important. In fact, if each individual were to enjoy a very high income for part of his or her life (for example, if each individual spent a year in the upper centile of the income hierarchy), then an
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remains. As Edward Wolff and Ajit Zacharias have pointed out, the upper centile always consists of several different social groups, some with very high incomes from capital and others with very high incomes from labor; the latter do not supplant the former.39 FIGURE 8.9. The composition of top incomes in the United States in
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. Sources and series: see piketty.pse.ens.fr/capital21c. The final and perhaps most important point in need of clarification is that the increase in very high incomes and very high salaries primarily reflects the advent of “supermanagers,” that is, top executives of large firms who have managed to obtain extremely high, historically
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financial professions (including both managers of banks and other financial institutions and traders operating on the financial markets) are about twice as common in the very high income groups as in the economy overall (roughly 20 percent of top 0.1 percent, whereas finance accounts for less than 10 percent of GDP). Nevertheless
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failure of the theory of marginal productivity and the race between education and technology is no doubt its inability to adequately explain the explosion of very high incomes from labor observed in the United States since 1980. According to this theory, one should be able to explain this change as the result of
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increased in Continental Europe and Japan. Sources and series: see piketty.pse.ens.fr/capital21c. From a macroeconomic point of view, however, the explosion of very high incomes has thus far been of limited importance in continental Europe and Japan: the rise has been impressive, to be sure, but too few people have
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to another force for divergence that is more political in nature: the decrease in the top marginal income tax rate led to an explosion of very high incomes, which then increased the political influence of the beneficiaries of the change in the tax laws, who had an interest in keeping top tax rates
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at significantly higher (or lower) rates can have a strong influence on the structure of inequality. In particular, the evidence suggests that progressive taxation of very high incomes and very large estates partly explains why the concentration of wealth never regained its astronomic Belle Époque levels after the shocks of 1914–1945. Conversely
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was slightly lower, especially in the 1970s.34 This distinction is interesting, because it is a translation into fiscal terms of the suspicion that surrounded very high incomes: all excessively high incomes were suspect, but unearned incomes were more suspect than earned incomes. The contrast between attitudes then and now, with capital income
by Chester W. Hartman and Sarah Carnochan · 15 Feb 2002 · 518pp · 170,126 words
tax system’s greatest loopholes. The recipients of state and local bond interest income (and hence of the tax shelter they provide) are persons in very high income brackets. See David J. Ott and Attiat F. Ott, “The Tax Subsidy through Exemption of State and Local Bond Interest” in The Economics of Federal
by Thomas Stanley and William Danko · 15 Nov 2010 · 273pp · 78,850 words
only a tiny fraction. Why? Because most have a lavish lifestyle—and they can support such a lifestyle as long as they are earning a very high income. Technically, they may be millionaires (have a minimum net worth of $1 million or more), but they are typically low on the prodigious accumulator of
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all the millionaires transform themselves into nonmillionaires. Mr. Stern: What about all those famous people we read about in the newspaper? The ones who have very high incomes? Mr. Young: God bless them, Bob. They are our best customers. I love people who are big earners. Realized income is our salvation. I want
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, money is a resource that should never be squandered. They know that planning, budgeting, and being frugal are essential parts of building wealth, even for very high-income producers. Even high-income producers must live below their means if they intend to become financially independent. And if you’re not financially independent, you
by Branko Milanovic · 10 Apr 2016 · 312pp · 91,835 words
income distribution from being strongly twin-peaked (having many people at very low incomes, then practically nobody in the middle, and finally more people at very high income levels) to being fuller in the middle, such that the global income distribution is now beginning to look like the distribution of a single country
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outbreak of World War I. According to this interpretation the war was caused by imperialist competition, embedded in the domestic economic conditions of the time: very high income and wealth inequality, high savings of the upper classes, insufficient domestic aggregate demand, and the need of capitalists to find profitable uses for surplus savings
by Charles Kenny · 31 Jan 2011 · 272pp · 71,487 words
also brought immense benefits for people rich and poor in countries North and South. That technology has made quality of life ever cheaper means that very high incomes—and their associated environmental costs—are less and less a necessary element of the good life. Africa’s not-inconsiderable progress also gives the lie
by Jonathan Tepper · 20 Nov 2018 · 417pp · 97,577 words
10.9 Markups in Advanced Economies Have Been Rising since the 1980s SOURCE: International Monetary Fund. Given Piketty's diagnosis is incorrect, his solutions of very high income taxes and a wealth tax are also not the appropriate responses. It is like recommending opiates to a cancer patient. It may numb the pain
by Martin Sandbu · 15 Jun 2020 · 322pp · 84,580 words
countries contribute most to the characteristic shape end up buttressing the original interpretation of the data: that the global middle and the very richest enjoyed very high income growth while those in the lower part of rich-country income distributions suffered relative stagnation. See Martin Sandbu, “The Charting of Inequality Deserves Greater Scrutiny
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